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This article examines the relationship between Cold War national liberation groups through their shared material and visual culture. Using China, Cuba, and Palestinian groups as its case studies, it reveals how Third World militants forged transnational associative networks in part through the transmission of cultural productions that reflected common values, assumptions, and metaphors. In Global South iconography, the AK-47 rifle became shorthand for a revolutionary transnationalism. The rifle is among the most iconic images in the world, even among those who have never seen one in person, and its use as a symbol is imbued with complex political meaning. While artists, themes, and ideologies varied widely in revolutionary art, the AK-47 was a metaphoric bridge between these groups and became a focal point of imagery for national liberation and transnational solidarity. Rather than demonstrating allegiance to the Soviet Union, the repetitious use of the rifle in visual culture became a way for revolutionary groups to stake out place as an imagined community across the Global South. Keywords: visual culture, iconography, transnational, Global South, material culture, Palestine Liberation Organization., The AK-47 rifle, also known as the Kalashnikov, is among the most iconic symbols in the world. With its banana-shaped magazine 'that curves forward like a menacing talon,' a gas [...]

With the recent return of Mexican migrants, thousands of students with US school experience entered Mexican schools. This article aims to analyze their linguistic adaptation in an area of high return migration, Tijuana, Mexico. A mixed methodology is used, including analysis of the 2017 School Migration and Integration Survey and thirty-six semistructured interviews carried out with transnational students in 2018 and 2019. The findings suggest a gradual process of learning Spanish and attrition of English with more time spent in Mexico since the last arrival, as well as the existence of unequal language skills depending on the school socialization in each country; the country of birth and cultural identification; the economic, social and cultural capital of households; and the support received by teachers and classmates. Public policies that favor bilingualism are required in the schools of both countries. Keywords: migrants; students; English; integration; bilingualism Con el retorno reciente de los migrantes mexicanos, miles de estudiantes con experiencia escolar en Estados Unidos se incorporaron a las escuelas mexicanas. El objetivo de este articulo es analizar la adaptation linguistica de estos estudiantes en una ciudad con alto retorno, Tijuana, Mexico. Se utiliza metodologia mixta que comprende el analisis de la Encuesta de Migration e Integration Escolar 2017, asi como treinta y seis entrevistas semiestructuradas realizadas a estudiantes transnacionales en 2018 y 2019. Los hallazgos sugieren un proceso paulatino de aprendizaje del espanol y perdida del ingles a mayor tiempo en Mexico desde el ultimo arribo, asi como la existencia de competencias linguisticas desiguales segun la socializacion escolar en cada pais, el pais de identification cultural y nacimiento, el capital economico, social y cultural de los hogares, y los apoyos de maestros y companeros. Se requieren politicas publicas que favorezcan el bilinguismo en las escuelas de ambos paises. Palabras clave: migrantes; estudiantes; ingles; integration; bilinguismo, En el contexto del retorno de migrantes mexicanos procedentes de Estados Unidos (EUA), se estima que alrededor de 400 mil ninos y ninas en edad escolar llegaron a Mexico entre [...]

Abstract 140 I. The Rise of a US-China Transnational Trade Law Order 146 A. Meaning of the Transnational Trade Law Order 146 B. Key Constituents 149 1. Section 301 Actions [...], Growing transnational business activities have resulted in more rapid transnationalization of American laws. In an era of deglobalization, the way the Trump administration moved away from multilateralism has both gravely impacted international law ordering and triggered responsive (or adaptive) law-making in some of the United States' major trade partners, in particular, China. The recently concluded US-China Trade War has driven up the speed of transnational norm-making and hastened incorporation of American legal principles into Chinese domestic laws. As diplomatic tension between the United States and China intensify, Chinese companies are increasingly becoming targets of sanctions and regulatory enforcement actions led by the U. S. government. The strong deterrence effect of these measures has also resulted in stronger self-policing and compliance in Chinese corporations conducting cross-border business transactions, as well as in responsive law-making taken by the Chinese government to intrude on sovereignty and to combat against unintended effects of US law enforcement. Against this backdrop, this article offers an alternative narrative of the formation of legal ordering in transnational trade through passive and active importing of American law as a "law product," giving rise to new and recursive cycles of lawmaking in China. Quite contrary to what previous studies have suggested--that unilateralism often leads to donor-dominated transnational legal processes--this article argues that the institutional and political structure of contemporary China makes it more receptive to legal transplantation at times of political tension, generating positive externalities to China's staggering market liberalization and legal reforms. Over time, these processes will lead to normative settlements creating a new equilibrium between the United States and China as well as between the public and private spheres in China. Additionally, adopting transnational law theories by focusing on the settlement of legal norms caused by interactions of state and non-state actors warrants the study of comparative law more generally.

Until the 1990s, scholars of international migration generally assumed that most immigrants from the global South make a permanent move to settle in rich countries and thereby sever ties with their homelands. More recently, however, a burgeoning literature has emerged on the transnational and return migration experience of immigrants, with several analysts touting the benefits of these trends to the socioeconomic development of countries of origin, especially in Sub-Saharan Africa. Still, only a few studies have examined the factors that influence immigrants' return migration intentions, and fewer still (if any at all) have analyzed how these factors play out in the context of Black continental Africans in Canada. Moreover, only a handful of studies have examined the utility of geographic factors in the decisions of Black continental African immigrants to return, or not to return, to their homelands. This theoretical paper explores the interconnections between return migration intentions, immigrant integration and transnationalism, focusing primarily on Black continental Africans in Canada. Keywords: Black, Canada, continental Africa, return migration. Jusque dans les années 1990, les spécialistes de la migration internationale supposaient généralement que la plupart des immigrants du Sud global s'installaient de manière permanente dans les pays riches et rompaient ainsi les liens avec leur pays d'origine. Plus récemment, cependant, une littérature en plein essor a émergé sur l'expérience migratoire transnationale et de retour des immigrés, plusieurs analystes vantant les avantages de ces tendances pour le développement socio-économique des pays d'origine, en particulier en Afrique subsaharienne. Pourtant, seules quelques études ont examiné les facteurs qui influencent les intentions de migration de retour des immigrants, et encore moins (voire pas du tout) ont analysé comment ces facteurs jouent dans le contexte des Africains continentaux noirs au Canada. De plus, seule une poignée d'études ont examiné l'utilité des facteurs géographiques dans les décisions des immigrants africains continentaux noirs de retourner ou de ne pas retourner dans leur pays d'origine. Cet article théorique explore les interconnexions entre les intentions de migration de retour, l'intégration des immigrants et le transnationalisme, en se concentrant principalement sur les Africains continentaux noirs au Canada. Mots-clés : Noir, Canada, Afrique continentale, migration de retour., INTRODUCTION Until recently, international migration scholars assumed that most immigrants from the global South generally settle permanently in the global North, and sever ties with their homeland. Presently, however, there [...]

This article fills gaps in the literature about transnational migration and Sub-Saharan Africans in Canada and their strategies of resistance, by interrogating transnationalism among South Sudanese refugees who resettled in Alberta, Canada. Using a qualitative research methodology that consisted of 26 in-depth semi-structured interviews (1) conducted in Calgary in 2017 and 2018, and a theory that posits transnationalism as a 'type of consciousness', an agency that subjects invent to enhance social justice, we assert that the refugees engage in numerous economic, sociopolitical and cultural transnational activities. Their initiatives benefit the refugees themselves and the sending and receiving countries. They serve as anti-racism and development tools against the backdrop of racism that they endure in Canada, the trauma of war and displacement, as well as war-related destruction in the sending country. They also strengthen awareness and better understanding of multiculturalism among Canadians. In the process, the subjects drew on scarce resources and overcame atrocious difficulties in order to improve their lives and create uplifting stories and actions. Though transnational migration also generates problematic impacts, these barriers could be overcome if the benefits of transnational migration are extended. Thus, we draw on the subjects' resilience to expand conceptions about transnational migration in order to turn it into a most fruitful avenue in the twenty-first century. Keywords: Transnational activities, refugees, diaspora, identities, racism, resilience, Canada, South Sudan. Cet article comble une lacune majeure dans la littérature sur l'immigration transnationale et les Africains en provenance de l'Afrique subsahariens qui sont installés au Canada et les stratégies qu'ils développent pour surmonter les barrières qui surgissent dans le contexte de l'immigration transnationale. Nous explorons les pratiques transnationales chez des réfugiés du Soudan du Sud qui demeurent en Alberta au Canada en nous appuyant sur une méthodologie de recherche qualitative qui consistait en vingt-six entrevues semi-structurées approfondies menées à Calgary en 2017 et 2018. Nous nous servons également d'une théorie qui considère le transnationalisme comme un <>, une capacité que les acteurs sociaux inventent afin de renforcer la justice sociale. Nous montrons que les réfugiés participent à de nombreuses activités transnationales économiques, sociopolitiques et culturelles. Leurs initiatives profitent des réfugiés, les pays d'origine et la société d'accueil. L'immigration transnationalisme est un outil de développement et de lutte contre le racisme qui permet de combattre le racisme qu'ils subissent au Canada, le traumatisme de guerre, la migration forcée et les destructions de la guerre. De plus, les réfugiés aident les Canadian à acquérir une sensibilisation et une meilleure compréhension du multiculturalisme. Les réfugiés ont bénéficié des ressources limitées pour améliorer leurs vies et fournir un exemple remarquable de réussite. Bien que la migration transnationale donne également lieu à des effets problématiques, ces obstacles pourraient être surmontés si les avantages de la migration transnationale sont étendus à une échelle plus large. De ce fait, nous nous appuyons sur la compétence des réfugiés pour enrichir le débat conceptuel sur la migration transnationale et en faire l'un des mécanismes les plus efficaces au XXIe siècle. Mots-clés : Activités transnationales, réfugiés, diaspora, identités, racisme, résilience, Canada, Soudan du Sud., INTRODUCTION AND CONTEXT Transnational migration--or transmigration, which posits that many contemporary migrants live dual lives as they maintain multiple ties with their sending country while living and settling in the [...]

Marriages between people from different countries tend to be organized according to preferential geographies and form distinctive 'marriagescapes,' such as the one that takes shape in the Euro-Brazilian transatlantic space, the focus of this article. In this context, marital arrangements with a particular gender-nationality structure prevail (European men and Brazilian women), from which spatial and culturally extensive alliance configurations emerge, based on an exogamy that crosses political, social, and identity boundaries. Diversified and distended, this marriagescape combines multiple axes of alterity: nationality, sexuality, gender, 'race,' ethnicity, class. More than cleavage factors, the demarcations inscribed in this heterogamic pattern function as attraction inducing, involving the articulation of diverse desires. The differences and inequalities inherent to the European-Brazilian marriages tend to give rise to the idea that the Brazilian women will be the major beneficiary from the establishment of transnational alliance bonds. However, this female hypergamy can be hindered, particularly when matrimony involves migration to Europe. Os casamentos entre pessoas de diferentes paises tendem a organizar-se segundo geografias preferenciais e constituem paisagens conjugais distintivas, como a que ganha forma no espaco transatlantico euro-brasileiro de que o presente artigo da conta. Neste contexto predominam os arranjos matrimoniais com uma determinada estrutura de genero-nacional idade (homenseuropeus e mulheres-brasileiras), dos quais emergem configuracoes de alianca espacial e culturalmente extensivas, assentes numa exogamia que cruza fronteiras politicas, sociais e identitarias. Diversificada e distendida, esta paisagem conjugal articula multiplos eixos de alteridade: nacionalidade, sexualidade, genero, 'raca', etnicidade, classe. Mais do que fatores de divagem, as demarcacoes inscritas neste padrao heterogamico funcionam como indutoras de atracao, envolvendo a conjugacao de diversos desejos. As diferencas e desigualdades inerentes aos casamentos entre europeus e brasileiras tendem a suscitar a ideia de que as ultimas serao as maiores beneficiadas com a constituicao de vinculos de alianca transnacionais. Porem, esta hipergamia feminina pode ser obstada, sobretudo quando o matrimonio implica a migracao para a Europa., A densa teia de transnacionalismos que povoa o atual sistema-mundo (Darieva, Schiller e Gruner-Domic 2012; Go e Krause 2016) tem repercussoes profundas em diversas dimensoes da vida. Na esfera mais [...]

Drawing on research with British Nigerian youth who were sent to boarding school in Nigeria, I argue that such movement, and the transnational practices that it engenders, serve as a family accumulation strategy and are central to reproducing middle-class subjectivities. Their transnational practices lead to the accumulation of cultural capital, in the form of educational qualifications and particular dispositions, and social capital, in the form of extended friendship networks. Parents endeavor to give their children the best educational and networking opportunities and, in so doing, distance them from places and people in London that they devalue and see as morally degenerate, yet paradoxically, it is their children's performance of Britishness that serves as a form of cultural capital and endows them with status in the eyes of their contemporaries at boarding school in Nigeria., Introduction In Nigeria, it is something you have to do if you don't want to be looked down upon. You need to go to school; you need to go to [...]

Amidst intensified regional cross-border infrastructural and economic connectivity, northern Laos has witnessed an increasing number of small-scale retailers from diverse backgrounds aspiring to partake in the trade of Chinese and Thai commodities. However, their individual entrepreneurial trajectories have not been given serious scholarly attention. One reason for this could be their own discursive downplaying of their actions, stressing the smallness and insignificance of their endeavours. However, putting their self-deprecating narratives at the centre of analysis reveals instances of entrepreneurial success paired with a considerable degree of transnational knowledge, experience and skills. Their struggle to locate their work within the rigid occupational environment of post-socialist Laos provides in turn the necessary room for their flexible and skilful economic experimentations. Keywords: Laos, Yunnan-Laos-Thailand borderland, cross-border trade, small-scale entrepreneurs, experimentation, transnationalism, smallness., Since the early 1990s, the borderland of southern Yunnan, northern Laos and northern Thailand has been going through policies of economic opening-up leading to new degrees of regional cross-border connectivity, [...]

Through theatricality, the other is positioned and understood. --Jon D. Rossini, Theater in the Americas Saviana Stanescu's plays Lenin's Shoe and Aliens with Extraordinary Skills, which appeared in her collection [...]

This paper argues that the factors that induce transcontinental and intercontinental African migration are complex and cannot be reduced to simplistic generalizations. It states that Africa's transcontinental and transnational migratory phenomena from the medieval period to the post-modern era were a two-way street. While Africans migrated abroad, the continent has also continuously served as a magnet for migrants from other continents. Thus, despite the exaggerated portrayal of African migration to Europe and North America, the available data sources show that transcontinental and transnational African migration is microscopic compared to the global migratory trend., Introduction (1) This paper argues that intercontinental and transnational African migration, especially in the modern era is minuscule relative to global migratory trends. It states that Africa's transcontinental and transnational [...]

Social and mobile media, from Facebook to smartphones, bring together social relations in new configurations that transform experiences of space and place. For an emerging urban middle class in late 2000s Berlin, reading national news online comprised a key daily practice linked to feeling German among mobile young people who otherwise sought transnational connections and identified in non- or post-nationalist terms. Feeling German--an affective, unspoken sense of national selfhood--could take place in contexts construed as cosmopolitan and transnational, whether hip districts of Berlin or networked, online media. National selfhood took shape as a form of acceptable subjectivity linked to the nation, owing to scalemaking processes that conjoined selfhood and place, not only expanding the scope of place-based identities. Reading national media online and practices like eating traditional foods linked acceptable selfhood to the scale, that is, contingent territorial ordering, of the nation. In this article, accounts of normative national affect, in the sense of commonality rooted in shared feeling and non-representational modes of being, illuminate an emergent networked cosmopolitan nationalism as a scalemaking project that reconfigures media, selfhood, and place. [Keywords: Media, spatial scale, affect, nationalism, transnationalism, Europe][Schlusselworter: Medien, raumlichen Skala, Affekt, Nationalismus, Transnationalismus, Europa][Palavras-chave: Media, escala espacial, efeito, nacionalismo, transnacionalismo, Europa], IntroductionFriederike was typical of many young, middle class Berlin residents in the late 2000s--born and raised in the American sector of West Berlin, she moved east to the lively Kreuzberg [...]

This essay examines the British films of Julius Pinschewer, the pioneer of German film advertising, starting with propaganda he made during World War I. In the films he subsequently made for the British National Savings Committee and National Coal Board, Pinschewer employs techniques from his anti-British war propaganda. By tracing cinematic techniques and commercial themes that migrate across national borders, I argue that Pinschewer's films qualify as a transnational advertising cinema.KEYWORDS: advertising film, animation, transnational cinema, useful cinema, propaganda, Before visitors to a picture palace in the Weimar Republic enjoyed their evening's feature film, they may have viewed a series of newsreels, a wholesome Kulturfilm, and a short animation, [...]

Abstract The planned removal of a Civil War monument in Charlottesville, Virginia, was the pretext for a white supremacist rally there in August 2017. It brought American fascists back into [...]

This article considers the notable dearth of recent scholarship on Peter Abrahams's writing in the context of his exile and his complex, shifting ideological self-positioning throughout his career. To attempt to address this lacuna in South African literary criticism, and to partially explain why Abrahams has been under-researched, I look at key moments during his early career, including the publication of Dark Testament (1942), Song of the City (1945) and Return to Goli (1953). By focusing on texts by Abrahams that were published during his time in London, I also wish to address the significance of the city in the history of South African literature, and in African anti-colonial and anti-racist thinking more broadly. KEYWORDS: Peter Abrahams, London, Black Atlantic, transnationalism, anti-colonialism, Pan-Africanism, liberal humanism., Introduction The recent death of Peter Abrahams--in January 2017, at the age of 97 has resulted in a number of obituaries in a range of South African and international publications, [...]

LATE NINETEENTH- AND EARLY TWENTIETH-CENTURY migrants from what became known as Lebanon, Syria, and Palestine generally espoused a hemispheric vision of the Americas. 'Everything was Amrika,' recalled the grandson of [...]

WHEN describing his time as a student in India during the 1960s, Pastor Robert Nyandusi recalled the story of a Ghanaian friend with whom he arrived from Africa, stating: 'He [...]

ALMOST A DECADE AGO, I WALKED into Donna Gabaccia's office and told her that I planned to write a dissertation on migration, trade, and consumption on and between three continents [...]

A growing literature acknowledges the necessity of studying minority politics as a dynamic process taking place within a complex web of relations that cut across state boundaries. In an effort to contribute to this approach, I examine the possibilities and limits of minority agency through the case of Iraqi Turkmen, accentuating the relational character of minority movements. Thinking with Rogers Brubaker (1996), I historicize the Turkmen's relationship to Iraq, the state in which they reside as a marginalized 'national minority,' and to Turkey, which Turkmen usually view as their mother country. I thereby problematize the putative kinship ties between the Iraqi Turkmen and ethnic Turks in Turkey in the context of 'kin-state' politics, as the latter implies a political stance that represents a state as a protector and sponsor of 'ethnic co-nationals' abroad. I focus on the complicated and increasingly conflictual relations of Turkey and the Turkmen, who are caught up in a double bind between engaging in Iraqi politics independently of the Turkish government and enjoying its support at the risk of losing their voices. Combining historical methods with ethnographic research, I ask how ethnic elites make practical sense of their minority status. In doing so, I discuss the political dynamics and consequences of self-essentialism in the Turkmen case, where minority activism has been conditioned by Turkish interventionism and Turkish nationalism, as much as by the exclusionary politics of Iraqi governments. While 'national minority' could be empowering as an officially imposed and internationally sanctioned category with certain civic and political rights attached to it, for the Turkmen elites it has mainly implied disempowerment. This has at times swayed the Turkmen toward Turkish irredentism. However, as demonstrated in the article, the desire for Turkish tutelage is giving way to a more pragmatic understanding of kin-state politics. [Keywords: Iraqi Turkmen, minority politics, minority activism, (self-)essentialism, kin-state, Turkish irredentism]. [Anahtar Kelimeler: Irak Turkmenleri, azinlik siyaseti, azinlik aktivizmi, ozculuk, akraba devlet, Turkiye ve uluslararasi mudahalecilik] [Palavras-chave: Turcomenos iraquianos, politica de minorias, ativismo de minorias, (auto-) essencialismo, Estado hospedeiro de diasporas, irredentismo turco], It was my second visit to the Istanbul office of the Iraqi Turks Culture and Charity Association (Irak Turkleri Kultur ve Yardimlasma Dernegi), housed in a flat of a five-story [...]

FOR THE LAST TWO DECADES, the field of U.S. immigration and ethnic history has simultaneously undergone the 'racial turn' and 'transnational turn.' Not only has the racial turn expanded the [...]

Through an examination of the development of the poetry manuscript Kohnjehr Woman, and the character Shee, I discuss that which I call 'the archives of the imagination' and what it means to draw on transnational Afro-Diasporic lexicons and experiences in order to imagine [Afro] [Latinx] [Queer] futures. I suggest here that mapping our histories onto our present and future experiences generates new sites for the production of knowledge, in particular, knowledge based on seemingly impossible stories. Key Words: Archive of the Imagination, [Afro] [Latinx] [Queer], Impossible Stories, This essay is a conversation sparked by the following questions: What does it mean to insert [Afro] [Latinx] [Queer] bodies into historical and contemporary narratives? What are the implications of [...]

After the fall of the communist regime, the opening of the frontiers, the passage to market economy and the debut of economic reforms, the phenomenon of migration, in which regards the Romanians, suffered a substantial change both in the dynamics of internal migration, and in the early stages of external migration. This article engages an analysis of the phenomenon of Romanian migration for ivork purposes in Spain and Italy, from the perspective of the theories of trans-nationalism, by taking into account essential aspects regarding the circulatory migration, be it seasonal, temporary, periodical or not periodical, but also other forms in which migration presents itself such as transit, definitive or return migration. Keywords: circular migration, transnational space, probable transnational community, migration regions and fields, community capital, 1. Transnationalism. Concept, approach, methodology Transnationalism, as a global phenomenon, generates new models of dual life, incorporating, in transnational spaces both the origin and the destination values (1). Similar opinions, [...]

The aim of the article is to explain the amplitude of transnational migration and of the strong social competition of one of Romania's most isolated regions, the Oas Country. Analysing historically the organisation of labour within the region's communities, the article reveals that a traditional organisation of work found the structural conditions to reproduce during socialist times, as a result of an incomplete proletarianisation process. A particular subsistence system, defined by collective organisation of luork and by geographical mobility, explains both the success in transnational migration after 1990 and the intensifying of the social competition within the region's communities. The article also makes clear that transnational migration represents the path for a complete proletarianisation of these groups. Keywords: post-socialism; social competition; labour organisation; migration; proletarianisation; Oas Country, Background During the socialist years tens of millions of peasants from the CEE countries were driven towards joining the ranks of the proletariat. While this social phenomenon was indeed fast [...]

IN 1973 THREE AUSTRALIAN WOMEN--Kerryn Higgs, Robina Courtin, and Jenny Pausacker--returned to Melbourne, having spent two years in London. Later the same year, New Zealander Alison Laurie arrived home after [...]

AN IMPORTANT SPEECH GOES VIRAL (1) On July 14, 1927, at the Rotary Club in Manila, a rising Philippine -Chinese, or huaqiao ([TEXT NOT REPRODUCIBLE IN ASCII]), leader, Albino Sycip [...]

This panel was convened at 9:00 a.m., Friday, April 1, 2016, by its moderator Peter Spiro of Temple University Beasley School of Law, who introduced the panelists: Vincent Chetail of [...]

WHEN DAI-MING LEE DIED IN 1961, his friend and fellow journalist Gilbert Woo remembered that 'even those who didn't agree with him always wanted to ... 'take a look at [...]

Pacific Islanders in Australia use the terms 'Islander' and 'Pacific Islander' in many ways and in different circumstances to define themselves and others. Through invoking discourses including these terms, Pacific Islanders both consciously draw on 'panethnicity' and subconsciously strengthen and support their localized identities. In this way, Pacific Islanders blur the ethno-cultural and sociopolitical boundaries that traditionally separate groups with connections across a diverse range of countries. Indeed, diasporic settings give rise to trans-nationalist sentiment and actions and serve to strengthen panethnic identity. Using insider and auto-anthropology and ethnographic research techniques, I draw on my experiences as an Australian of Pacific Islander descent and use examples drawn from my involvement in formalized community groups, cultural events, and social functions. In doing so, I argue that the expression of Islander and Pacific Islander identity is entwined with ideas about 'race,' place, stereotypes, and behavior that highlight the dynamic ethnogenesis of this group. Keywords: Pacific Islanders, identity, panethnicity, insider anthropology, Australia, transnationalism, Oh Pasifik Ailans yumi wan bik famili No matter difren kantris we are wan (Oh Pacific Islands we are one big family No matter different countries we are one) --PATTI [...]

Summary This article focuses on Simao Kikamba's semi-autobiographical novel Going Home (2005) and Jonathan Khumbulani Nkala's one-man drama The Crossing (2009). Both texts chronicle the odyssey of the refugee author [...]

Art opens up the door of interpretative possibilities--art can link us to new ways of seeing the everyday and can expand new modes of inquiry that hold potential to deeply [...]

In a setting of increased movement, communication, and flows across space, commodity-chain networks bring valued cultural commodities to transnational communities. My article examines the networks bringing foreign cuisine ingredients to Peruvian transnational communities in San Francisco, California. It contributes to our understanding of transnational space by mapping the networks that move food items between Peru and San Francisco and analyzing the control of those networks. Through interviews with chefs, migrants, and company representatives as well as analysis of U.S. import data, this article serves as an example of how local- and global-scale activities influence and produce one another, how the recent increase of global networks resides within a set of uneven power relationships, and how these networks are highly limited by physical geography and social factors such as wealth and position. The research offers commentary on the role of food as a cultural marker for Peruvian migrants and on the relations of power within the commodity network. This research unites economy and culture at the local and global scales while showing how 'things' are imbued with cultural meaning during the processes of production to consumption on a transnational network., Introduction IN A SETTING OF increased interaction across national borders and complex global networks comprised of a broad variety of participators, routes, and movement types, geographers seek to better understand [...]

Introduction This essay argues for new pedagogies of 'women of color' courses in light of the 'transnational turn' (1) of women's, gender, and sexuality studies (WGS) departments in the U.S. [...]

This study examines the characteristics of those who participate in cross-border political activities and explains why they do so. Data from a survey of 1,202 Latino immigrants reveal that trans-state political activities originate in an instrumentally motivated adaptation strategy immigrants employ to protect and promote their material and symbolic goals. Specifically, those who have strong incentives to safeguard their economic interests in the home country are active in home country politics, as are those involved in trans-state cultural enterprises, since participation in cross-border cultural activities encourages immigrants to take political action in order to maintain and promote their long-standing values, beliefs, and cultural practices they acquired from the home country. Participation in cross-border political activities is thus primarily a manifestation of immigrants' desires to achieve their symbolic as well as material goals, rather than a reflection of their lack of assimilation to the host country. Keywords: Transnationalism, Immigrant Cross-Border Political Activity, Trans-State Political Participation, Citizenship and Democracy, Latino Politics, Immigrant Political Incorporation, Immigration, Political Mobilization. Este estudio examina las caracteristicas de aquellos que participan en actividades politicas fronterizas y explicita las motivaciones de tal participation. Una encuesta de 1,202 inmigrantes latinos revela que las actividades politicas fronterizas tienen su origen en una estrategia de adaptacion instrumentalmente motivada que los inmigrantes usan para proteger y promover sus metas materiales y simbolicas. Aquellos que tienen fuertes incentivos para salvaguardar sus intereses economicos en su pais de origen suelen ser activos en la politica domestica. Asumimos que tambien son politicamente activos aquellos involucrados en empresas culturales transestatales dada su motivacion de mantener y promover los valores, creencias y practicas culturales de su pais de origen. Consecuentemente, tambien asumimos que la participation en actividades politicas fronterizas es primariamente una manifestacion de los deseos de los inmigrantes de lograr sus metas tanto simbolicas como materiales, en lugar de asumir que tal actividad sea reflejo su mera falta de asimilacion al pais huesped., New York City, Los Angeles, and Chicago, among others, have become regular stops for political aspirants who are running, or planning to run, for public office in Mexico, the Dominican [...]

Although today Maria Cristina Mena (1893-1965) is a relatively unknown author even among scholars of US women's literary history, at the peak of her career she distinguished herself as an […]

In this article, I explore how immigrants from the West African nation of Guinea-Bissau living in Portugal use mobile phones in their daily lives in Lisbon. Whereas one might assume that mobile phones and other new information technologies facilitate transnational communication between Africa and Portugal, the ethnographic fieldwork that I conducted in Lisbon from 1999 to 2003 revealed a different scenario. Instead, mobile phones as imagined and used by the Guinean immigrants I met in Lisbon revealed less about transnationalism and globalization than they did about constructing community and identity in a new locale. As Guinean immigrants in Portugal reconfigured their relationship to their former colonizers and struggled to make their way in a new, multicultural Europe, they used their mobile phones to engage local networks, shape local identifies, and transform Lisbon's sprawl into an African migrant village. Here, I highlight the gendered dimensions of this process and contend that Guinean men's and women's varied uses of mobile phones in Lisbon underscore contrasting experiences of migration, mobility, and belonging. [Keywords: Mobile phones, gender, Guinea-Bissau, Portugal, technology, transnationalism] [Palavras chaves: Telefones celulares, genero, Guine-Bissau, Portugal, tecnologia, transnacionalismo], The role of new information and communication technologies, such as mobile phones, in connecting people who live in and move between transnational spaces has become a recent site for scholarly [...]

IN 1847 BLACK RESIDENTS of Sandwich, Upper Canada, built a log church, the first structure owned by the community as a whole. Most congregants were formerly enslaved and free African [...]

In both the popular and literary imaginations, carnival music, dance, and culture have come to signify a dynamic multiculturalism in the era of globalization. In an October 2010 article on [...]

So much of the literature by Canada's Aboriginal writers is written against forgetting, against the obliterating narratives of conquest and progress and profit that have made the nation possible. These [...]

The first section of this paper establishes the rationale for a trans-European labour movement, based on the conditions brought about by global changes in the dominant mode of production, exchange, distribution and social reproduction, and the main specific socioeconomic circumstances in the European Union. In the second section, the main theories on the phenomenon of social solidarity are briefly discussed, as they pertain to the European labour movement. The third section looks at the limitations of the ideology, practice and institutionalised structures of 'social partnership', as a starting point for the fourth section, in which an account of the main existing cross-border union strategies is provided. The final section identifies and discusses some of the more democratic and counterhegemonic strategies, and summarises the main findings. Keywords European integration, international competition, international solidarity, social movement unionism, labour movement transnationalism, Introduction At a time when progressive forces have generally been suffering defeat, a major new advancement has been sadly disregarded. For the first time in history, a relatively robust, closely-knit [...]

In the current period of international migration there is no consensus among analysts regarding the relationship between immigrant transnationalism and civic engagement in the United States. Focusing mainly on the transnational behaviors of Latin American migrants, three views predominate: critics argue that immigrant transnationalism hinders integration, advocates argue that the two are not mutually exclusive, while the skeptics simply contend that transnationalism is the exception rather than the norm among these immigrants. Using data from the Latino National Survey (Fraga 2006), the most comprehensive survey of Latino political attitudes and behaviors in the United States to date, we test models of immigrant transnationalism and engagement in U.S. politics and society to determine which immigrant characteristics are associated with a range of transnational practices and attachments as well as measures of U.S. civic participation. We find that transnational behaviors take on different forms as immigrant settlement occurs and that pessimistic accounts of the negative effects of transnationalism on engagement in the civic life of the United States have been overstated. While transnational attachments persist among those with familial or material ties to the home country, our findings suggest that the barriers to immigrant participation and incorporation in the United States have as much to do with the political predispositions of migrants as with how the host state and society receives them., TEXT: What keeps Latin American migrants in the United States attached to the social, cultural, and political life of their country of origin? How do these cross-border connections impact migrants' [...]

Scholars often regard the transnationalization of civil wars as unique expansions of the war and in doing so overlook the importance of the international system in contributing to the spillover of violence. The relationship between domestic situations and international contexts directly contribute to the transnationalization of civil war. I focus on the widening of the Darfur conflict from a domestic conflict to a war with strong international connections and ties. I argue that the transnationalization of war in Darfur is not the result of diffusion or contagion. Instead, the spillover of violence is the result of calculations on the part of the Sudanese government, which is using the violence in Darfur to wage proxy wars in Chad and the Central African Republic. A dangerous system of war has developed, with the governments of Chad, the CAR, and Sudan supporting and arming rebel groups in pursuit of wider political objectives and military goals., On May 10, 2008, rebels from the Darfur region of western Sudan launched an assault on the capital city of Khartoum. The following day, Sudan severed all ties with Chad, [...]