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We expand on ongoing debates about the role of economic losses and benefits for a clean energy transition. Rather than focusing on the potential economic benefits of alternative industries and energy sources, we highlight the role of economic optimism people display towards the fossil fuel industry. We argue that people's confidence in the fossil fuel industry to remain an important economic driver in the future can undermine support for climate policies because people do not perceive a need to turn to alternative industries for economic prosperity. Instead, they continue to support the status-quo. We test our argument using survey level data collected in the spring of 2019 in the Canadian province of Alberta, an ideal case due to the province's economic dependence on the fossil fuel industry. The results support our argument, highlighting the need for policymakers to develop communication strategies on future economic benefits of energy transition. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

THE CONTINUED UNDER-REPRESENTATION OF WOMEN IN CANADIAN POLITICS In The Second Sex, Simone de Beauvoir noted that, among other things, politics 'has always been a man's world.' (1) This statement [...]

Mona Lena Krook, QUOTAS FOR WOMEN IN POLITICS: GENDER AND CANDIDATE SELECTION REFORM WORLDWIDE. New York: Oxford University Press, 2009. 290p. bibl. index. $49-95, ISBN 978-0195375671. Manon Tremblay, ed., WOMEN [...]

The electoral district is the fundamental unit of representation in single- and multi-member electoral systems, yet most research shows little interest in district effects on election outcomes, focusing instead on national and individual factors. This is problematic as parties and candidates often put a great deal of effort into district-based campaigns. How, then, can we best capture district effects on party support? We propose a new method using official election returns and geospatial techniques. The result is a measure of how much of a party's vote share is explained by district effects. Using data from the 2006–2019 Canadian federal elections, we find that, on average, 6 to 10 per cent of the variation in a party's vote in Canada is explained by district effects. While district effects on party support are trivial for some districts, in others they account for more than 80 per cent of the variance in party vote shares. The effect of districts on party support is composed, in part, of electoral context, province, socio-economic factors and district campaign intensity. Importantly, the size and sources of district effects on party support vary across parties, suggesting heterogeneity. The benefits of our approach are threefold: (1) it is cost-effective, (2) it can be easily replicated in any setting—past or present—where districts are relevant electoral units and where districting is nonpartisan, and (3) it is responsive to differences in district composition and parties' campaign effort. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

In many political science journals, fewer than half of the invitations sent to potential reviewers are accepted. These low acceptance rates increase workloads for editors and lengthen the review process for authors. This article reports analyses of reviewer invitation acceptance at the Canadian Journal of Political Science between 2017 and 2020. We first describe predictors of invitation acceptance using a coded dataset of almost 1,500 invitations. We find that reviewers who are personally familiar to editors, located in the same country as the journal, and more junior scholars were more likely to accept invitations. We then report the results of an experiment that tested the effect of three letters on invitation acceptance. We find that a short personal note from the editor to accompany the auto-generated system message may increase reviewer acceptance rates but highlighting the journal's prestige or reviewer recognition does not. We conclude by discussing the practical implications of our findings for editorial-team design and the editorial process. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Women politicians have long faced a gendered media environment, where their novelty, potential (in)competence, family, and appearance have been over-emphasized in comparison to men. Much of this literature has focused on politicians running for office and women who hold legislative office. Little research investigates gendered news media presentations of women as heads of government. While the literature predicts that women heads of government should experience gendered differences in news coverage, there is also good reason to expect that news about government operations should not vary based on the gender of the government leader. Using their first year of online news coverage (N = 11,675), we build a series of dictionaries and use automated content analysis to assess how frequently heads of government's uniqueness, gender, family, appearance, sexual orientation, character, and competence are presented. We also assess the tone of news about each head of government. Results show that gendered coverage exists for women heads of government in potentially surprising ways. Fewer new stories are written about them, on average, than men. Women's coverage features more feminine and masculine gendered identifiers, as well as more coverage about their clothing. We find little evidence for increased personalization, and women's character and competence are presented more positively than men's. Though blunt, this analysis shows that news about heads of government remains gendered. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

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