Search

An accessible built environment is an important catalyst of participation. However, people living with disabilities face daily barriers to in their built environment. Many stakeholders are involved in the implementation of accessible built environment for all, such as municipalities. The implementation of such universal accessibility measures is therefore complex for municipal employees. Integration of such measures into regular activities requires individual (employees) and organizational (municipalities) change. Different implementation strategies are helpful to guide municipalities in the creation of tools and to facilitate the operationalization and implementation of the measures. The aim was to explore what are the implementation strategies used by municipalities to implement universal accessibility measures. To answer this question, (1) identified the different strategies used by municipalities in implementing universal accessibility measures, (2) explored the perceived influence of these strategies, and (3) identified facilitators and barriers to the use of the different strategies to implement universal accessibility measures. We conducted a scoping review following the PRISMA-SR guidelines. We analyzed the data according to the type of strategy and to the Consolidated Framework for Implementation Research (CFIR). Of 1328 articles identified by the search strategy, six studies met the inclusion criteria. The strategies were identified as dissemination, process, integration, or capacity-building strategy. Involvement of all stakeholders was the most frequently mentioned facilitator, while lack of awareness was the most reported barrier. The results show that there is no consensus on which implementation strategies are appropriate and effective to use in this context. Also, there are no measures of effectiveness of pre-post design of these strategies. This shows that implementation strategies in municipal context regarding universal accessibility are still in an exploratory phase. However, it is possible to make links with the different implementation domains of the CFIR. We also observed that the identification of facilitators and obstacles to implementation is important to identify needs and to better plan the different stages of implementation. Keywords: knowledge mobilization, accessibility, universal design, public organizations, implementation strategies, disability Un environnement b ti accessible est un important catalyseur de participation. Cependant, les personnes handica-p es sont confront es des obstacles quotidiens dans leur environnement b ti. De nombreux acteurs sont impliqu s dans la mise en oeuvre d'un environnement b ti accessible tous, tel que les municipalit s. La mise en oeuvre de telles mesures d'accessibilit universelle est donc complexe pour les employ s municipaux. L'int gration de telles mesures dans les activit s r guli res n cessite des changements individuels (employ s) et organisationnels (municipalit s). Diff rentes strat gies de mise en oeuvre sont utiles pour guider les municipalit s dans la cr ation d'outils et pour faciliter l'op rationnalisation et la mise en oeuvre des mesures. L'objectif tait d'explorer les strat gies de mise en oeuvre utilis es par les municipalit s pour mettre en oeuvre des mesures d'accessibilit universelle. A cette fin, l'ont, (1) a identifi les diff rentes strat gies utilis es par les munici-palit s pour mettre en oeuvre des mesures d'accessibilit universelle, (2) explor l'influence per ue de ces strat gies et (3) identifi les facilitateurs et les obstacles l'utilisation des diff rentes strat gies de mise en oeuvre de l'accessibilit universelle des mesures d'accessibilit . Nous avons men une tude de cadrage conform ment aux lignes directrices PRISMA-SR. Nous avons analys les donn es selon le type de strat gie et selon le Consolidated Framework for Implementation Research (CFIR). Des 1 328 articles identifi s par la strat gie de recherche, six tudes r pondaient aux crit res d'inclusion. Les strat gies ont t identifi es comme tant une strat gie de diffusion, de processus, d'int gration ou de renforcement des capacit s. La participation de toutes les parties prenantes tait le facilitateur le plus fr quemment mentionn , tandis que le manque de sensibilisation tait l'obstacle le plus signal . Les r sultats montrent qu'il n'y a pas de consensus sur les strat gies de mise en oeuvre appropri es et efficaces utiliser dans ce contexte. De plus, il n'existe aucune mesure de l'efficacit de la conception pr -post design de ces strat gies. Cela montre que les strat gies de mise en oeuvre dans le contexte municipal en mati re d'accessibilit universelle sont encore en phase exploratoire. Il est cependant possible de faire des liens avec les diff rents domaines de mise en oeuvre du CFIR. Nous avons galement observ que 1'identification des facilitateurs et des obstacles la mise en ceuvre est importante pour identifier les besoins et mieux planifier les diff rentes tapes de mise en oeuvre. Mots-cl s : mobilisation des connaissances, accessibilit , conception et design universelle, organismes publics, strat gies de mise en oeuvre, handicap, Introduction An accessible built environment is an important catalyst of social and economic participation (Eckhardt et al. 2020). Accessibility to infrastructure enables citizens to meet their needs for health, employability [...]

Michael Miiller was governing mayor of Berlin from 2014 to 2021, and serves as a member of the Bundestag for Berlin-Charlottenhurg-Wilmersdorf. The Journal of International Affairs spoke with Mr. Muller [...]

The dominant paradigm for understanding urban policy change has long been that of 'incrementalism.' The incrementalist argument is that institutional fragmentation reduces coordination, and thus discourages what might be called 'nonincremental' or 'quantum' change. This article seeks to test the incrementalist understanding of urban political change. Is it possible that under certain circumstances fragmentation can encourage quantum change? We will test this possibility with an analysis of homeless policy in New York City. Briefly put, over the last 25 years homeless policy in New York City has developed in a series of quantum jumps with dramatic, short-term changes in funding, administration, and policy 'philosophy.' Policy change followed this trajectory even though New York City's political environment is notoriously fragmented. This pattern contradicts what incrementalism would predict, and therefore suggests that that paradigm must be modified. Urban politics, this study suggests, can sometimes display the nonincremental, entrepreneurial, and 'ideational' characteristics that have been identified as typical of the national 'new politics of public policy.', The dominant paradigm for understanding urban policy change has long been that of 'incrementalism.' One textbook on urban affairs sums up this position in the following account of most North [...]

The ways in which urban regions are represented in contemporary urban policies are discussed. It is found that there is an important link between releasing the capacity to imagine the city in multiple ways in urban policy and planning and the search for more collaborative ways of expressing concepts of cityness in spatial strategies, through the exploration of local strategies, their meanings and consequences.

Public choice theory predicts that interjurisdictional competition and the need for a strong tax base severely limit local policy making. City decision makers must pursue developmental or economically advantageous policies such as economic development initiatives and avoid redistributive or fiscally harmful policies such as affordable housing programs. Many social scientists object to the deterministic argument of public choice theory and emphasize the importance of politics in the policy making process. Using regression analysis, I investigate the factors that influence cities to pursue a limited strategy as predicted by public choice theory versus a balanced or more progressive approach favoring affordable housing programs over economic development programs. The results show that inter-city competition increases the likelihood cities will pursue a limited strategy versus a balanced or more progressive approach. However, political variables also influence local policy decisions. In fact, this analysis indicates that political factors are more important than inter-city competition in explaining city policy choices.

England's urban policy implementation reveals that incentives within planning agencies are heavily skewed toward budget maximization and bureaucratic expansion rather than public concern. England's 1947 Town and Country Planning Act has been pursued extensively throughout rural England and agencies do not seem to be contemplating a significant policy rethink despite significant external costs.

Theory: Legislative committees are extensive and integral to the structure and policy-making functions of Congress and state legislatures. Scant research exists on current roles of committees of city councils. Hypotheses: We hypothesize that city council committee systems are less common and not as vital to policy-making than is true of other legislative bodies. Contrary to much urban research, we further expect that city government structure, not the political environment, shapes development of committee systems and their policy roles. Methods: Logistic and OLS regression are the methods used to analyze the structure of city council committee systems. Differences in policy outputs are analyzed with t-tests and OLS regression. Data are from a 1992-93 mail survey of 160 large United States cities, and from Census Bureau reports on city government finances. Results: Committees are widely used in large cities and their use is directly due to structural aspects of city government, particularly size of city council. Broad policy-making roles are found to be uncommon, but a substantial part of city legislative business is assigned to committees. Legislative committees have a small impact on policy outputs.

The political ideology driving urban statutory planning in the United Kingdom has held a central place within planning literature during the 1980s and 1990s. The distinctiveness of leadership style and political ideology associated with the Thatcher governments have been widely recognized both in practice and academia. However, the distinctiveness of political ideology to determine the form and status of statutory urban planning since John Major acceded to the prime ministership in 1990 has not been assessed so markedly. Questions emerge on whether Thatcherite ideology is continuing in the 1990s within the realm of planning and environment, of whether a watered down version of New Right policies are being implemented, or whether central government policies towards planning over the last six years marked a change in ideological direction. This paper examines statutory planning during the Major years with reference to the ideological components of Thatcherism. From this assessment, a comparative analysis is undertaken of both political administrations. The paper concludes by finding that although elements of Thatcherite ideology are continuing, there have been initiatives that move away from the primacy of the market. However, these do not form any `big theory': the differences between Thatcher and Major are more related to style than substance. Thatcherism is continuing but in a neo-Thatcherite way.

Theories of urban overdevelopment and 'urban bias' have a long, but discontinuous history, dating from the 1920s when policy-makers in the former Soviet Union considered urban-rural sectoral balance in planned economic development. The idea of urban bias has had continuing relevance in macroeconomic and trade policies (especially in many developing countries) since the 1960s. Although theories of urban-rural economic balance and urban bias have fundamental significance for urban economic development, much of the relevance is either unacknowledged or misunderstood. However, it is appropriate to review the circumstances of the theory of urban bias from the perspective of the 1990s. The results of some modern research shed light on the outstanding issues from past controversies; in the context of developing countries, the World Bank and other leading policy-makers have been advocating a closer relationship between macroeconomic and urban policy development; and economic policies for structural adjustment have been indirectly removing some of the structures which supported the political economy of urban bias. Thus, even if urban bias and urban overdevelopment have some arcane elements in their history and their association with development economics, the subject has importance in post-1990 contexts. This article gives an exposition, an interpretation and a review of the relationships between urban bias, the political economy of development and urban processes and policies for developing countries., Introduction Since the 1950s, economic theories of development for developing countries have been many and varied, some taking accepted mainstream positions and others being competitive in their economic and social [...]

The Ford Foundation's Gray Areas program of 1961, inspired by the liberal reform policy of the post-World War II period, failed to address the problems of urban poverty. Problems of migration and poverty needed a clear, sustained policy aimed at helping individuals and restructuring social service organizations. However, the planners failed to relate migrant poverty to middle class fears of economic, demographic, and political changes. The programs' strategies lost relevance in the midst of the fast social changes of the 1970s.

The first and second phase of implementation of the empowerment zone program witnessed conflicting opinions and differences among various participants. The process has been beset by politics and partisan interests. The infighting and competition for program funds may cause a setback to the project similar to the failure of such previous efforts. Community groups representing local citizens, mayors and government officials need to be more cooperative to make the program effective.

Developments in local authority housing and owner occupation policy are reviewed and major changes in policy trends identified. Changes in performance indicators for housing associations and local authorities are examined, with major differences identified in the level to which equalities performance is integrated. The government may reconsider mortgage tax relief, and local authorities and central government have also apparently altered their positions on Housing Action Trusts (HATs) and stock transfers.

The creation of empires and states, business conglomerates and civic dictatorships - whether in precolonial times or in the modern era - has only been possible through dismantling the commons and harnessing the fragments, deprived of their old significance, to build up new economic and social patterns that are responsive to the interests of a dominant minority. Seen from this perspective, the processes that now go under the rubric of 'nation-building', 'economic growth' and 'progress' are first and foremost processes of expropriation, exclusion, and denial; in a word, of enclosure.

Political processes are significant activating forces to the extent that they allow for the representation and reinforcement of spatially-based interests and issues: evidence provided about the 'developmental,' 'redistributive' and 'allocational' but also 'spatial conflicts solving' political processes through the analysis of data from the cable television presentations by candidates through the 1982 municipal election campaign in the regional municipality of Waterloo and its cities -- Cambridge, Kitchener and Waterloo -- in Ontario.

It is of course possible that the Conservatives' Open Source Planning green paper was written by a schoolboy as an essay project after a Twitter-based consultation with his friends, as [...]

An MP who tried to ban building on back gardens has become planning minister. Greg Clark is in charge of policy helped by Bob Neill, who shadowed the job in [...]

Consultants fear that reintroducing the needs test for retail developments would bring unnecessary delays to the planning system. Indigo Planning director Simon Neate claimed that the recent PPS4 would have [...]

As the post-electoral political negotiations got under way last weekend, it was hard to see where the advantage to planning lay. The environment was identified early as an area for [...]

Whatever the outcome of next week's general election, Hugh Ellis predicts a period of political turmoil for spatial planning as the sector faces up to an unprecedented series of challenges. [...]

Planners in all sectors can look forward to interesting times over the course of the next parliament whichever way Thursday's vote goes, Bryan Johnston predicts. Now the ash cloud has [...]

What a dispiriting election campaign this is proving. It's bad enough that every public authority, quango and government department, hiding behind the fig leaf of purdah, has gone on holiday [...]

The UK's emerging brand of Third Way Urban Policy (TWUP) often associates itself with a kind of anarchic vision of self-regulating and self-reproducing local communities, yet it can be thought of as a thinly veiled moral crusade against vulnerable residents living in deprived neighborhoods. A comparative analysis of the grounding of TWUP in two social housing estates, the Gorbals in central Glasgow and Ballymun in north Dublin, argues that the rise to prominence of moral conflicts over the value attached to different forms of community is fundamentally shaped by the structures of ownership of the social agenda in each neighborhood.

After the 1995 elections, Flanders' first Minister of Urban Policy was appointed. The development of an urban policy during the second half of the 1990s in this region is incontestably linked to the election victories of the extreme right party, Vlaams Blok, in the bigger cities (particularly Antwerp and Gent). After a brief presentation of the geography of local elections, we try to explain this. This involves making the links between long-term developments and changes and immediate causes. The historic dimension is the development of a stubborn non- or anti-urban attitude. Immediate causes consist of a web of conditions and changes. Some have to do with general economic transformations, such as flexibility and structural unemployment; others deal with the particular circumstance of the Belgian state and its politics: huge state debts, the restructuring of the state and the influence of the dominant neoliberal discourse. Still others are the failure of an early urban policy attempt and the appealing elements of the programme presented by the Vlaams Blok.

If history is any guide, discussions of urban issues during this year's presidential campaign will follow a predictable pattern. Both campaigns will issue policy briefs on small initiatives that will [...]

IN September 1998, Vice President Al Gore traveled to Portland, Oregon, the urban planners' Mecca, to attack suburban sprawl and support 'smart growth.' What he actually meant was managed growth--higher [...]