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Huawei, the telecommunications company based in the People's Republic of China (PRC), has presented the governments of several middle powers with a policy dilemma. On the one hand, Huawei's affordable 5G network technology is attractive to telecommunications operators in these countries, which do not have domestic producers of this equipment. On the other hand, the U.S. government and intelligence agencies in other countries maintain that Huawei gear presents intolerable network security risks, a charge that the PRC government and Huawei forcefully reject as they insist Huawei merits access to foreign markets. Facing the question of whether and how to allow the installation of Huawei's 5G equipment in their domestic networks, the governments of Japan, the United Kingdom, and Germany have been caught between the competing demands of the two rivalrous superpowers and faced internal divisions among communities of government experts. At first glance, Japan, the UK, and Germany each appear to have responded to the Huawei dilemma in a different way. The Japanese government moved quickly and without formal announcement to exclude Huawei from its market, while publicly denying a ban. The UK government initially allowed Huawei to supply some of its national 5G infrastructure, but then reversed itself to ban the company's equipment outright after a U.S. regulatory change. The German government has yet to officially ban Huawei, but has taken successive steps to curtail the PRC company's continued involvement in its domestic networks. In spite of their apparent differences, the three national responses to the Huawei dilemma share a fundamental commonality: all amount to ‘non-decision decisions’ on the question of whether and how to allow Huawei to supply domestic 5G networks. In one way or another, each government avoided making policy decisions that were either explicit, definitive, or singular on the issue, but nonetheless reduced the likelihood of Huawei's participation in its domestic 5G infrastructure. After developing the concept of a ‘non-decision decision,’ we explain why these maneuvers are not isolated responses to a specific policy conundrum, but may presage a mode of middle power coping with competing demands from two increasingly rivalrous superpowers.

Although less than a decade old, the People's Republic of China's (PRC) Belt and Road Initiative (BRI) has been the subject of considerable attention and conjecture. After initial waves of speculation and punditry, now more rigorous work on the plans, structure, and implementation of this initiative is beginning to contribute to the debate. In this essay, we showcase how three recent monographs make sense of the BRI: One Belt One Road: Chinese Power Meets the World, by Eyck Freymann; The Belt Road and Beyond: State-Mobilized Globalization in China: 1998–2018, by Min Ye; and Orchestration: China's Economic Statecraft across Asia and Europe, by James Reilly. Surveying the arguments and findings of these works together, we seek to draw out insights and implications for how we should understand the BRI. In particular, we highlight the political significance of the BRI's close association with PRC leader Xi Jinping, the ways in which the BRI follows long-standing patterns of campaign-style mobilization within the PRC, the crucial role of local partners, and the BRI's potential consequences for the larger international system in light of the broader literature in international relations. We conclude by discussing the need to now also consider unintended outcomes.

Research in International Relations (IR) frequently confronts claims about the emotions shared by members of a group. While much attention has been devoted to the potential for affective and emotional experience beyond the individual level, IR scholars have said less about the politics of invoking popular emotion. This article addresses that gap. Specifically, we argue that between individual—and even shared—affective experience on the one hand and group‐based “popular emotion” on the other exists not mechanisms of aggregation but rather processes of framing, projection, and propagation that are deeply political. We distinguish between two tropes that commonly structure references to popular emotion: communal emotion, the idealized attribution of an authentic, unifying emotional response of “the people,” and mass emotion, a volatile and potentially dangerous mob‐like reaction, but one also susceptible to manipulation. Using the outbreak of World War I as a showcase, we demonstrate the political significance of popular emotion, including its enduring relevance for understanding contemporary populism.

Much work has examined the phenomenon of dispute escalation, whereby the concrete measures state actors take edge them closer to war. Less attention has been devoted to the ways in which state actors’ perceptions of what is at stake in a dispute can also change, with important consequences for the likelihood of conflict. This paper examines the phenomenon of dispute inflation – wherein a contest over an object or issue assumes ever greater stakes and significance for its protagonists – and identifies three different mechanisms that can generate increasing non-material stakes. The upshot is that theoretically even a minor dispute can grow into a major conflict due to swelling stakes, especially when dispute inflation spirals. To illustrate these dynamics at work, this paper looks to recent developments in the dispute between the People’s Republic of China and Japan over the Senkaku/Diaoyu Islands.

A large literature within the field of international relations has now explored both how emotions can shape political perceptions and behavior and how international actors may seek to manipulate, harness, or deploy emotions and emotional displays for political ends. Less attention, however, has been paid to how political struggles can also center upon issues of who can or should feel what emotion and whose feelings matter. Precisely, we theorize a distributive politics of emotion that can manifest in three general forms, all of which have their own properties and logics of contestation. The first centers on emotional obligations, understood as an actor's duties to feel and express specific emotions. The second concerns emotional entitlements, or the rights an actor enjoys to either feel or not feel certain emotions. And the third involves hierarchies of emotional deference, that is, the varying degrees of priority accorded to different actors’ feelings. We illustrate how the politics of emotions can unfold on the international stage by looking at developments in the so-called history problem within Sino-Japanese relations.

Both the East and Southeast China Seas have been home to a series of repeated episodes of tension between the People’s Republic of China (PRC) and its neighbors. Much of the existing literature either treats such episodes as isolated data points or as the manifestation of underlying structural factors. In this paper, we argue that repeated tensions can have important effects on subsequent interactions, generating emergent dynamics with dangerous consequences. What is more, we believe those dynamics to already be in play in several of the disputes within East Asia today. Examining recent developments in PRC-Japan and PRC-Philippines relations, we seek to shed light on how iterated episodes of tension are shaping the trajectory of interactions in both dyads. We believe these insights can inform efforts to understand relations in the region and beyond, given the growing frequency and intensity of repeated tensions among actors.

This article presents a theory of provocations. Precisely, it defines provocations as actions or incidents that state actors perceive as intentionally and wrongfully challenging or violating their values and goals, thereby eliciting outraged reactions that spur rash, aggressive responses. Outraged reactions come in three forms: personal, performative, and popular. While each form is different in nature, all work to produce strong—albeit temporary—pressures for rapid, retaliatory satisfaction. Importantly, these reactions can be mutually reinforcing and are not immune to further amplification by the actions of those with ulterior motives, political or otherwise. By laying out these dynamics, it becomes possible to understand how provocative actions can lead state actors to engage in behavior—such as France's headlong rush into defeat in the Franco–Prussian War—that would otherwise be quite puzzling.

The field of International Relations (IR) has recently witnessed the emergence of a wide variety of different approaches to make sense of the many ways emotions work in and through discourse. This forum takes stock of and investigates this link based on two interrelated questions: Why study emotions through discourse? How can we study emotions through discourse? Concerning the first question, we argue that textual and verbal utterances provide us with a promising way to make emotions empirically accessible for researchers. Regarding the second question, we argue that it is essential to develop specific criteria for the study of emotions via speech acts. We propose three criteria that the study of emotion discourse must answer to, which revolve around theory (what is an emotion?), expression (how are emotions communicated?), and effects (what do emotions do?). In a step toward fostering engagement and dialogue on these questions, the contributors of this forum propose a variety of approaches to study emotion discourse in world politics. The idea is to explore the ways in which discourse evokes, reveals, and engages emotions and how these effects can speak to larger questions in IR. Precisely, the goal with this forum is to go beyond the “emotions matter” approach of the first wave of emotions scholarship in IR to offer more specific ways to integrate the consideration of emotion into existing research, particularly that of a constructivist vein.

In Emotional Diplomacy, Todd H. Hall explores the politics of officially expressed emotion on the international stage, looking at the ways in which state actors strategically deploy emotional behavior to shape the perceptions of others. Examining diverse instances of emotional behavior, Hall reveals that official emotional displays are not simply cheap talk but rather play an important role in the strategies and interactions of state actors. Emotional diplomacy is more than rhetoric; as this book demonstrates, its implications extend to the provision of economic and military aid, great-power cooperation, and even the use of armed force. Emotional Diplomacy provides the theoretical tools necessary for understanding the nature and significance of state-level emotional behavior and offers new observations of how states seek reconciliation, strategically respond to unforeseen crises, and demonstrate resolve in the face of perceived provocations. Hall investigates three specific strands of emotional diplomacy: those rooted in anger, sympathy, and guilt. Presenting original research drawing on interviews and sources in five different languages, Hall provides new insights into the 1995–1996 Taiwan Strait Crisis, the post-9/11 reactions of China and Russia, and relations between West Germany and Israel after World War II. He also demonstrates how his arguments can be extended to further cases ranging from Sino-Japanese relations to diplomatic interactions in Latin America. Emotional Diplomacy offers a unique take on the intersection of strategic action and emotional display, offering a means for making sense of why states appear to behave emotionally

We report on shadowgraphic measurements showing the first space- and time-resolved snapshots of ultraintense laser pulse-generated fast electrons propagating through a solid target. A remarkable result is the formation of highly collimated jets ( $l20\ensuremath{-}\ensuremath{\mu}\mathrm{m}$) traveling at the velocity of light and extending up to 1 mm. This feature clearly indicates a magnetically assisted regime of electron transport, of critical interest for the fast ignitor scheme. Along with these jets, we detect a slower ( $\ensuremath{\approx}c/2$) and broader (up to 1 mm) ionization front consistent with collisional hot electron energy transport.

The release of fossil fuel CO(2) to the atmosphere by human activity has been implicated as the predominant cause of recent global climate change. The ocean plays a crucial role in mitigating the effects of this perturbation to the climate system, sequestering 20 to 35 per cent of anthropogenic CO(2) emissions. Although much progress has been made in recent years in understanding and quantifying this sink, considerable uncertainties remain as to the distribution of anthropogenic CO(2) in the ocean, its rate of uptake over the industrial era, and the relative roles of the ocean and terrestrial biosphere in anthropogenic CO(2) sequestration. Here we address these questions by presenting an observationally based reconstruction of the spatially resolved, time-dependent history of anthropogenic carbon in the ocean over the industrial era. Our approach is based on the recognition that the transport of tracers in the ocean can be described by a Green's function, which we estimate from tracer data using a maximum entropy deconvolution technique. Our results indicate that ocean uptake of anthropogenic CO(2) has increased sharply since the 1950s, with a small decline in the rate of increase in the last few decades. We estimate the inventory and uptake rate of anthropogenic CO(2) in 2008 at 140 +/- 25 Pg C and 2.3 +/- 0.6 Pg C yr(-1), respectively. We find that the Southern Ocean is the primary conduit by which this CO(2) enters the ocean (contributing over 40 per cent of the anthropogenic CO(2) inventory in the ocean in 2008). Our results also suggest that the terrestrial biosphere was a source of CO(2) until the 1940s, subsequently turning into a sink. Taken over the entire industrial period, and accounting for uncertainties, we estimate that the terrestrial biosphere has been anywhere from neutral to a net source of CO(2), contributing up to half as much CO(2) as has been taken up by the ocean over the same period.

Affect and emotion are key elements of our lived experience as human beings but currently play little role in how we theorize actorhood in international relations. We offer six amendments for integrating affective dynamics into existing conceptions of individual-level actorhood in IR. From these amendments emerge the theoretical micro-foundations upon which we build propositions concerning potential collective-level affective dynamics and political strategies. We illustrate the analytical payoff of our proposals by examining the aftermath of the terrorist attacks on 11 September 2001. By amending existing understandings of actorhood to include human affective experience, we can integrate and make sense of a variety of psychological, social, and political consequences stemming from the attacks, both within the United States and internationally.

What counts as evidence that the other side is sincere? Within mainstream international relations literature, scholars have focused on costly signals. We argue, however, that in the real world leaders do not simply look at costly signals, but they rely to an important extent on their personal impressions of other leaders, taking these as credible indicators of sincerity. Our approach thus builds both upon the literature on interstate communication and perceptions and upon more recent research in the field of neuroscience regarding affective information. To probe the plausibility of our theory, we focus on the indicators British Prime Minister Neville Chamberlain used to evaluate Germany sincerity in the late 1930s and Ronald Reagan employed to make sincerity judgments about Soviet intentions in the late 1980s. Additionally, we briefly discuss the 1961 Vienna Summit between Kennedy and Khrushchev as an illustration of how personal impressions can also result in negative assessments of sincerity. Our findings suggest that personal impressions are an important, but up until now relatively ignored, source of evidence for leaders of their counterparts’ sincerity with significant implications for threat assessments and policy choices.

What does it mean to say a state is angry? To answer this question, this paper theorizes a diplomacy of anger. Specifically, the diplomacy of anger involves a vehement and overt state-level display of anger in response to a perceived violation. Although the diplomacy of anger threatens precipitous escalation in the face of further violations, it can be ameliorated by conciliatory gestures and will subside over time absent new provocations. What is more, the diplomacy of anger can also exercise a reciprocal influence on the emotional dispositions of those that practice it. The diplomacy of anger thereby contributes to constructing particular issues as sensitive and volatile, and thus outside the realm of standard bargaining interactions. To examine the analytical purchase of this approach vis-a-vis standard accounts of coercive diplomacy, this paper looks in-depth at the 1995–96 Taiwan Straits crisis.

The concept of soft power Joseph Nye proposed almost two decades ago has provided academics and policymakers with a tool through which to refer to sources of influence other than military force and economic payoffs. The notion of soft power captures the idea that assets less tangible than bombs or cheque books, such as culture and values, also act as power resources. In Nye’s own words, ‘When you can get others to admire your ideals and to want what you want, you do not have to spend as much on sticks and carrots to move them in your direction.’ 1 Since it was first introduced, the concept of soft power has arguably had impact on both analysts and practitioners of foreign policy. Actors in the policy world have employed the concept of soft power to highlight the importance of a comprehensive foreign policy that incorporates cultural and public diplomacy. Policymakers in various countries have adopted this terminology to advance and justify their international efforts towards cultural promotion and public outreach. As one US State Department official testified before the US Senate, ‘Along with the ‘‘hard power’’ exercised by the military, the ‘‘soft power’’ of public diplomacy ... is an essential support in advancing U.S. interests abroad.’ 2 Similarly, the

In the last few years, high power lasers have demonstrated the possibility to explore a new state of matter, the so-called warm dense matter. Among the possible techniques utilized to generate this state, we present the dynamic compression technique using high power lasers. Applications to planetary cores material (iron) will be discussed. Finally new diagnostics such as proton and hard-x-ray radiography of a shock propagating in a solid target will be presented.

A high power laser system called ‘ATTILA’ (Almost-Table Top Terawatt Intense Laser) (10 TW) is under development at the University of Milano, Bicocca. Once fully functional ATTILA will produce 10 J, 1 picosecond pulses, reaching the power of 10 TW. The system is based on the chirped pulsed amplification technique and uses Nd:glass single-pass amplification. The amplifier chain can be injected with two different oscillators: a Nd:YLF oscillator by Quantronix, stretched by an optical fiber, and a Nd:glass femtosecond oscillator by TimeBandwidth (Zurich), stretched by diffraction gratings, both delivering nanojoules pulses. A regenerative amplifier increasing the energy up to 1 mJ follows these. Recently, we have implemented an automatic control system for the stabilization of mode-locking in the Quantronix oscillator. This is based on the active control of cavity length and on accurate stabilization of mode-locker temperature. A PC using LabView software drives the system. We are now beginning the installat...

The first experiments on the National Ignition Facility (NIF) have employed the first four beams to measure propagation and laser backscattering losses in large ignition-size plasmas. Gas-filled targets between 2 and 7 mm length have been heated from one side by overlapping the focal spots of the four beams from one quad operated at 351 nm (3ω) with a total intensity of 2 × 1015 W cm−2. The targets were filled with 1 atm of CO2 producing up to 7 mm long homogeneously heated plasmas with densities of ne = 6 × 1020 cm−3 and temperatures of Te = 2 keV. The high energy in an NIF quad of beams of 16 kJ, illuminating the target from one direction, creates unique conditions for the study of laser–plasma interactions at scale lengths not previously accessible. The propagation through the large-scale plasma was measured with a gated x-ray imager that was filtered for 3.5 keV x-rays. These data indicate that the beams interact with the full length of this ignition-scale plasma during the last ~1 ns of the experiment. During that time, the full aperture measurements of the stimulated Brillouin scattering and stimulated Raman scattering show scattering into the four focusing lenses of 3% for the smallest length (~2 mm), increasing to 10–12% for ~7 mm. These results demonstrate the NIF experimental capabilities and further provide a benchmark for three-dimensional modelling of the laser–plasma interactions at ignition-size scale lengths.

High power lasers are a tool that can be used to determine important parameters in the context of Warm Dense Matter, i.e. at the convergence of low-temperature plasma physics and finite-temperature condensed matter physics. Recent results concerning planet inner core materials such as water and iron are presented. We determined the equation of state, temperature and index of refraction of water for pressures up to 7 Mbar. The release state of iron in a LiF window allowed us to investigate the melting temperature near the inner core boundary conditions. Finally, the first application of proton radiography to the study of shocked material is also discussed.

The use of the x-ray absorption $K$-edge slope is investigated as a model-free diagnostic of the electronic temperature in warm dense matter. Data are reported for aluminum in a wide domain of densities (approximately one to three times the solid density) and temperatures ($\ensuremath{\sim}0.1--10\phantom{\rule{0.28em}{0ex}}\mathrm{eV}$). Measurements are obtained from laser-shock compression where both temperature and density are independently determined from optical diagnostics. They are compared with two different theoretical approaches, respectively, based on quantum molecular dynamics and multiple scattering. Extrapolation for other absorption edges and materials is discussed.

Two experiments have been performed to investigate heating by high-intensity laser-generated electrons, in the context of studies of the fast ignitor approach to inertial confinement fusion (ICF). A new spectrometer and layered targets have been used to detect Kα emission from aluminum heated by a fast electron beam. Results show that a temperature of about 40 eV is reached in solid density aluminum up to a depth of about 100 μm.

The radiative preheating of the target in shock wave experiments is analysed by means of experiments and numerical simulation. Simulations have shown a small level of preheating in aluminium foils caused by the absorption of X-rays with energies close to the K-edge produced in the corona region. This preheating was checked experimentally with aluminium foils coated by gold and plastic to enhance and to reduce, respectively, the X-ray generated in the corona. The preheating and shock temperatures were measured by using the colour temperature technique. The reflectivity of the rear side of the foil was also used to detect small variations of temperature. Both diagnostics, colour temperature and reflectivity, agree quite well with the preheating temperature obtained from simulations.

We report on measurements of the equation-of-state of copper and gold in the multi-ten Megabar range, opacity measurements based on K-shell absorption in aluminium, and X-ray laser studies on a large number of neon-like ions applying the prepulse technique. For these investigations, the one-beam iodine laser facility ASTERIX emitting pulses with energies of up to 1000 J at 1315 nm and of up to 420 J at 438 nm was used. We also give a brief account of experimental and theoretical results referring to the propagation of an ultrashort pulse through underdense hydrogen or nitrogen plasmas and X-ray spectra from an optically field-ionized nitrogen plasma generated either by linearly or elliptically polarized light. For these investigations, 150-fs/200-mJ/800-nm pulses emitted from our titanium:sapphire laser ATLAS were employed.

The importance of World War I for understanding contemporary East Asia lies not in the ubiquitous analogy drawn between Anglo-German antagonism and contemporary U.S.-China relations, but rather in the more specific lessons the period preceding its outbreak offers concerning the sources of instability and conflict among states. More precisely, these lessons relate to the challenges posed by complex security arrangements, the dual-edged nature of nationalism, and the dangerous dynamics that can emerge during repeated crises. Appreciating how these factors contributed to mounting tensions and eventually the onset of war in Europe a century ago can enhance efforts to understand and manage tensions in East Asia today.

International audience; The evolution of the K-edge x-ray absorption near-edge spectroscopy (XANES) spectrum is investigatedfor an aluminum plasma expanding from the solid density down to 0:5 g=cm3, with temperatures lyingfrom 5 down to 2 eV. The dense plasma is generated by nanosecond laser-induced shock compression.These conditions correspond to the density-temperature region where a metal-nonmetal transition occurs asthe density decreases. This transition is directly observed in XANES spectra measurements through theprogressive formation of a preedge structure for densities around 1:6 g=cm3. Ab initio calculations basedon density functional theory and a jellium model have been efficiently tested through direct comparisonwith the experimental measurements and show that this preedge corresponds to the relocalization of the 3patomic orbital as the system evolves from a dense plasma toward a partially ionized atomic fluid.