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The existing framing and narrative studies focus on the influence of framing and narratives targeting one population as a whole but neglect how these can affect the subgroups of the target population differently. Using a survey experiment, this research investigates whether and how implicitly gendered narrative cues affect public acceptance of male or female unauthorized immigrants from Mexico and the Northern Triangle. Based on the experimental results, younger male unauthorized immigrants were less likely to be accepted by participants when public safety cues were presented and more likely to be accepted when economic contribution cues were presented. Conversely, female unauthorized immigrants were less favored by participants when economic contribution cues were presented and more favored when public safety cues were presented. These findings show how the dominant narratives contribute to the publics' gender biases against unauthorized immigrants and reveal future direction for developing narratives and framing studies. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Local elected sheriffs increasingly have responsibility to implement immigration policies, yet sheriffs are rarely studied in criminal justice. By measuring the attitudes of Texas sheriffs, we seek to understand their important views on immigration in the United States. A census was completed with Texas sheriffs in late 2019 and early 2020. Views were sought on (1) controlling unauthorized immigration, (2) pathways to citizenship, and (3) unauthorized immigration and crime. A strong return rate captured the views of 142 (56%) respondent sheriffs from both rural and urban counties. Findings indicate that a majority of Texas sheriffs see a link between authorized immigrants and crime, see a limited path to citizenship and view the primary enforcement of immigration to be a federal prerogative. Practical implications and future research are discussed. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Conditions in immigrant detention centers facilitate the spread of infectious diseases like COVID-19. However, there is no publicly-available data on detainees' health characteristics, making it difficult to estimate the prevalence of risk among detained people. We use cross-sectional survey data from the only survey of detained immigrants, conducted in California in 2013-2014, to assess the prevalence and health-related correlates of health conditions among detained immigrants. We calculated the proportion of detained immigrants with chronic conditions, their interruptions in care, and stratified by sociodemographic characteristics, evaluating differences using two-tailed tests. Among 529 detained immigrants, 42.5% had at least one chronic health condition; 15.5% had multiple chronic conditions. 20.9% experienced disruption in care upon entering detention. 95.6% had access to stable housing in the U.S. Many detained people face health conditions that confer greater risk for poor outcomes with COVID-19. Stable residence can facilitate release of detainees via Alternatives to Detention programs.

Intimate partner violence (IPV) research on immigrant women who are unauthorized is particularly scarce, despite unique vulnerabilities associated with their documentation status that may impact help-seeking and health outcomes. The purpose of this study was to document the frequency of lifetime IPV and related help-seeking behaviors, and examine the relationship between IPV, major depressive disorder (MDD), post-traumatic stress disorder (PTSD), and health-related quality of life (HRQL) among a community health center-based sample of unauthorized, Spanish-speaking immigrant women in Philadelphia. A clinic-based sample of unauthorized Spanish-speaking women (N = 200, ages 18-65) completed an anonymous, cross-sectional survey on IPV experiences, help-seeking behaviors, and self-reported health in 2013-2014. Chi-square tests assessed associations between sociodemographic variables and IPV. Multivariable logistic regression investigated whether IPV predicted mental health outcomes. Approximately one in three (34.5%) women reported lifetime IPV experiences. Of these, half (56.6%) sought help (formal n = 22; informal n = 25) because of the violence. Women identified not knowing where to go, believing that help was not necessary, and embarrassment as barriers to help-seeking. Symptoms consistent with MDD and PTSD were reported by 40.5% and 16% of the sample, respectively. In unadjusted logistic regression models, IPV survivors were more likely to endorse MDD and PTSD, and report low mental health HRQL scores than counterparts without IPV. In fully adjusted models, only the association between IPV and PTSD remained significant (OR: 3.80, p =.01). Study findings document high frequencies of IPV, MDD, and PTSD among this clinic-based sample of unauthorized immigrant women. Women who reported IPV also had a greater likelihood of reporting symptoms consistent with PTSD. Findings highlight the need for clinic-based mental health and trauma-informed services tailored to unauthorized immigrant women as well as interventions to decrease IPV. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Several states have recently implemented driver license reforms that give unauthorized immigrants access to driver licenses, aiming to reduce uninsured driving and lower premium costs. We test this expectation in the context of California's Assembly Bill 60 (AB60). AB60 gives about 2.6 million unauthorized immigrants access to driver licenses, making it the largest policy of its kind. Exploiting cross‐county variation in the estimated number of AB60 licenses, we find no measurable effects on auto insurance uptake or premium costs. A power analysis and multiple robustness checks corroborate this conclusion. We interpret our results to suggest that most newly licensed unauthorized immigrants were already driving before the reform to access work and basic services. Furthermore, unauthorized drivers may already have had access to an insured vehicle. Our research revisits prominent claims about the effects of driver license reforms and provides much‐needed empirical evidence to a controversial policy debate. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

In recent decades, the number of unauthorized immigrants in the United States has increased substantially, while simultaneously housing affordability has become a crisis. Despite these trends and the role that immigrant legal status plays in stratifying immigrants over a range of social and economic outcomes, little research focuses on the relationship between immigrant legal status and housing affordability. Using a nationally representative data set and a logical imputation method that estimates immigrant legal status in the data, this article explores the relationship between immigrant legal status and housing cost burden. Results from logit regression models indicate that unauthorized immigrant and mixed legal status renter households are more likely to experience housing cost burden than are households comprised of immigrants living in the United States lawfully or native-born residents, even after controlling for a variety of factors. Among owner households, households of unauthorized and mixed legal status are more likely to experience housing cost burden than are native-born households. As a result, unauthorized immigrants and their families likely experience a disadvantage in the housing market of the United States. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Abstract Background In the initial phase of the Covid-19 pandemic, difficult decisions had to be made on the allocation of testing resources. Similar situations can arise in future pandemics. Therefore, careful consideration of who should be tested is an important part of pandemic preparedness. We focus on four ethical aspects of that problem: how to prioritize scarce testing resources, the regulation of commercial direct-to-consumer test services, testing of unauthorized immigrants, and obligatory testing. Main text The distribution of scarce resources for testing: We emphasize the use of needs-based criteria, but also acknowledge the importance of choosing a testing strategy that contributes efficiently to stopping the overall spread of the disease. Commercial direct-to-consumer test services: Except in cases of acute scarcity, such services will in practice have to be allowed. We propose that they should be subject to regulation that ensures test quality and adequate information to users. Testing of unauthorized immigrants, their children and other people with unclear legal status: Like everyone else, these individuals may be in need of testing, and it is in society’s interest to reach them with testing in order to stop the spread of the disease. A society that offers comprehensive medical services to unauthorized immigrants is in a much better position to reach them in a pandemic than a society that previously excluded them from healthcare. Obligatory testing: While there are often strong reasons for universal testing in residential areas or on workplaces, there are in most cases better ways to achieve testing coverage than to make testing mandatory. Conclusion In summary, we propose (1) decision-making primarily based on needs-based criteria, (2) strict regulation but not prohibition of direct-to-consumer test services, (3) test services offered to unauthorized immigrants, preferably as part of comprehensive medical services, and (4) broad outreach of testing services whenever possible, but in general not obligatory testing.

Deportation or removal from the United States for criminal justice–involved noncitizens has been described as analogous to incapacitation. A common assertion is that if immigration authorities remove these noncitizens from the United States, future criminal justice involvement will be averted. The present study explores the hypothesized incapacitation effect of immigration removal and tests whether a record of prior removal predicts postremoval rearrest patterns. The sample consists of 521 foreign-born males with a verified immigration removal from the United States, following transfer into federal immigration custody from Los Angeles County Jail in 2002. California rearrests after the date of verified U.S. removal were tracked through 2011. Results indicate that 48% of the sample was rearrested at least once and 22% had three or more postremoval arrests. These findings do not support the hypothesis that deportation equates to permanent incapacitation. The study also found that a record of prior removal did not predict postremoval rearrest likelihood or frequency. As a single longitudinal study and the first of its kind, these results alone cannot inform responsible policy recommendations. The study does, however, highlight directions for further research and the pressing need for access to individual-level immigration data for empirical study and public distribution of results. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Over the past thirty years, there has been an increase in the number of immigrant day labourers in the United States. The presence of day labourers has led to numerous conflicts in municipalities. Some locals benefit from the labour performed by day labourers and believe they do no harm, while others see them as "illegal" immigrants that pose a threat to the community. For many, the legitimacy of day labourers remains uncertain, which opens a space for opponents and supporters to push for competing policies. Uncertain legitimacy and back and forth conflicts result in policies that are continuously being tugged between exclusionary and inclusionary measures. Whereas much of the literature on local immigration policies suggests that subnational governments opt for either exclusionary or inclusionary measures, this paper reveals the volatility of local immigration policies and the blurring of lines between them. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Using the 2005–2014 waves of the American Community Survey –a period characterized by the rapid expansion of interior immigration enforcement initiatives across the United States, we evaluate the impact of a tougher policy environment on undocumented immigrants' fertility. We find that a one standard deviation increases in enforcement lowers childbearing among likely undocumented women by 5%. The effect stems from police-based measures linked to increased deportations, which may raise uncertainty about the future of the family unit and its resources. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Background: In the initial phase of the Covid-19 pandemic, difficult decisions had to be made on the allocation of testing resources. Similar situations can arise in future pandemics. Therefore, careful consideration of who should be tested is an important part of pandemic preparedness. We focus on four ethical aspects of that problem: how to prioritize scarce testing resources, the regulation of commercial direct-to-consumer test services, testing of unauthorized immigrants, and obligatory testing.Main Text: The distribution of scarce resources for testing: We emphasize the use of needs-based criteria, but also acknowledge the importance of choosing a testing strategy that contributes efficiently to stopping the overall spread of the disease. Commercial direct-to-consumer test services: Except in cases of acute scarcity, such services will in practice have to be allowed. We propose that they should be subject to regulation that ensures test quality and adequate information to users. Testing of unauthorized immigrants, their children and other people with unclear legal status: Like everyone else, these individuals may be in need of testing, and it is in society's interest to reach them with testing in order to stop the spread of the disease. A society that offers comprehensive medical services to unauthorized immigrants is in a much better position to reach them in a pandemic than a society that previously excluded them from healthcare. Obligatory testing: While there are often strong reasons for universal testing in residential areas or on workplaces, there are in most cases better ways to achieve testing coverage than to make testing mandatory.Conclusion: In summary, we propose (1) decision-making primarily based on needs-based criteria, (2) strict regulation but not prohibition of direct-to-consumer test services, (3) test services offered to unauthorized immigrants, preferably as part of comprehensive medical services, and (4) broad outreach of testing services whenever possible, but in general not obligatory testing. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The Deferred Action for Childhood Arrival (DACA) policy has given unauthorized immigrants access to many opportunities, specifically education. While DACA has improved the lives of many undocumented immigrants, this group continues to face obstacles while pursuing their educational aspirations. Using semi-structured interviews, the current study aimed to examine the educational experiences and understand the protective factors contributing to the successes of DACA recipients enrolled in college. Overall, interviews indicated that participants' educational journies were marked by challenges that were often mitigated by perseverance, strength, and motivation. Additionally, implications for ameliorating the experiences of DACA recipients are discussed. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article brings an account of reasonable expectations to bear on the question of when unauthorized immigrants have a right to be regularized--that is, to be formally guaranteed freedom from the threat of deportation. Contrary to the current literature, which implicitly relies on a flawed understanding of reasonable expectations, this article argues that only those unauthorized immigrants who have both been tacitly permitted by the state despite lacking formal authorization and have remained long enough to develop deep social roots in the state have a right to regularization. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Anti-immigrant policymaking in the U.S. is a critical social determinant of health compromising the wellbeing of immigrants and, by extension, communities of color. It is imperative that social work, public health, and other allied professions unite to address anti-immigrant policymaking by improving intergroup attitudes and building broader public support for immigrant integration. This study fills a gap in the literature by psychometrically developing and initially validating a measure of attitudes toward integrationist immigration policymaking. A three-stage study was conducted to explore, calibrate, and validate the factor structure using exploratory and confirmatory factor analysis. Findings suggest there are two distinct but interrelated dimensions of attitudes toward integrationist immigration policies: support for the (a) extension of pathways to legal status and (b) expansion of eligibility for social rights and benefits. Initial evidence of criterion validity for the scale is offered. The utility of the measure for intergroup intervention testing is discussed. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Wage differences between authorized and unauthorized Mexican immigrants can be explained by human capital factors prior to the 1986 passage of employer sanctions, which prohibited knowingly hiring unauthorized aliens. However, a significant post-1986 wage differential has been interpreted as employers “passing along” expected costs of sanctions through lower wages for unauthorized immigrants. I test this explanation using administrative data on employer sanctions enforcement, finding employer sanctions enforcement levels are related to Mexican immigrants’ wages but have no statistically significant differential effect based on legal status. Estimated savings to employers due to the pay gap are orders of magnitude larger than actual fines.

Objectives To determine whether expanding Emergency Medicaid to cover prenatal care in Oregon affected maternal health outcomes for unauthorized immigrants. Methods This study takes place in Oregon from 2003 to 2015 and includes all Emergency Medicaid and Medicaid claims for women aged 12-51 with a pregnancy related claim. To isolate the effect of expanding access to prenatal care, we utilized a difference-in-differences approach that exploits the staggered rollout of the prenatal care program. The primary outcome was a composite measure of severe maternal morbidity and mortality. Additional outcomes include adequacy of prenatal care, detection of pregnancy complications and birth outcomes. Results A total of 213,746 pregnancies were included, with 35,182 covered by Emergency Medicaid, 12,510 covered by Emergency Medicaid Plus (with prenatal care), and 166,054 covered by standard Medicaid. Emergency Medicaid Plus coverage did not affect severe maternal morbidity (all pregnancies 0.05%, CI − 0.29; 0.39; high-risk pregnancies 2.20%, CI − 0.47; 4.88). The program did reduce inadequate care among all pregnancies (− 31.75%, 95% CI − 34.47; − 29.02) and among high risk pregnancies (− 38.60%, CI − 44.17; − 33.02) and increased diagnosis of gestational diabetes (6.24%, CI 4.36; 8.13; high risk pregnancies 10.48%, CI 5.87; 15.08), and poor fetal growth (7.37%, CI 5.69; 9.05; high risk pregnancies 5.34%, CI 1.00; 9.68). The program also increased diagnosis of pre-existing diabetes mellitus (all pregnancies 2.93%, CI 2.16; 3.69), hypertensive diseases of pregnancy (all pregnancies 1.28%, CI 0.52; 2.04) and a history of preterm birth (all pregnancies 0.87%, CI 0.27; 1.47). Conclusions for Practice Oregon's prenatal care expansion program produced positive effects for unauthorized immigrant women and their children. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper explores how working on a faculty-led research project influenced the views of Master of Social Work students concerning unauthorized immigrants. Five graduate assistants worked for one year with two faculty members and one doctoral student to code data from interviews with social workers at immigrant-serving organizations in South Carolina. The master's students then reflected on what they learned from participating in data analysis tasks, indicating that the experience had further sensitized them to the social justice concerns confronting unauthorized immigrants. Drawing on social contact theory, we argue that student participation in faculty-led research can provide a form of indirect social exposure to other groups, which reduce bias, and suggest that such experiences be included in how educators conceptualize the implicit curriculum in schools of social work. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Contemporary U.S. immigration policy debates would be better informed by more accurate data about how many unauthorized immigrants reside in the country, where they reside, and the conditions in which they live. Researchers use demographic methods to generate aggregated information about the number and demographic composition of the unauthorized immigrant population. But understanding their social and economic characteristics (e.g., educational attainment, occupations) often requires identifying likely unauthorized immigrants at the individual level. We describe a new method that pools data from the Survey of Income and program participation (SIPP), which identifies unauthorized immigrants, with data from the American Community Survey (ACS), which does not. This method treats unauthorized status as missing data to be imputed by multiple imputation techniques. Likely unauthorized immigrants in the ACS are identified based on similarities to self-reported unauthorized immigrants in the SIPP. This process allows state and local disaggregation of unauthorized immigrant populations and analysis of subpopulations such as Deferred Action for Childhood Arrivals (DACA) applicants. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This research examines the effects of state laws banning access to in-state resident tuition for unauthorized immigrant students in the United States. These laws were implemented between 2005 and 2012. We evaluate the policy effects on (a) college enrollment, (b) school dropout rates of unauthorized immigrants, and (c) the enrollment of U.S. citizens in higher education. Multivariate triple-differences models are used. We find significant negative effects on the college attendance rates of unauthorized immigrants. Policies have primarily affected recent high school graduates. With regard to dropping out of school, we find no evidence of dynamic effects. Nor do we find evidence of benefits in college attendance for non-Hispanic, Hispanic, or Mexican naturalized citizens. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Background This paper examines the occupational experiences of unauthorized immigrants employed in one of the most dangerous occupations in the United States: roofing. Methods We draw on 40 in-depth interviews with return migrants in Guanajuato, Mexico, to examine how the adoption of masculinity, dangerous working conditions, the labor market structure, and absence of legal status exacerbates injuries for unauthorized roofers. Findings Undocumented men return to Mexico injured with chronic pain, health complications, and trauma. We find that men 'do gender' that is adopt masculine beliefs, when they skirt safety practices, police each other's behaviors, withhold their emotions, experience heightened stress, and engage in poor health behaviors. It is a combination of dangerous working conditions, economic insecurity, and men seeking to fulfill their masculine roles that all combine to create unsafe working conditions and lead to injuries. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The integration of immigrants presents a major challenge for policymakers in the United States. In an effort to improve integration, several US states recently have implemented laws that provide driver's licenses to unauthorized immigrants. These new laws have sparked widespread debate, but we lack evidence on the traffic safety impact of these policies. We examine the short-term effects of the largest-scale policy shift, California's Assembly Bill 60 (AB60), under which more than 600,000 licenses were issued in the first year of implementation in 2015 alone. We find that, contrary to concerns voiced by opponents of the law, AB60 has had no discernible short-term effect on the number of accidents. The law primarily allowed existing unlicensed drivers to legalize their driving. We also find that, although AB60 had no effect on the rate of fatal accidents, it did decrease the rate of hit and run accidents, suggesting that the policy reduced fears of deportation and vehicle impoundment. Hit and run behaviors often delay emergency assistance, increase insurance premiums, and leave victims with significant out of pocket expenses. Overall, the results suggest that AB60 provides an example of how states can facilitate the integration of immigrants while creating positive externalities for the communities in which they live. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

We examine how US immigrants would be affected by applying a simple point system for admission, as Canada does. Since US immigration policy emphasizes family reunification, immigrants have lower education and earnings than natives, with unauthorized immigrants’ education below legal ones. Using American Community Survey data, and Center for Migration Studies data, which allows us to distinguish legal from unauthorized immigrants, we examine the effects of requiring immigrants to meet 2 of 3 conditions: (1) a high school or college degree, (2) being less than 40 years old and (3) working in a professional occupation, while admitting the same numbers of immigrants. This policy changes the source countries of immigrants and there are large positive effects on immigrant earnings. Immigrants’ use of government transfer programs is reduced to below natives and income inequality falls. Finally, with existing policy, immigrant earnings growth is not enough to overtake natives given immigrants’ entering earnings disadvantage. With this point system, immigrants start at a higher level and surpass natives relatively quickly. [ABSTRACT FROM PUBLISHER]

This prose is an account of a desert meeting between a social work professor volunteering as a human rights worker and an unauthorized traveler trying to reach his home in California. Framing the prose is an overview of the organizational and geographic setting, followed by a discussion on the social context noting the similarities and difference between the primary actors attributed to their respective social locations. The poem is followed by a discussion on "where are we now" and concludes with a reflection. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Many liberal democracies have large populations of "unauthorized" migrants, who entered in contravention of immigration laws. In this paper, I will offer a new argument for allowing long-resident unauthorized migrants to transfer to "legal" status, which would allow them to live and work legally in their country of residence, without fear of deportation. I argue that legalization is required to secure the autonomy of these migrants, and that only by securing their autonomy can the state exercise authority over them legitimately. I also respond to popular objections to legalization and illustrate the distinctive policy implications of my approach. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]