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The current socio-political approaches to reconciliation in South Africa are fragile which is evidenced by the high levels of poverty, corruption, and inequalities which cancel the strides taken in the right direction of democratizing and unifying the country. These inadequacies evidence a need to come up with new ideas, particularly from the religious sector, that can play a leading role in enhancing the capacity of these socio-political systems to build reconciled and peaceful communities. Pentecostalism has the potential to be used as an instrument of peace and reconciliation in our community, therefore this article explores African Pentecostalism as a way of assessing how this tradition can contribute to the transformation of communities, leading to co-existence, reconciliation, and love for the other. To achieve this objective, this study will make use of a systematic review methodology which will involve analyzing selected works written by various scholars on the topic of reconciliation and African Pentecostalism.

The current socio-political approaches to reconciliation in South Africa are fragile which is evidenced by the high levels of poverty, corruption, and inequalities which cancel the strides taken in the right direction of democratizing and unifying the country. These inadequacies evidence a need to come up with new ideas, particularly from the religious sector, that can play a leading role in enhancing the capacity of these socio-political systems to build reconciled and peaceful communities. Pentecostalism has the potential to be used as an instrument of peace and reconciliation in our community, therefore this article explores African Pentecostalism as a way of assessing how this tradition can contribute to the transformation of communities, leading to co-existence, reconciliation, and love for the other. To achieve this objective, this study will make use of a systematic review methodology which will involve analyzing selected works written by various scholars on the topic of reconciliation and African Pentecostalism. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

After his death on 11 November 2021, social media in South Africa was immediately inundated with reactions to the mixed legacy of Frederik Willem de Klerk, the last President of South Africa during apartheid (1989–1994) and the former Vice President of Nelson Mandela (1994–1996) under the democratic dispensation. In most transitional justice processes, truth is often required in exchange for reconciliatory or peace accords. With the benefits of the literature review, this article problematises the deficiency of truth-telling or its absence thereof, by beneficiaries of apartheid, with particular stress on statements made by F.W. de Klerk during and after the TRC public hearings. It focuses on truth-telling as a neglected aspect in previous studies examining the work of the TRC. It uses the biblical understanding of the concept of truth as a foundational component of reconciliation to test the authenticity of the acclaimed reconciliation after the TRC hearings. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Canada and New Zealand were two of only four countries which voted against the United Nations Declaration on the Rights of Indigenous Peoples in 2007, before eventually moving to support. Since then, this declaration has influenced Canadian politics and practices, particularly the Truth and Reconciliation Commission's 2015 'calls to action', legislation, and subsequent action plans on both the federal and provincial levels. Different political parties' priorities affect the implementation of indigenous rights policies. Nonetheless, Canada demonstrates the importance of normative change, outside of legislation or formal policy change. Norms of co-development, co-design and co-drafting create opportunities for indigenous peoples to have a say in policies that affect them. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Despite its devastating impact on the population, the 1977–1979 famine in East Timor scarcely features in global studies of hunger. This article traces how the famine was dealt with in international politics during the Indonesian occupation (1975–1999), and in Timor-Leste during the United Nations administration and as an independent nation-state. The East Timor case extends our knowledge of the workings of conflict-induced famines, provides insights into the attempts by transnational activists and diasporic actors to mobilise international action on crises such as famine, and examines the options for dealing with famine and its community-wide legacies in post-conflict societies including under a transitional justice model. By analysing the activities of the country's transitional justice institution, the Commission for Reception, Truth and Reconciliation (Comissão de Acolhimento, Verdade e Reconciliação, CAVR) and its successor, the Centro Nacional Chega! (CNC), as well as grassroots initiatives, the article outlines some of the challenges of delivering justice for famine victims and survivors in post-conflict societies. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Indigenous women and birthing parents in Canada disproportionately face mistreatment in their maternal health care experiences due to systemic anti-Indigenous racism, ongoing harmful impacts of settler colonialism, and power differentials inherent in many health care relationships. Indigenous midwives and doulas are important leaders in resisting these conditions and reclaiming traditional Indigenous birth knowledge and practices. Ultimately, they work to uphold Indigenous self-determination and sovereignty. Grounded in an understanding of historical and current challenges regarding Indigenous maternal health, this qualitative study explored how best to situate oneself as a settler researcher and maternal health practitioner to support Indigenous maternal health in a culturally safe, anti-racist manner. In this article, key insights are shared from semi-structured interviews conducted with five prominent Indigenous scholars, midwives and community leaders. These consultants emphasized the central importance of intentional relationships in advancing the reclamation of traditional birth practices and providing culturally safe care, along with the indispensability of Indigenous midwives and doulas in these processes. Consultants also stressed the critical need for increased numbers of, and accessibility to, Indigenous practitioners in communities across the country. Settler practitioners are urged to understand the historical and contemporary impacts of settler colonialism, and the significance of building culturally safe, anti-racist relationships with their Indigenous colleagues and clients. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of Agora (0211-6642) is the property of Universidad de Santiago de Compostela, Servicio de Publicaciones and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

How do we repair and reconcile a society broken multiple times by years of political violence and cyclic mass atrocity events? Reconciliation processes in post-conflict societies tend to favour state-led peace processes to aid individuals and communities alike to heal, make sense of the past while also imagining and forging an interdependent future together. The Burundi Truth and Reconciliation Commission (TRC), established in 2014, has the mandate to investigate past crimes and mass violence events dating from 1885 to the 4 December 2008 ceasefire with the aim of aiding truth-telling, reconciliation and transitional justice. The article comments on how the TRC shapes ongoing healing, reconciliation and transitional justice efforts in post-conflict Burundi. This article uses desk-based research to draw insights from documented works and reports of the TRC between 2018 and 2022. The TRC's findings sparked multiple narratives and public discourse in the Senate which further led to the reexamination of the 1972-1973 massacre, the legacy of colonisation and its impact in cementing ethnic divisions that led to cyclic mass violence in Burundi. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Since the fall of 2016, Anglophone Cameroon has endured the scorching stench of an internal political conflict between security forces and separatist militia groups, in which numerous human rights violations have been committed. Given the magnitude of these violations, they have been categorised as serious crimes in international law (crimes against humanity). While international law urges the prosecution of perpetrators, this paper, acknowledging the rule of law as a relevant tool in transforming and shaping societies, nonetheless opines that in post-conflict scenarios, the responses of states are not always influenced by the rule of law, as they sometimes involve factors that have no legal bearing or backing. These responses have been recognised generally to constitute components of transitional justice. This paper thus views transitional justice as comprising all the measures which states usually turn to in search of ways to respond to past atrocities, whether legal, non-legal or a combination thereof. This paper argues that the situation in Anglophone Cameroon has reached unprecedented levels of violence and given the degree of victimisation and mayhem caused to society, there is a need for transitional justice, in order to give closure to victims and restore stability. To suggest the form such transitional justice may take, the paper uses a comparative methodological approach in examining the transitional justice perspectives of South Africa and Rwanda, to assess what lessons could be drawn from them in respect of how they dealt with their legacies of past abuses. The paper recommends the establishment of an Anglophone Cameroon Truth, Justice and Reconciliation Commission (ACTJRC).

When the South African Truth and Reconciliation Commission (TRC) of 1996/97 was tasked with investigating gross human rights violations from 1 March 1960 to 1994, there was a presumption that apartheid atrocities began with the massacre at Sharpeville in which police shot and killed 69 people. That massacre, on 21 March 1960, is also thought to have been the largest single-day mass killing by police in the apartheid era. Research on the African National Congress (ANC) Defiance Campaign of 1952 questions both presumptions. There were numerous clashes between police and protesters that involved extensive police violence but have been remembered as 'riots'. The worst was in East Bank Location/Duncan Village, East London, on 9 November 1952. Police broke up an ANC Youth League-organised meeting and over the next few hours shot and killed an untold number of people. Estimates of the death toll range from an official figure of eight to more than 200, with two white people killed by enraged crowds in retaliation. Until recently the events were clouded in secrecy. This article draws on the now extensive historiography on the day as well as new archival and field research and international literature on mass killings. It concludes that the police killings on South Africa's 'Bloody Sunday' should be recognised as a massacre that was covered up by both sides. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

One of the mandates of the Norwegian Truth and Reconciliation Commission (TRC) is to contribute to reconciliation between the majority population and the Sámi and Kven population. The Commission is tasked to create greater equality between the majority and minority populations as well as increasing the knowledge about the Sámi and Kven population in the majority. In this paper, we will focus on the Sámi indigenous people. We will examine three aspects: first, the assumption that the reconciliation should be between the majority population and the Sámi population rather than between the State and the population targeted by the Norwegianisation policies. Second, how such a reconciliation between the State and the Sámi is possible when there are ongoing conflicts over the use of land and water, exemplified by the Fosen windmill case. Finally, the TRC believes that a common understanding of the Norwegianisation policies and its consequences will lay the foundation for a continued reconciliation between the Sámi and the majority population. The paper discusses the involvement of the majority population in the process as well as the issues of public hearings and reparations. By means of an interdisciplinary examination of the Norwegian TRC, this paper presents sociological and legal perspectives. It draws on research from Latin American TRC s, particularly the Peruvian TRC, and thereby offers comparative perspectives. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Residential Schools constituted one of the most emblematic examples of the discrimination suffered by Indigenous Peoples in Canada. From the 1880s until the late 20th century, Residential Schools aimed to assimilate Indigenous children into the dominant Western culture, dismantling diverse indigenous cultures and traditional livelihoods. As a response to the increasing number of testimonies about the horrific nature of the Residential School System in Canada, in 2004, the Assembly of First Nations confronted the Federal government and issued a report in which it called for the payment of reparations and a truth and reconciliation process. In 2007, the Indian Residential Schools Settlement Agreement provided for the establishment of the Truth and Reconciliation Commission (TRC), which published its Final Report in 2015, after the election of Justin Trudeau's government. Since then, reconciliation in Canada has entered a new phase, which mainly revolves around an official admission of indigenous cultural genocide and the so-called 94 Calls to Action. This paper adopts legal and socio-political perspectives to explain why the recent Canadian admission of cultural genocide cannot be considered a model in the acknowledgment and reconciliation with Indigenous Peoples. This is because the Canadian admission of genocide is unable to produce significant legal effects. However, although the resonance of this admission can be better described as political, even from the socio-political perspective, the Canadian process toward reconciliation presents many flaws. Indeed, the 94 Calls do not currently meet indigenous structural needs, fueling dissatisfaction, and non-indigenous acknowledgment of indigenous discrimination remains underdeveloped. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article explores transgenerational dynamics of memory in the individual and collective contexts in contemporary South Africa. By engaging in a conversation informed by psychoanalytic theory between the archive of the public hearings of the Truth and Reconciliation Commission and narratives of the younger generation of black South Africans, the article offers a conceptual framework for how transgenerational transmission of memory in the lives of descendants of generations of victims of prolonged traumatic subjugation might be explained. A tri-directional perspective in which memory crosses and re-crosses past, present and future temporalities is proposed, and the movement and translation of memory between and across these temporalities are explained and conceptualised as a "triadic" view of memory. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The implementation of school reforms to advance reconciliation with Indigenous peoples provides an opportunity to explore what Canadians think is important in framing their identities and values. This paper draws on data from a survey of public perspectives on education for reconciliation activities in two Canadian provinces, Alberta and Saskatchewan. We consider the broader community context within which schools are located. By examining public perspectives, we are able to assess how curricular initiatives related to reconciliation are understood by community members, both as a priority in itself and in relation to other key curricular areas. Informed by critical race theory, our findings suggest that reconciliation is restricted to activities that do not involve extensive change to existing curricular and ideational frameworks. These perspectives exist alongside extensive opposition to reconciliation justified by claims that Indigenous experiences and perspectives are receiving undue attention relative to more pressing educational priorities. Our findings suggest that aims to transform dominant understandings about Canadian history and identity remain far from being fulfilled. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of Journal of Latin American & Caribbean Anthropology is the property of Wiley-Blackwell and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Historical policy was one of the main directions of the domestic policy of the Roh Moo-hyuns government (2003-2008). The ideological justification of revising the 20th century history of Korea was the idea of building a new Korean society based on the principles of democracy and the rule of civil rights and freedoms. Through the implementation of a new historical policy the Roh Moo-hyuns government tried to prove that the creation of such a society was impossible without revealing the truth about the historical past, in which the state repeatedly neglected civil rights and committed crimes. Increased attention to issues of restoration of the historical justice is typical for the current government of Moon Jae-in, the political successor of Roh Moo-hyun. Based on the analysis of the governmental documents, legislation this paper reveals the main disagreements between political parties of the Republic of Korea around the establishment of the Truth and Reconciliation Commission, identifies the key results of its activities.

The Truth and Reconciliation Commission of Canada calls for closing education gaps between non-Indigenous and Indigenous Canadians as part of the real work of reconciliation, that is, walking the decolonization talk. In Nunavik, a part of Inuit Nunangat, addressing these education gaps is complex, requiring trust building between educational institutions and Inuit communities. In Nunavik's 14 communities, there are only two Inuit who hold Bachelor of Social Work degrees. Establishing or rebuilding trust is extraordinarily difficult given ongoing colonial policies and institutional structures that disregard Inuit experience. This article describes the journey of developing a Bachelor of Social Work degree program in Kuujjuaq, Nunavik, to be called Inulirijiit, in the context of the history of social welfare for Nunavimmiut and how Canada's Truth and Reconciliation Commission (2008–2015) and the Public Inquiry Commission on Relations between Indigenous Peoples and Certain Public Services in Québec (Viens Commission, 2019) have shaped contemporary social work education and practice. We argue that the Bachelor of Social Work degree program must have at its center Inuit ways of knowing, learning, teaching, and being. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

South Africa's transition from apartheid to a democratic dispensation has been viewed with admiration the world over, while the 1996 Constitution has been hailed as one of the most progressive and has served as a model for many other constitutions. The Truth and Reconciliation Commission, intended to heal the divisions of the past and bring an end to racial tensions, has set an example for other transitional countries. Yet nearly three decades after the advent of democracy, racial tensions continue to dominate the society and are, in fact, deteriorating. This essay asks why this is the case. It first argues that the creation of a just and equal society is central to eliminating racial polarization. It then examines the efficacy of judicial and legislative efforts to address the issue of racial polarization. It concludes that, although judicial measures are necessary to address specific incidences of racial tension and transgression, social justice education is a more effective solution to address polarization in South Africa. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The largest school division in Winnipeg, Canada--the Winnipeg School Division--is undertaking several initiatives in the teaching for reconciliation and in meeting the educational mandate of the Truth and Reconciliation Commission of Canada's 94 Calls to Action. These initiatives are being implemented in many of the division's K-12 schools and a variety of subject areas. This article examines the reconciliatory initiatives that provide Indigenous and non-Indigenous learners alike with meaningful information about traditional practices and opportunities to engage in relationshipbuilding and cross-cultural understanding. The literature review section examines the historical and societal injustices perpetrated upon Indigenous peoples, newcomers' needs around Indigenous issues, and the important role that Indigenous and non-Indigenous teachers have in the reconciliation process. The methodology section focuses on document analysis and its relevance as a research method. The article concludes with an examination of the potential and resistance of teaching for reconciliation in Canada. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of Journal of Social Sciences & Philosophy is the property of Research Center for Humanities & Social Sciences, Academia Sinica and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

The present paper discusses the characteristics of performative speech through three distinct but related episodes: 1. the ancient origins of "convincing speech" in Homeric and Sophistic discourse; 2. the treatment of linguistic issues through speech by South Africa's Truth and Reconciliation Commission; 3. present-day language as determined and constituted by the plurality of languages, between the Scylla and Charybdis of "Globish" and "ontological nationalism". John L. Austin's theory of performative speech acts as laid down in How to do Things With Words serves as a contemporary frame of reference throughout the argument. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article reviews the book by Professor Charles C. Jalloh, The Legal Legacy of the Special Court for Sierra Leone, published in 2020 by Cambridge University Press. In this book, the author examines the "hybrid" international/national criminal tribunal, known as the Special Court for Sierra Leone (SCSL), which was created under a pathbreaking bilateral treaty between the United Nations (UN) and the country of Sierra Leone as a UN member state. Jalloh seeks to evaluate the contributions made by SCSL to the development of international criminal law. In particular, he assesses the scope and significance of SCSL legal contributions from its solutions to problems arising between its opening and the completion of its work in 2013, having to do with personal and temporal jurisdiction; gender crimes as crimes against humanity; recruitment of children as war crimes; head-of-state immunity; amnesty; and tensions between criminal tribunals and truth commissions. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Although I have not as of yet encountered a clear and articulate opposition from the various political prisoners committees to the idea of a Truth and Reconciliation Commission (TRC) as a method to win freedom for political prisoners in the US, any acceptance of the idea has been muted due to the lack of a process for its application. My analysis is that the US political prisoners committees see the South African- TRC as a "brand" where one size fits all, which is an erroneous perspective based on the objective reality of the wide application of TRC internationally to resolve internal conflict. Keywords: COINTELPRO; Mutulu Shakur; political prisoner; prisoner of war; Truth and Reconciliation Commission EN COINTELPRO Mutulu Shakur political prisoner prisoner of war Truth and Reconciliation Commission 65 74 10 12/20/22 20220101 NES 220101 There is a need for a Truth and Reconciliation Commission in the U.S. to examine the history of slavery, oppression, racism, segregation, and lynching, and to resolve the issues of political prisoners of the Civil Rights/Black Liberation struggle who fought against these gross human rights abuses.[1] The original Truth and Reconciliation Commission (TRC) was setup in South Africa to redress the gross violations of human rights by the apartheid regime. So again, the principles that qualify our political prisoners and prisoners of war as candidates for amnesty stem from the South African concept of a political offense, drafted by Carl Aage Noorgard, a Danish national and president of the European Commission on Human rights. [Extracted from the article]

It is often stated that art reflects reality. Therefore, it should not be a surprise that in times of extreme conflict and oppression, theatre practitioners explore themes such as violence, legacy and emancipation during and after such situations. As with any verbatim theatre production, the play is based on real stories and events. Within the South African context, the Truth and Reconciliation Commission has enabled a large number of enlightening narratives to enter local, national and international discourses. This has also provided many opportunities for the further exploration of both the individual stories, and themes arising, through the medium of verbatim theatre. This paper reflects on a number of different examples of verbatim theatre productions in a post-apartheid South Africa, including productions such as Ubu and the Truth Commission (1997), He Left Quietly (2002) and Truth in Translation (2006). While these theatre productions utilize real stories to explore topical and contentious themes, each production explores the different narratives by employing a variety of dramaturgical techniques. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article explores the creation and curation of digital photographic heritage relating to the anti-apartheid struggle in South Africa as a political project and examines the importance of the online circulation of historical photographs from private collections for public engagement with the re-opening of unresolved judicial cases concerning activists who were detained, tortured and murdered during apartheid. Focusing on the advocacy and commemoration practices relating to the re-opening of the inquest into the death of anti-apartheid activist Ahmed Timol, who was killed by the South African Security Police in October 1971, the article demonstrates that the curation of photographs included on the website relating to his life and murder can be understood as digital photographic heritage in formation. The article considers how the photographs constitute a form of virtual posthumous personhood and argues that Timol's digital afterlife moves beyond commemoration and contributes to the ongoing struggle for justice in South Africa in the aftermath of apartheid. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Using a Community-First Land-Centered Framework this article reflects on an analysis of the research findings of a SSHRC funded research project. The project examined the ways two universities were interpreting and taking up the TRC report and its 94 Calls to Action. This is a crucial time in Canada's relationship with Indigenous Peoples and the results of this research demonstrate that reconciliation remains a complex and challenging endeavour that has no quick fixes and further, that universities play a key role making the meaningful changes that are urgently needed to to make higher education welcoming and supportive for Indigenous Peoples. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The COVID-19 pandemic has taken a substantial human, social and economic toll globally, but its impact on Black/African Americans, Latinx, and American Indian/Alaska Native communities in the U.S. is unconscionable. As the U.S. continues to combat the current COVID-19 cycle and prepares for future pandemics, it will be critical to learn from and rectify past and contemporary wrongs. Drawing on experiences in genomic research and intersecting areas in medical ethics, health disparities, and human rights, this article considers three key COVID-19-related issues: research to identify remedies; testing, contact tracing and surveillance; and lingering health needs and disability. It provides a pathway for the future: community engagement to develop culturally-sensitive responses to the myriad genomic/bioethical dilemmas that arise, and the establishment of a Truth and Reconciliation Commission to transition the country from its contemporary state of segregation in healthcare and health outcomes into an equitable and prosperous society for all. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article discusses the Pashtun Tahafuz Movement's (PTM) demand for establishing a Truth and Reconciliation Commission (TRC) to facilitate the right to truth of victims of the war on terror in Pakistan. It highlights the tension among the right to truth, geopolitical considerations, and historiography in pursuit of transitional justice under a stable regime. It argues that Pakistan is not likely to establish a TRC due to its geopolitical considerations vis-a-vis Afghanistan. It, however, also underscores that PTM as a pressure group could contribute greatly to realising several human rights based right claims of the war victims, if it disengages itself from the anti-Pakistan Afghan diaspora. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]