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Understorey herbs form a diverse and understudied plant assemblage in tropical forests. Although several studies and research teams have long been dedicated to the study of this conspicuous vegetation component in Amazonia, no effort to unify the data has been undertaken to date. In contrast to trees and other life forms for which major data compilations already exist, a unified database dedicated to herbs is still lacking. Part of the problem is in defining what is a herb and how to effectively sample herb assemblages. In this article, we describe the database HERBase, an exhaustive compilation of published and unpublished data on herb inventories in Amazonia. We also describe the structure, functioning, and guidelines for data curation and integration in HERBase. We were able to compile information from 1381 plots from all six Amazonian geographic regions. Based on this dataset, we describe and discuss sampling and knowledge gaps, priority areas for new collections, and recommend sampling protocols to facilitate data integration in the future. This novel database provides a unique biodiversity data repository on understorey herbs that will enable new studies on community ecology and biogeography.

Funding: Floristic identification in plots in the RAINFOR forest monitoring network have been supported by the Natural Environment Research Council (grants NE/B503384/1, NE/ D01025X/1, NE/I02982X/1, NE/F005806/1, NE/D005590/1 and NE/I028122/1) and the Gordon and Betty Moore Foundation. In a time of rapid global change, the question of what determines patterns in species abundance distribution remains a priority for understanding the complex dynamics of ecosystems. The constrained maximization of information entropy provides a framework for the understanding of such complex systems dynamics by a quantitative analysis of important constraints via predictions using least biased probability distributions. We apply it to over two thousand hectares of Amazonian tree inventories across seven forest types and thirteen functional traits, representing major global axes of plant strategies. Results show that constraints formed by regional relative abundances of genera explain eight times more of local relative abundances than constraints based on directional selection for specific functional traits, although the latter does show clear signals of environmental dependency. These results provide a quantitative insight by inference from large-scale data using cross-disciplinary methods, furthering our understanding of ecological dynamics. Publisher PDF

Rice is a keystone crop in all Maroon communities in Suriname and French Guyana today and they cultivate hundreds of traditional varieties. Historically, rice can be considered an indicator crop for successful marronnage in the Guianas. Unraveling local variety names can reveal the history, farming systems, spiritual significance and probably the diversity of rice in Maroon communities. We interviewed 67 rice farmers (96% female), collected over 400 rice specimens and built a database with 284 unique rice names from our own fieldwork and previously collected names. The process of naming a rice variety is complex, but there are recurrent patterns among the five Maroon groups we studied. We categorized names referring to morphology, agronomy, animals, humans, and rice brought from specific regions or by other Maroon and non-Maroon groups. Very few names are shared between Maroon groups. When we showed the farmers six rice varieties from outside their village, all recognized African rice (Oryza glaberrima) and pende (O. sativa with spotted husks). When a variety was unknown, an initial name was given based on its morphology. Maroon rice names are truly unique as they reflect the varieties that were available, the history of plantations and marronnage, climate aspects that influenced the selection of farmers, the many separate groups of runaways joining the Maroons, the adaptation to the Amazonian ecosystem, and their contacts with outsiders. Our results show that unravelling Maroon rice names leads to a better understanding of the close connection between the process of marronage, locally developed agricultural practices, and connections to West Africa. These historical origins continue to exist and form a unique Maroon system of variety exchange, farm management and crop diversity.

Given the few written documents left behind by those who escaped slavery, the analysis of African agency in the transfer of crops and knowledge in the successful establishment of Maroon communities benefits from other disciplines, such as oral history, ethnobotany and linguistics. Here we report the histories of several enslaved women, who escaped in the early periods of slave rebellion in Suriname. They played a crucial role in ensuring food security for their runaway communities by bringing rice seeds hidden in their hair. We combined information from ethnobotanical surveys, Maroon oral history, archival documents and published accounts to show how Maroon farmers safeguard their agricultural diversity and cultural heritage by cultivating rice varieties that still carry the names of their female ancestors who took along these seeds during their flight to freedom. We trace the routes of the Saramaccan ancestors Sééi, Yaya and Paánza, Tjowa of the Matawai, Sapali, Ana and Bapi of the Aucans, and describe the rice varieties named after them. The legends of these female ancestors acknowledge the importance of women in Maroon survival. Maroon women’s agricultural knowledge probably contains much more neglected oral history on how their ancestors obtained food crops from plantations or Amerindians.

By the mid-seventeenth century, images of natural elements that originated in Dutch Brazil circulated in Europe. These were often included in art collections (theLibri Picturati), and natural history treatises (theHistoria Naturalis Brasiliaeand theIndia Utriesque re Naturale et Medica). The plant woodcut images in these books constituted (icono) type specimens and played a significant role in the transmission of (botanical) knowledge. We present a systematic analysis of their origins by cross-referencing the visual and textual sources related to Dutch Brazil. To do so, we used the scientific identifications of the portrayed plants and digital archival material. The plant woodcuts accounted for 529 images, which correspond to 426 taxa. We created a PDF booklet to visualize the correlations of the woodcuts with theLibri Picturatiand other visual sources. Substantial differences in the visual-making methodology exist between the two treatises (1648, 1658). Overall, availability, economy, and the Indigenous Tupi-based plant names that accompanied the images were crucial when arranging the sources, as well as portraying as much botanical information as possible.Freshly picked, living plants, and dried branches, fruits, and seeds were used to represent the megadiverse Brazilian flora, even when these belonged to species originating from other regions. Despite not being recognized for their contribution, Indigenous Brazilians and enslaved Africans were essential in the visual knowledge-making processes that later resulted in these natural history collections. As several sources remain lost and many histories yet untold, further archival studies and collaborative projects are pertinent to reveal the missing pieces of this conundrum.

Collecting plants and making herbarium specimens was quintessential for an eighteenth century botanist. Studying the extant plant specimens from this period can give us valuable insights into how scholars approached the science of botany. Several dried plant specimens in the 18(th)-century Van Royen collection kept at Naturalis, Leiden, have at one time been recognised as originating from Herman Boerhaave (1668-1738). The aim of this study is to establish which specimens come from Boerhaave and try to answer the question why relatively few of these survived. We verified which specimens came from Boerhaave and updated the existing identifications of 88 specimens. We studied the way the specimens were mounted, the handwritings on the various labels and the use of decorations. We taxonomically identified them and linked the accompanying labels to the seed register of the Leiden Hortus Botanicus, where these specimens originated from. The transcription of the labels provided us with valuable information about the introduction and cultivation of indigenous and exotic, predominantly Mediterranean, plant species. Little effort has been put into connecting the contribution by Boerhaave with the living collection of the Leiden Hortus botanicus at the time, that is, the herbarium specimens we now know to have been described by Boerhaave. By studying these specimens we made his contribution visible.

Suriname’s freshwater systems are home to a large diversity of (endemic) fish species, and communities of Suriname’s interior strongly depend on this diversity for their nutrient intake. However, studies on traditional knowledge of the country’s freshwater fish and fish-plant interactions are scarce. Here, we present our findings of a pilot study in the Aucan Maroon community of Diitabiki (Tapanahoni river). We report the species of freshwater fish caught for food, their corresponding Aucan names and plants eaten by fish and/or used for fishing by the local population. We held semi-structured interviews and performed participant observation with fishers and forest guides in August and September 2021. We recorded 14 fish species, of which 12 were identified to species level, and recorded 16 Aucan fish names, of which nine were previously undocumented. Furthermore, we reported 11 plant species that were used for fishing and one fish poison (Tephrosia sinapou (Buc’hoz) A.Chev.). Suriname’s riverine ecosystems are threatened by gold mining activities that endanger the health of local communities, as well as the fish populations and riverine forests on which both people and fish depend. Local knowledge on fish, their feeding behavior and the flooded forests is essential for the conservation of this important Amazonian ecosystem, for the development of sustainable management plans and health education programs on mercury levels in consumption fish.

The history of the tomato’s interactions with humans spans both a pre-Columbian period of millennia of cultivation and domestication in South and Central America as well as the plant’s rise to becoming one of the world’s major cash crops following the arrival of Europeans in the Neotropics and the subsequent Columbian Exchange. In the process, the influence of successive regimes of artificial selection gave rise to an entangled species complex comprised of a wild ancestor and numerous cultivars exhibiting a great diversity of fruit phenotypes (often sorted in ‘cherry’ and big types). Here, we provide a snapshot into these dynamics by presenting the ancient nuclear and plastid genomes of one of the oldest tomatoes still in existence: the almost half a millennium old En Tibi specimen from the Italian Renaissance. By placing the genome skimming data obtained from this specimen within the phylogenomic context of wild relatives and Neotropical tomato cultivars and land races, we are able to show that the most likely geographic origins of the specimen’s immediate ancestors, i.e. whence the exchange of this particular lineage originated, are around the Gulf of Mexico. We also show that this specimen was less inbred than present-day tomatoes, shedding light on the genomic signatures of historical domestication processes. Probing deeper into the ancestry that shaped extant genetic diversity within the complex, we reconstruct multiple ancestral populations with diffuse but distinct signatures in cherry and big tomatoes. The geographic structure of these ancestries within the nearest wild relative of tomatoes and the differential extent to which these ancestries are represented in domesticates points to early cultivation and human-assisted dispersal of tomatoes originating from the northern extreme of the natural range of the species. Our findings illustrate the inferences that can be drawn from ancient DNA extracted from herbarium specimens and historic plant collections. At the same time, we stress that our findings draw on multiple disciplines including ethnobotanical and historical research and on the (agri)cultural contributions of a variety of world cultures.

Legally protected plants are illegally traded through online sales platforms and orchids are a significant component of this wildlife trade. This study focused on salep, a compound product made from wild collected orchid tubers from several genera—including Anacamptis, Dactylorhiza, Himantoglossum, Ophrys, Orchis, Serapias—whose harvest endangers some of the species used, despite their collection and sale being restricted by national and international legislation. Using a custom designed web crawler in combination with DNA barcoding of a subset of products over 18 months 1942 items of salep were detected as sold at a total value of US$ 37,775, estimated to be equivalent to 90,000 to 180,000 wild orchids being destructively harvested. Wild harvested tubers traded at a value of $0.21 and equivalent cultivated orchids have a market price of $16–28; cultivation is currently no viable alternative to wild harvesting. Using a web crawler on open trade sites contributes to knowledge on illegal wildlife trade, which can be used to address illegal plant trade at the national and international level.

In his 1959 book, Africa: Its Peoples and Their Culture History, George P. Murdock suggested that a Malaysian complex of crops dispersed to Africa in ancient times across the Indian Ocean along the Sabaean Lane. The Malaysian complex comprised bananas, sugarcane, taro, three yam species, rice, Polynesian arrowroot, breadfruit, coconut, areca palm, and betel leaf. Except for rice, arrowroot, and potentially taro, most of these crops were domesticated in the Island Southeast Asia-New Guinea region, from where they dispersed to Africa. Our reassessment of agronomic, archaeological, classical, genetic, and historical sources shows that we need to go beneath standard historical narratives to recover a much more ancient and complex history of crop introductions to Africa. Despite considerable uncertainty and fragmented research, we were able to conclude that the Malaysian complex of crops did not arrive in Africa as a complete assemblage at one time or along one route. Multiple lines of evidence suggest that these crops arrived in Africa at different times and followed different pathways of introduction to the continent.

Tulipa sylvestris, commonly called the “wild tulip”, was introduced from the Mediterranean to northern Europe in the sixteenth century and became widely naturalized. Research has focused on tulips that came from the Orient, but the introduction path of this native European, early ornamental tulip is unclear, and so is its taxonomic status: three subspecies are provisionally accepted, sometimes treated as species. Here we elucidate the history of introduction of T. sylvestris and discuss its taxonomy based on our historical findings. The first bulbs came from Bologna (northern Italy) and Montpellier (southern France) in the 1550s-1570s. Several renown botanists were involved in their introduction, namely Gessner, Wieland, Aldrovandi, De Lobel, Clusius, and Dodoens. There were various introduction routes, including one from Spain which was apparently unsuccessful. The strong sixteenth-century Flemish botanical network facilitated the introduction and naturalization of T. sylvestris across Europe. Based on the latest tulip taxonomy, the diploid subspecies australis is native in the Mediterranean, and the tetraploid sylvestris is naturalized over Europe, but our historical findings show that both sylvestris and australis were introduced. This underlines the need to reconsider the taxonomic status of T. sylvestris, highlighting the importance of botanical history in understanding the complex taxonomy of naturalized cultivated plants.

Background Some 35,000 indentured laborers from India were recruited to work on plantations in Suriname between 1868 and 1916. It is likely that most were familiar with farming before they were shipped to this former Dutch colony in the Caribbean. Around 1900, those who did not return received a piece of land where most of them started growing rice as a staple crop. Agronomists characterized their traditional landraces as inferior and infested with weedy rice and started to ‘purify’ these landraces. No research has been done on whether these ancient rice varieties still exist. We aimed to document the rice varieties (both landraces and more modern cultivars) grown currently or in the recent past by (descendants of) Hindustani smallholders in Suriname, their origin, morphological and agronomic characters, local uses and cultural and spiritual relevance. Given the rapid decline in small-scale rice cultivation in the past 40 years, we wanted to know why people continued or abandoned rice farming and what aspects of traditional practices still survived. Methods We interviewed 26 (former) small-scale Hindustani farmers and asked about the varieties they cultivated and traditional agricultural practices. We collected seed samples, local names and associated information, and compared these to information from agricultural reports from the colonial period. We also interviewed 11 Maroons, one Javanese farmer, and three persons of mixed ethnicity, who were somehow involved in the cultivation of East Indian rice varieties. Results and discussion Hindustani smallholders in Suriname largely lost their traditional rice landraces. Most of the interviewed farmers grew modern cultivars, developed after 2000. Some cultivars from the 1950s were still planted for fodder, but these were heavily mixed with weedy rice and other weeds. Maroon farmers in the interior, however, still actively cultivated varieties with names like ‘coolie rice’, which probably descend from landraces introduced by the Indian contract laborers, although this needs to be confirmed by molecular research. Although traditional cultivation practices seem to have been lost, smallholders still retain pleasant memories of the manual planting, harvesting, and processing of rice, as well as the gender-based practices and beliefs associated with the cultivation of the crop. The oral history of former rice farmers and traditional rice varieties (possibly obtained from Maroon fields) could play a role in museum settings as living vehicles for memories of the descendants of Asian contract labourers in Suriname and Guyana.

The ancestors of the Saramaccan Maroons, who were brought as enslaved Africans to Suriname, used their ethnobotanical knowledge and native languages to name the flora in their new environment. Little is known about the influence of African languages on Saramaccan plant naming. We hypothesized that Saramaccan plant names were more influenced by Central African languages than found so far based on ethnobotanical research, mainly because data on the Central African region was scarce. We compiled a new database on Saramaccan plant names and compared these names with an unpublished plant name database from the Democratic Republic of the Congo and the earlier published NATRAPLAND database on Afro–Surinamese plant names to find comparable plant names for botanically related species in Africa. We further analyzed form, meaning, function, and categories of Saramaccan plant name components by means of dictionaries and grammars. In total, 39% of the Saramaccan plant names had an African origin, of which 44% were African retentions, 54% were innovations, and 2% were misidentifications with botanical links to Africa via other plant species. Most retentions were of Central African origin (62%). The Bantu language that contributed most to Saramaccan plant names was Kikongo, followed by West African Kwa languages. Plant names reveal important information on the African origin of the Saramaccans and deserve more scientific attention.

BackgroundSoon after the Spanish conquest of the Americas, the first tomatoes were presented as curiosities to the European royals and drew the attention of sixteenth-century Italian naturalists. Despite of their scientific interest in this New World crop, most Renaissance botanists did not specify where these ‘golden apples’ or ‘pomi d’oro’ came from. The debate on the first European tomatoes and their origin is often hindered by erroneous dating, botanical misidentifications and inaccessible historical sources. The discovery of a tomato specimen in the sixteenth-century ‘En Tibi herbarium’ kept at Leiden, the Netherlands led to claims that its DNA would reveal the ‘original’ taste and pest resistance of early tomatoes.MethodsRecent digitization efforts greatly facilitate research on historic botanical sources. Here we provide an overview of the ten remaining sixteenth-century tomato specimens, early descriptions and 13 illustrations. Several were never published before, revealing what these tomatoes looked like, who saw them, and where they came from.ResultsOur survey shows that the earliest tomatoes in Europe came in a much wider variety of colors, shapes and sizes than previously thought, with both simple and fasciated flowers, round and segmented fruits. Pietro Andrea Matthioli gave the first description of a tomato in 1544, and the oldest specimens were collected by Ulisse Aldrovandi and Francesco Petrollini in c. 1551 from plants grown in the Pisa botanical garden by their teacher Luca Ghini. The oldest illustrations were made in Germany in the early 1550s, but the Flemish Rembert Dodoens published the first image in 1553. The names of early tomatoes in contemporary manuscripts suggest both a Mexican and a Peruvian origin. The ‘En Tibi’ specimen was collected by Petrollini around Bologna in 1558 and thus is not the oldest extant tomato. Although only 1.2% of its DNA was readable, recent molecular research shows that the En Tibi tomato was a fully domesticated, but quite heterozygous individual and genetically close to three Mexican and two Peruvian tomato landraces. Molecular research on the other sixteenth-century tomato specimens may reveal other patterns of genetic similarity and geographic origin. Clues on the ‘historic’ taste and pest resistance of the sixteenth-century tomatoes should not be searched in their degraded DNA, but rather in those landraces in Central and South America that are genetically close to them. The indigenous farmers growing these traditional varieties should be supported to conserve these heirloom varieties in-situ.

Made available in DSpace on 2021-06-25T10:27:12Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 0 Previous issue date: 2021-01-01 Coordenação de Aperfeiçoamento de Pessoal de Nível Superior (CAPES) The forests of Amazonia are among the most biodiverse plant communities on Earth. Given the immediate threats posed by climate and land-use change, an improved understanding of how this extraordinary biodiversity is spatially organized is urgently required to develop effective conservation strategies. Most Amazonian tree species are extremely rare but a few are common across the region. Indeed, just 227 ‘hyperdominant’ species account for >50% of all individuals >10 cm diameter at 1.3 m in height. Yet, the degree to which the phenomenon of hyperdominance is sensitive to tree size, the extent to which the composition of dominant species changes with size class and how evolutionary history constrains tree hyperdominance, all remain unknown. Here, we use a large floristic dataset to show that, while hyperdominance is a universal phenomenon across forest strata, different species dominate the forest understory, midstory and canopy. We further find that, although species belonging to a range of phylogenetically dispersed lineages have become hyperdominant in small size classes, hyperdominants in large size classes are restricted to a few lineages. Our results demonstrate that it is essential to consider all forest strata to understand regional patterns of dominance and composition in Amazonia. More generally, through the lens of 654 hyperdominant species, we outline a tractable pathway for understanding the functioning of half of Amazonian forests across vertical strata and geographical locations. Institute of Environment Department of Biological Sciences Florida International University School of Geography University of Leeds Center for Global Discovery and Conservation Science Arizona State University Instituto Nacional de Pesquisas da Amazônia (INPA) Ecology and Evolutionary Biology University of Michigan Departamento de Ciencias Forestales Universidad Nacional de Colombia Departamento de Biología Universidad Autónoma de Madrid Centro de Investigación en Biodiversidad y Cambio Global (CIBC-UAM) Universidad Autónoma de Madrid Naturalis Biodiversity Center Systems Ecology Vrije Universiteit Lancaster Environment Centre Lancaster University Environmental Change Institute University of Oxford Faculty of Environmental Sciences and Natural Resource Management Norwegian University of Life Sciences School of Geosciences University of Edinburgh Missouri Botanical Garden Brazilian Agricultural Research Corporation (Embrapa) Universidad Nacional de San Antonio Abad del Cusco Department of Intergrative Biology University of California Berkeley Department of Biology University of Turku Instituto de Investigaciones de la Amazonía Peruana UNELLEZ-Guanare Programa de Ciencias del Agro y el Mar Herbario Universitario (PORT) Compensation International Progress S. A.—Ciprogress Greenlife AMAP Université de Montpellier CIRAD CNRS INRAE IRD Environmental and Rural Science University of New England INRA UMR EcoFoG AgroParisTech CNRS CIRAD Université des Antilles Université de Guyane CIRAD UMR EcoFoG BIOMAS Universidad de Las Américas Instituto de Ecología Herbario Nacional de Bolivia Departamento de Biologia Universidade Federal de Rondônia Laboratoire Evolution et Diversité Biologique (EDB) CNRS/UPS School of Geography Earth and Environmental Sciences University of Plymouth Department of Ecology and Evolutionary Biology Cornell University Department of Geography University of Exeter Facultad de Ciencias Biológicas Universidad Nacional de la Amazonía Peruana Estación Biológica del Jardín Botánico de Missouri Institut de Ciència i Tecnologia Ambientals Universitat Autònoma de Barcelona School of Geography & Sustainable Development University of St Andrews Department of Environment and Development Federal University of Amapá Centre for Tropical Environmental and Sustainability Science (TESS) and College of Marine and Environmental Sciences James Cook University Department of Environmental Science and Policy George Mason University Inventory and Monitoring Program National Park Service Smithsonian Institution Department of Plant Sciences University of Cambridge Living with Lakes Centre Laurentian University DRGB Instituto Nacional de Innovación Agraria (INIA) Herbarium Amazonense (AMAZ) Universidad Nacional de la Amazonia Peruana Department of Ecology Universidade de São Paulo Institute for Biodiversity and Ecosystem Dynamics University of Amsterdam Centro de Estudos da Biodiversidade Universidade Federal de Roraima Museo de Historia Natural Noel Kempff Mercado Universidad Autónoma Gabriel Rene Moreno Faculdade de Ciências Agrárias Biológicas e Sociais Aplicadas Universidad do Estado de Mato Grosso Centro de Biociências Universidade Federal do Rio Grande do Norte Department of Ecology Evolution and Behaviour University of Minnesota Department of Geography University College London Departamento de Ciencias Biológicas Universidad de Los Andes (Colombia) Centro de Ciências Biológicas e da Natureza Universidade Federal do Acre Nicholas School of the Environment Duke University Iwokrama International Centre for Rainforest Conservation and Development Smithsonian’s National Zoo & Conservation Biology Institute Instituto de Ciencias Naturales Universidad Nacional de Colombia Universidade Federal Rural da Amazônia—UFRA/CAPES Museu Paraense Emílio Goeldi Laboratorio de Ecología de Bosques Tropicales y Primatología Fundación Natura Colombia Universidad de Los Andes Facultad de Forestales Universidad Nacional de la Amazonía Peruana Institute of Research for Forestry Development Universidad de los Andes School of Environmental and Forest Sciences (SEFS) University of Washington Universidad Regional Amazónica Ikiam Agteca-Amazonica Universidad Autónoma del Beni Instituto Amazónico de Investigaciones (IMANI) Universidad Nacional de Colombia Broward County Parks and Recreation Biological Sciences Florida Atlantic University-Davie Museu Universitário Universidade Federal do Acre Facultad de Ingeniería Ambiental Universidad Estatal Amazónica Department of Biology Washington University in St Louis National Institute for Space Research (INPE) Geoinformática & Sistemas (GeoIS) School of Earth Sciences and Environmental Sustainability Northern Arizona University Department of Geography and the Environment University of Texas at Austin Instituto de Ciência e Tecnologia São Paulo State University (UNESP) School of Anthropology and Conservation University of Kent Universidade Federal do Amazonas Herbario Alfredo Paredes (QAP) Universidad Central del Ecuador School of Geography Earth and Environmental Sciences University of Birmingham Department of Life Sciences Imperial College London Science and Education The Field Museum Universidad Tecnica del Norte Herbario Nacional del Ecuador Research Institute Alexander von Humboldt Instituto de Ciência e Tecnologia São Paulo State University (UNESP)

The sixteenth century was a golden age for botany, a time when numerous naturalists devoted themselves to the study and documentation of plant diversity. A very prominent figure among them was the German physician, botanist, and traveler Leonhard Rauwolf (1535?–1596), famous for his travel account and luxurious book herbarium containing plants from the Near East. Here, we focus on the less studied, early book herbaria of Rauwolf. These form a three-volume plant collection bound in leather and gold, which contains over 600 plants that Rauwolf collected between 1560 and 1563 in S. France and N. Italy when he was a student of medicine. We show the botanical value of Rauwolf’s early book herbaria, exemplified by two exotic American specimens, namely one of the oldest surviving specimens of tobacco (Nicotiana rustica), collected in Italy, and the oldest known French record of prickly pear (Opuntia ficus-indica). These well-preserved specimens indicate that Rauwolf was eager to collect exotic plants already in his early botanical steps. We further discuss Rauwolf’s professional botanical network during his student years and suggest that the famous Swiss botanist Johann Bauhin (1541–1613), friend and companion of Rauwolf during his field excursions and their medical studies in Montpellier, has played a significant role in the compilation of this precious historical plant collection. We also show that Leonhart Fuchs (and not Carolus Clusius) extensively annotated the three book herbaria. Finally, we reconstruct the story of making of the book herbaria, as evidenced through observations of paper watermarks and handwritten texts in the book volumes, and show that all four book herbaria of Rauwolf were probably bound between 1577 and 1582.

Ethnopharmacological relevance Quassia amara L. recently came into the spotlight in French Guiana, when it became the object of a biopiracy claim. Due to the numerous use records throughout the Guiana shield, at least since the 18th century, a thorough investigation of its origin seemed relevant and timely. In the light of the Convention on Biological Diversity (CBD) and the Nagoya protocol, questions about the origin of local knowledge are important to debate. Aim of the study: Defining cultural biogeography as the dynamics through space and time of biocultural complexes, we used this theoretical framework to shed light on the complex biogeographical and cultural history of Q. amara. We explored in particular the possible transfer of medicinal knowledge on an Old World species to a botanically related New World one by enslaved Africans in Suriname. Materials and methods Historical and contemporary literature research was performed by means of digitized manuscripts, archives and databases from the 17th to the 21st century. We retrieved data from digitized herbarium vouchers in herbaria of the Botanic Garden Meise (Belgium); Naturalis Biodiversity Center (the Netherlands); Missouri Botanical Garden, the Smithsonian National Museum of Natural History, the Field Museum (USA); Royal Botanic Gardens Kew (UK); the IRD Herbarium, French Guiana and the Museum National d’Histoire Naturelle (France). Vernacular names were retrieved from literature and herbarium specimens and compared to verify the origin of Quassia amara and its uses. Results Our exploration of digitized herbarium vouchers resulted in 1287 records, of which 661 were Q. amara and 636 were Q. africana. We observed that the destiny of this species, over at least 300 years, interweaves politics, economy, culture and medicine in a very complex way. Quassia amara's uses are difficult to attribute to specific cultural groups: the species is widely distributed in Central and South America, where it is popular among many ethnic groups. The species spread from Central to South America during the early 18th century due to political and economic reasons. This migration possibly resulted from simultaneous migration by religious orders (Jesuits) from Central America to northern South America and by Carib-speaking Amerindians (from northern South America to Suriname). Subsequently, through colonial trade networks, Q. amara spread to the rest of the world. The absence of African-derived local names in the Guiana shield suggests that Q. africana was not sufficiently familiar to enslaved Africans in the region that they preserved its names and transferred the associated medicinal knowledge to Q. amara. Conclusions Cultural biogeography has proven an interesting concept to reconstruct the dynamics of biocultural interactions through space and time, while herbarium databases have shown to be useful to decipher evolution of local plant knowledge. Tracing the origin of a knowledge is nevertheless a complex adventure that deserves time and interdisciplinary studies.

Background In spite of an increasing number of ethnobotanical market surveys in the past decades, few studies compare changes in plant species trade over time. The open-air market Ver-o-Peso (VOP) in Belém, located near the mouth of the Amazon River in the state of Pará, Brazil, is known for its wide variety of medicinal plants. A survey of VOP was published in 1984, but it remains unknown to what extent its botanical composition changed over 34 years. Furthermore, in northern Brazil, little attention has been given to the origins of the vernacular names of these plants. Our aim is to give an up-to-date overview of the VOP medicinal plant market, concentrating on changes in species composition and vernacular names over time. Methods We collected medicinal plants and vernacular names at VOP in August 2018. We identified most plants at the Museo Paraense Emilio Goeldi Herbarium, where we also deposited vouchers and specimen labels. We compared our species composition data to the 1984 inventory by Van den Berg. Furthermore, we investigated the etymologies of the vernacular plant names. Results We recorded 155 plant specimens and 165 corresponding vernacular names, and collected 146 specimens from the medicinal and ritual stalls of VOP reporting 86 species formerly not recorded at this market. Vernacular names had mostly Portuguese roots, followed by Tupi and African ones. We found 30 species also documented in 1984, and vernacular names that overlapped between both surveys were used for the same botanical species or genus, indicating that vernacular names have changed little in the past decades. Lastly, we found 26 more introduced species sold at VOP compared to 1984. Conclusions Forest degradation and deforestation, prevalence of diseases, and methodological factors may play a role in the differences we found in our survey compared to 1984. Of the plants that did overlap between the two surveys, vernacular names of these plants were hardly different. Lastly, the lingual origins of the vernacular names in our survey and the origins of the plant species reflect the history of the intricate syncretism of medicinal plant practices of indigenous, Afro-Brazilian and European origins in Belém.

The Mediterranean region, including 24 countries at the crossroads of Europe, Africa, and Asia, has a strong culinary tradition shaped through the rich Mediterranean biological and cultural diversity. In this chapter, the variety of culinary aromatic herb species used in the region, their geographical distribution, morphology, essential oils, and culinary applications in Mediterranean countries are documented. The most commonly used aromatic herbs in Mediterranean cookery are parsley, mint, laurel, oregano, thyme, rosemary, coriander, dill, basil, tarragon, chives, sage, marjoram, fennel, and chervil, most of them members of the Lamiaceae and Apiaceae families. Mint, sage, pennyroyal, mountain tea, and several oregano and thyme species are popular herbal teas. Mint, basil, lavender, rosemary, and laurel are sometimes used to aromatize sweet-flavored dishes. Historical uses of culinary herbs in the Mediterranean (ancient Egypt, Greece, Rome) are also discussed. Besides their local culinary importance, Mediterranean aromatic herbs are also part of the international herb trade. Several to numerous botanical species with different essential oil characteristics (and thus different aroma, taste, and biological activity) underlie the commercial names oregano, thyme, mountain tea, mint, and sage. It is suggested that herbal products traded under these names are botanically identified and characterized about their main essential oil compounds so that quality standards are kept. Controlling overharvesting and systematizing the cultivation of wild-collected species will help prevent overexploitation of local plant resources.

International audience

Due to global socio-economical and ecological changes, indigenous societies are exposed to an increased risk of alcohol and substance abuse. Most research on this topic has been done on indigenous communities in Canada, Australia, the US, parts of Europe and New Zealand, leaving indigenous communities in other parts of the world largely unrepresented. This study focuses on alcohol and drug consumption among the Baka: a former hunter-gatherer society in southeastern Cameroon that has been facing drastic socio-ecological changes in the last five decades. During long-term fieldwork we collected ethnographic and empirical data by means of group and individual interviews among four Baka communities. By using a multivariable approach, we describe psychoactive substance use behaviors, its socio-cultural and political context, and consequences. Our findings show that 48% of men, 24% of women and 11% of children between five and 16 years old reported alcohol intake in the past 24 h. The use of Tramadol was also reported, including by children as young as five years old. Psychoactive substances were used for recreational purposes, as painkillers, and energy boosters. Substance abuse was related to health issues, especially problems with fertility, and to several household and social conflicts. Other factors related to substance abuse were Baka's marginalization and sexual exploitation of Baka women and girls. By discussing these matters, we hope to stimulate more research on similar problems in small-scale societies and to invite governments, human rights activists, and other important parties to take action.

Aframomum (Zingiberaceae) is a genus of plants native to tropical Africa that are sold on African markets as spices and traditional medicine. Not all species of Aframomum are equally abundant or widespread, and no overview exists of the specific species traded or the quality of the species identifications in publications referencing the sale of Aframomum. Through a systematic literature review, we show that 14 species of Aframomum are sold in 15 African countries. The majority of the studies were done in Nigeria and Cameroon and A. melegueta was the most frequently reported species in trade. A. kayserianum was the only commercialized species with confirmed conservation issues. Our literature review shows extensive knowledge gaps regarding the commercialization of Aframomum in Africa. Most studies did not include herbarium vouchers, or only used market-sourced plant material, which impedes the possibilities for species verifications. Additionally, most East African countries were devoid of relevant research. These gaps can be bridged by future research in East Africa and voucher collection from living material. Information on the conservation status of traded Aframomum species can be obtained by population studies on wild resources and documenting local domestication efforts, as the cultivation of marketed species tends to relieve the pressure from wild resources.

In tropical rainforests, access to and availability of natural resources are vital for the dietary diversity and food security of forest-dwelling societies. In the Congo Basin, these are challenged by the increasing exploitation of forests for bushmeat, commercial hardwood, mining, and large-scale agriculture. In this context, a balanced approach is needed between the pressures from forest exploitation, non-timber forest product trade and the livelihood and dietary behavior of rural communities. While there is a general positive association between tree cover and dietary diversity, the complex biocultural interactions between tropical forest food resources and the communities they sustain are still understudied. This research focuses on the knowledge and use of wild food plants by the forest-dwelling Baka people in southeast Cameroon. By using two different sets of methods, namely ex-situ interviews and in-situ surveys, we collected ethnographic and ethnobotanical data in two Baka settlements and explored the diversity of wild edible plants known, the frequency of their consumption, and potential conflicts between local diet and commercial trade in forest resources. Within a single Baka population, we showed that the in-situ walk-in-the-woods method resulted in more detailed information on wild food plant knowledge and use frequency than the ex-situ methods of freelisting and dietary recalls. Our in-situ method yielded 91 wild edible species, much more than the ex-situ freelisting interviews (38 spp.) and dietary recalls (12 spp.). Our results suggest that studies that are based only on ex-situ interviews may underestimate the importance of wild food plants for local communities. We discuss the limitations and strengths of these different methods for investigating the diversity of wild food plant knowledge and uses. Our analysis shows that future studies on wild food plants would profit from a mixed approach that combines in-situ and ex-situ methods.

Ethnopharmacological relevance Traditional Chinese Medicine is subject to changes over time: product names, botanical ingredients, processing methods and uses have varied throughout the course of history. Historic collections of Chinese materia medica (CMM) are of great value for research on the evolvement, development and variability of Chinese herbal medicine over time. These changes may have a significant influence on the safety and efficiency of nowadays’ clinical practice. Here we investigate a historic collection of Chinese medicinal products purchased in Indonesia in c. 1870, containing about 395 specimens. Aim of the study This study compares the specimens contained in late 19th century collection of CMM with contemporary marketed materials by investigating changes in vernacular names, botanical identity and processing methods which are important aspects for safety and clinical practice today. Materials and methods The contents and associated documentation of the CMM collection of Dr. C.H.A. Westhoff (University Museum Utrecht) were revised by means of morphological identification and study of the associated historic documentation. We compared this Westhoff collection with contemporary CMM, information from literature and various quality standards, including the official Chinese pharmacopoeia. Results The Westhoff collection represents a unique, well preserved collection of Chinese materia medica, with original uniform bottles, Chinese labels and a partly intact handwritten catalogue. Among the 395 specimens (bottles) of CMM surveyed, there are 387 contain a single component drug, while eight contain multiple components drugs. A total of 293 of the 395 specimens are mentioned in the modern Chinese pharmacopoeia. Ca. 25% of the specimens had been processed, such as stir-fried with or without adjuvants. Our analysis of local Chinese names, botanical content and processing methods indicate that this collection originates from southern part of China, possibly including in the region of Taiwan and was meant as a showcase for pharmaceutical education and/or as curiosity object. Conclusion Differences in vernacular names, plant parts and processing methods between the Westhoff collection and the current Chinese pharmacopoeia illustrate the regional variety of CMM and changes in CMM in the course of time. This work contributes to the understanding of the evolvement of CMM from a historic perspective.

Some 35,000 indentured laborers from India were recruited to work on plantations in Suriname after 1863. Many of them started to grow rice for their subsistence, but were stimulated to replace their traditional landraces for improved cultivars. Few Hindostani smallholders still cultivate rice today, and little is known on their varieties or motivations to continue or abandon this crop. We interviewed 30 persons currently or formerly involved in small-scale Hindostani rice farming, collected rice varieties and documented people’s personal memories and motivation for rice cultivation. In the historic literature, ca. 16 varieties were mentioned to be grown by Indian contract laborers, of which nine were remembered by our interviewees. We recorded 55 variety names, their agronomical and culinary characteristics, geographic origin, and (former) cultivation localities. Most active smallholders grew cultivars developed after 2000, but one landrace (Raymoen) and some old cultivars developed in the 1930-1950s (Rexora and Dima) were still grown for fodder, although heavily adulterated with weedy rice. Maroon farmers in the interior, however, cultivated several varieties of ‘coolie rice’ that they obtained from Hindostani farmers in the past, although this needs to be confirmed by molecular research. Small-scale rice farming in Suriname is declining due to competition with large-scale cultivators, urbanization, better education prospects and migration to the Netherlands. The vivid memories of the (former) rice farmers on traditional practices, gender-based labor division and how rice farming is integrated in the system of beliefs, as well as the few remaining varieties that potentially originated in India, deserve to be better safeguarded and shared with the public than they are today.

The Municipal Museum of Zierikzee houses a loose-leafed herbarium containing 360 dried plant specimens, of which the provenance, age and maker were until recently unknown. By studying the plant specimens, paper, decorations and labels, an image was conveyed of an early 18th century herbarium that matched the description of a herbarium from the legacy of Jakob Ligtvoet, who was gardener in the Leiden Hortus botanicus from 1703 till his death in 1752. This herbarium is one of the oldest garden herbaria of its kind and contains 306 unique species, of which 201 are currently native to the Netherlands. Exotic species come from the Mediterranean (82 spp.), Europe (24), South Africa (8), the Americas (9) and in tropical Asia (7). Based on our comparison of names on the oldest labels, this collection of dried plants was probably started after publication of the first garden catalogue by the prefect of the Leiden garden and professor of botany Herman Boerhaave (1710), but before the second edition in 1719. This historic herbarium reflects the state-of-the-art of botanical science and the international network of Dutch botanical gardens in the early 18th century.

Comparing Apples and Pears: The Hidden Diversity of Central African Bush Mangoes (Irvingiaceae). The fruits of Irvingiaceae trees, commonly known as “bush mangoes” or “mangues sauvages,” are crucial foods for Central African human populations, as well as local wildlife. Irvingiaceae oil-rich kernels play an important role in local diet, well-being, and livelihood. When collected for sale, they enter the international market of non-timber forest products (NTFPs), which represents a considerable source of income for central African countries. Despite the importance of bush mangoes, there is a general lack of precision in the literature on the exact species of Irvingiaceae present in local diets and NTFP markets. Few botanical studies include local names and uses of the different Irvingiaceae species, while ethnographical and social studies rarely corroborate their identifications by collecting vouchers. In this study, we combined ethnographic research and botanical collection to verify which Irvingiaceae species were consumed and collected for trade by the Baka, a group of forager-horticulturalists in southeastern Cameroon. We provide evidence of the floristic diversity hidden behind the term “bush mangoes”, as well as the knowledge and uses of Irvingiaceae fruits by the Baka. We discuss the importance of eight Irvingiaceae species for Baka livelihood as well as the potential threats regarding the future of these valuable trees.