Search

AbstractThe Moroccan government introduced the Villes Sans Bidonvilles programme (VSB) in 2004. The programme reflects the Cities Alliance slogan “Cities Without Slums,” with the main objective of eliminating all slums from Moroccan cities by the end of 2010. In contrast to the official and World Bank propaganda that praises VSB’s efforts to fight urban poverty and social exclusion, this article attempts to provide a critical analysis of the political motivations behind the introduction of the VSB programme. Analyses of the political motivations have made clear that the introduction of the VSB programme was in recognition of the links between the social problems of slum dwellers and urban violence following the 2003 Casablanca terrorist attacks. The idea was that eradicating slums from cities and pushing them to the peripheries, through the VSB’s resettlement projects, should simultaneously contribute to the elimination of extremism and urban violence. Beyond the security imperative, it was also within the neoliberal discourse on aestheticism and marketisation of the city that the VSB programme was introduced and promoted. Hence, as elsewhere, the VSB programme should, through its resettlement projects, help the state to remove slum dwellers from the prime land and new green city’s boundaries. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Social Mapping (SM) as a methodology invites to the deconstruction of traditional cartography and proposes a collective process of build knowledge that guarantees the prominence of subjects of study. In addition to being linked to theoretical structures that question those phenomena that are problematic from women's experiences. The CSP gives the possibility of adopting certain methodological criteria that can place it in the broad baggage of feminist methodologies. In this sense, the CSP can not only contribute to the understanding of the specialization of violence against women (VAW), but to the build of knowledge away from sexist, androcentric and patriarchal biases that are common in traditional science. Thus, the aim is to expose the process of designing and applying of a CSP methodological exercise that, with other social research methodologies, allows us to draw a direct link between violence and urban conditions as forms of structural violence experienced by the residents in their practice of inhabiting the public spaces of a tourist city. For this, the CSP design process is shown as a process that seeks to adhere to the methodological criteria of feminist research and, later, the application of this methodology with the residents of the city of Mazatlan, Mexico is exposed. Finally, it is a methodological exercise that allows us to reflect on the various ways in which VAW are presented in public space, which are not limited to sexual, physical or verbal aggression but also to others of a structural nature that, in the case of cities tourist are more intense due to the importance that public space takes on in the circuit of capital accumulation. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Objective: Sexual violence remains a forefront topic in public health across the United States. Its prevalence varies across different geographical settings. The objective of this study was to assess and compare the prevalence of sexual violence in both urban and rural West Texas counties. Methods: A retrospective population-level cohort study was conducted utilizing the Texas Department of Public Safety (DPS) Crime Report, which is updated annually on the website https://www.dps.texas.gov/section/crime-records/crimetexas. Sexual assault and rape incidence rates were collected from 93 West Texas counties from the years 2017-2021. Fiveyear average incidence rates were calculated for each county. The included counties were further categorized into rural and urban subgroups based on Office of Bureau Management (OMB) classification. Results: Rural West Texas counties were found to have a lower rate of reported sexual assault than urban West Texas counties (5.01% and 7.76%, respectively). Rural counties were also found to have a lower reported rape incidence rate of 3.34% compared to the urban county rate of 6.24% (p < 0.0001), with 18 of the rural counties reporting a rate of zero offenses. The rural county of Loving was found to have the highest average annual rates of sexual assault and rape, with 42.8 and 14.6 per 10,000 persons, respectively. Conclusions: This study suggests that the prevalence of sexual violence reporting is lower in rural West Texas counties than in urban West Texas counties, consistent with prior studies. These findings identified the highest sexual violence atrisk areas of West Texas. Public health leaders should consider these regions when planning interventions and allocating resources. Future studies on targeted analysis of rural-specific confounding factors are necessary to adequately assess the needs of these underserved regions. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article examines the complex and often conflicting forms of 'peace' in Rio de Janeiro's favelas, using a postcolonial critique to challenge the state's top-down imposition of realist and neoliberal peace models. It begins by interrogating the concept of 'peace' in the context of the Brazilian State's historical racialization and criminalization of favelas. The article develops four key arguments. First, it considers how militarized public security policies in the "War on Drugs" translate into 'peace as war' in the favelas. Second, it considers criminal governance as 'peace as order'. Third, it critiques the Pacifying Police Program (UPP) as part of a neoliberal 'tourist peace,' prioritizing the safety of international visitors during significant events in 2014 and 2016. Finally, it highlights non-violent peace processes within the favelas, which aim to achieve a 'positive peace.' The article argues that different actors, including organized criminal groups, can produce various forms of peace, raising critical questions about whose peace is being pursued and at what cost. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

ABSTRACT Background/Aim Material and Methods Results Conclusion Urban violence represents a significant public health issue globally due to its profound impact on daily life and the high prevalence of victims seeking care in health services. This study aims to evaluate sex differences in victimization patterns, using maxillofacial trauma as a marker for urban violence.This cross‐sectional study analyzed data from medical records of patients treated for traumatic injuries at a referral hospital for traumatology in Belo Horizonte, Brazil, between January 2008 and December 2022. Statistical analysis included both descriptive and multivariate methods, with logistic regression used to examine the association between epidemiological variables and sex in cases of urban violence leading to maxillofacial trauma, especially those resulting from interpersonal violence and traffic accidents.A total of 6447 records were reviewed, with 32.5% of the cases involving female patients. Among female victims, the age group of 30 to 59 years was the most frequently affected. Violence predominantly occurred at night (75.8%) and on weekdays (52.8%), with most cases classified as naked aggression (71.4%). Women were less likely to sustain multiple fractures than men (OR = 0.72, 95% CI 0.57–0.92) when compared to dentoalveolar trauma. Additionally, female patients with facial trauma were more likely to receive conservative treatment compared to male patients (OR = 1.58, 95% CI 1.31–1.91).Sex differences are an important parameter in understanding victimization patterns associated with maxillofacial injuries resulting from urban violence. Is the findings suggest that men are more frequently victims of severe trauma and are more likely to undergo surgical treatment for maxillofacial fractures than women. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This comment piece, prompted by the ongoing conflict in Gaza and the terrible toll of lives of Gazan people following the Hamas attack on Israel on 7 October 2023, argues that the field of cultural studies has its origins in a notion of post-war peacetime and that this has created a vocabulary deficit in regard to war, genocide and state violence. Paul Gilroy and Stuart Hall have confronted patterns of violence in regard to the urban environment and the policing of Black youth as well as the escalation in day-to-day authoritarianism and the rise of the right. There is a strong case to be made however for the field of cultural studies to more fully draw on political philosophy including Middle East scholarship to engage more directly with the politics of occupation, settler colonialism, neo-nationalism and the far right. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of Human Sciences Journal / Revue des Sciences Humaines is the property of Universite des Freres Mentouri Constantine and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

With the rise in narco activity, feminicidios, armed robberies, the disappearing of people, and State violence as daily occurrences, how can we begin to make sense of such an overwhelming amount of loss? Utilizing the graphic novel to its fullest extent, Augusto Mora’s Los fantasmas de mi ciudad (The Ghosts of My City) is a visually stunning (re)interpretation of the violence that plagues the urban cityscapes of contemporary Mexico. Forming part of a long literary tradition of fantastic stories based in Mexico’s most populated areas, Mora’s graphic novel follows the story of a teenage medium, Viridiana San Juan, and her friends as they attempt to record video evidence of the tormented souls that haunt their city, all the while navigating the violent reality that surrounds them daily. Through her desire to tell the stories of the souls that haunt her visions, Mora constructs a simultaneous and compelling critique of the historical, social, and political practice that has filled Mexico’s urban areas with ghosts and the nonchalant attitude that has made violence a normal part of everyday life. By making the unseen victims of violence become visible, the subjectivities of the city’s millions and millions of ghosts can be recognized and their narratives reclaimed.

Honduras has some of the highest homicide rates in the world, accompanied by rife criminal violence and organised crime. Recent research has explored links between the state and organised crime, bringing into view Honduras’ political economy of violence (Dudley, 2011, 2016, 2017; Puerta & Dudley, 2017). Yet despite having become foci of urban violence, schools have largely been left out of the picture. This ethnographic research, based on three months of fieldwork at a public high school on the urban margins of the city of El Progreso, explores how the political economy of Honduras’ urban violence is understood and navigated by people at the school through their daily lives. I focus on two examples: first, a police-run gang prevention programme implemented at the school, and second, navigations of the reflections and reproductions of gang structures and dynamics from the barrio at the school. The findings generate insights into how teachers and students respond to the ongoing enmeshment between state and non-state actors in urban violence in Honduras. Resumen: Profesores y alumnos navegando la violencia urbana en Honduras: Una visión desde una escuela en los márgenes de El Progreso Honduras tiene una de las tasas de homicidio más altas del mundo, acompañada de una violencia criminal y un crimen organizado muy extendidos. Investigaciones recientes han explorado los vínculos entre el Estado y el crimen organizado, resaltando la economía política de la violencia en el país (Dudley, 2011, 2016, 2017; Puerta y Dudley, 2017). Sin embargo, a pesar de haberse convertido en focos de violencia urbana, las escuelas han quedado en gran medida al margen. Esta investigación etnográfica, basada en tres meses de trabajo de campo en una escuela secundaria pública en los márgenes urbanos de la ciudad de El Progreso, explora cómo la economía política de la violencia urbana de Honduras es entendida y navegada por la gente en la escuela a través de su vida cotidiana. Centrándose en dos ejemplos: en primer lugar, un programa de prevención de pandillas dirigido por la policía e implementado en la escuela y, en segundo lugar, las reflexiones y reproducciones de las estructuras y dinámicas de las pandillas del barrio en la escuela. Los resultados permiten comprender cómo profesores y alumnos responden a la actual interrelación entre actores estatales y no estatales en la violencia urbana de Honduras.

Recently, Succar and Porfiri (Nature Cities 1(3):216–224, 2024) reported sublinear scaling for firearm ownership in the United States. Their analysis hinted at a causal role of prevalence of homicides and firearm accessibility on firearm ownership, supporting self-protection as a driver of firearm ownership. In this study, we propose a microscopic, individual-level model to explain these macroscopic, city-level findings. In the model, individuals dwell in a city and buy a gun if they experience a violent interaction and know a dealer. We examine the model from a network science perspective and show the emergence of sublinear scaling with an exponent matching empirical observations. Beyond scaling, the model provides accurate predictions of city rankings in terms of firearm ownership, underscoring the explanatory power of the self-protection theory. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Lived experiences with urban heat are often rendered invisible, shrouded under the cloak of neoliberal resilience discourse and sanitised heat mapping and messaging. This is particularly tragic for disadvantaged at‐risk populations in white, settler colonial contexts where heat tolerance is worn as a badge of honour. Here, drawing upon semi‐structured interviews and focus group discussions in Perth, Western Australia, and with feminist emphasis on the embodied, the everyday, and bodily difference, we illustrate how corporeal thermal insecurities among rough sleepers, people with disabilities, and across intersectional disenfranchisement immobilise and dehumanise. By employing the logic of structures of violence to thermal suffering, we reveal how housing and energy precarity exacerbate entrenched racism and normalised discrimination. Our aim is to expand current debates on heat action plans (HAPs) and cool refuges by examining what “better weathering” could mean in practice, via the materialities of heated urban bodies (HUBs) and to demonstrate how such counter‐hegemonic heat mapping serves as a corporeal critique of the neoliberal resilient subject. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article investigates police officers' perceptions on the influence of images in the tasks of crime prevention and repression, its evidentiary function in criminal justice and the methods of dissemination of cases of police violence and urban insecurity on the media and social media in Argentina. The design of the study is qualitative. The sources of the data come from interviews with agents of Policía Federal Argentina and of Policía de la Ciudad de Buenos Aires, during 2023. The analytical strategy used was theoretical sampling and constant comparison. The main findings of the article explain the role of the image on the government of security and in the construction of the police news from three different categories of the analysis: the image as tool of police work, as product to "sell" on the media and social media and as evidence before justice. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This essay explores the representation and theorisation of the city in Teju Cole’s novels – Every Day Is for the Thief (2007), Open City (2011), and Tremor (2023). It argues that Cole’s writing articulates a new grammar of city-ness premised on historicised relationality and comparative thinking, thus challenging paradigms of urban representation that universalise the Western city. In particular, I propose that Cole’s novels offer a rewriting of Lagos and New York as specifically textual constructions, in which histories of modernity and colonisation get crystallised into their social geographies and cultural infrastructures. By close reading these texts and by drawing from the insights of postcolonial and literary urban studies, I analyse the formal devices – from variations in perspective to restricted focalisation – that Cole employs to textualise the city and its political histories. Through form, Cole’s novels raise crucial questions, both ethical and narrative, about representability, language, and historical violence in urban settings. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The article "The social accumulation of violence in Rio de Janeiro" is a review of Michel Misse's book, which addresses urban violence in the city. Misse is recognized for his contributions to Brazilian social sciences and his research on the social accumulation of violence. The author analyzes the social representation of urban violence, the social types involved, and the cycles of accumulation throughout the history of Rio de Janeiro. The work is an important source of knowledge on the subject and highlights the relationship between poverty, urban violence, and the private appropriation of means of incrimination. [Extracted from the article]

This study will explore the genesis of the idea of the "law-abiding citizen" and its peculiar use in the social accumulation of violence in Rio de Janeiro. Its analysis of reader comments on news articles about police operations from an online newspaper unravels the meanings by which self-proclaimed "law-abiding citizens" define an Other, who, by contrast, shapes the core content of the former. Additionally, we analyze the notion of citizenship in Brazil and the distortions it has undergone in a context of "urban violence" that includes a native belief in the "bearers of violent sociability." The category of the "law-abiding citizen" is supported by differentiating its holders from those who are not "righteous individuals" and ultimately, from the "enemies" of the desired societal order. For a detailed analysis of the concept and its recent mobilization, we intersect a Sociology of Violence with a Contemporary Sociology of Morality to show how these conceptions of "Good" are defined in the context of the social accumulation of violence. Finally, we offer preliminary reflections on a "hierarchical individualism" in Brazil. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Studies show that adolescents have a heightened sensitivity to the urban context, such as violence. This study explores factors influencing and determine the areas of influence of students' perceived stress when commuting from home to school in the city of Medellin, Colombia. To achieve these aims, a cross-sectional survey research design was employed with students in one school. A total of 301 students (aged 14–18) were chosen using convenience sampling. The data were analyzed using Machine Learning methodology (ML). Furthermore, a Geographic Information System (GIS) was employed to create an isoprobability map of areas of perceived stress. Among the students interviewed, 22.7% experienced stress while traveling to school. Socioeconomic, accessibility, transport and safety, urban violence and quality of life categories were found to be associated with school commute-related perceived stress. Within these categories, the traditional variables of distance (odds ratio [OR] = 5.21) and mode of travel (OR = 11.05) are significant. In addition, socioeconomic status (OR = 4.49), urban violence (OR = 1.04), high traffic accidents on the route to school (OR = 21.83) and poor perceived health (OR = 9.10) are significant and have a strong effect on stress. Stress perceived by adolescents during school commutes is largely explained by variables related to social and environmental factors that do not depend on the individual, such as urban violence, traffic accidents or the state of sidewalks. Therefore, public authorities should take appropriate measures to reduce students' stress during school commutes, which would have a positive effect on these adolescents. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The emphasis in recent decades on weak state capacity as an explanation of civil war detracts from an important fact: some of the deadliest and most protracted rebellions since WWII arose not where the state was weak, but rather in areas of significant state power. This study challenges the predominance-of-peripheral-conflict paradigm by disentangling rebel formation from civil war onset and emphasizing the urban origins of numerous rebel groups. Quantitative analyses show that three group types—military-, social interest-, and political party-based groups—are far more likely to form in large cities, especially the capital, and far less likely to form in the rural countryside. Case studies then illustrate the constraints and opportunities nascent rebel groups of each type face. This study advances the field's understanding of a surprisingly large number of violent rebellions that current mainstream approaches and the emphasis on weak states and conflict opportunities cannot effectively explain. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Urban scholars have long engaged with the role of culture in cities. Tracing this debate, this article outlines the evolutions of culture as an object of study in inquiries on the urban and wishes to trouble two persisting trends in this literature. The first is a geographical and theoretical Eurocentric vision of culture, often framing cities beyond the West as exceptions or needing validation through a comparison with a Western case or theoretical model; the second is an economistic vision of culture under neoliberalism, neglecting the political and ideological dimensions of culture. As a step in overcoming these limitations, this article builds around the notion of 're-learning', to re-insert memory, informality and conflicting heritage into the debate on culture in cities. Drawing on an ethnography of the street 'Avenida 26' in Bogotá, Colombia, the article shows that informal cultural practices in the middle of segregation and urban violence can hardly be grasped through the current framing of culture in cities. Yet, they invite an opening up of such a framing to include different ways to cohabit and navigate space through everyday minor engagements. These multifaceted cultural realities urge us to 're-learn' culture in cities anywhere and advance theorisation on culture that takes non-Western urban spaces seriously. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Youth violence is a national public health concern in USA, especially in resource-constrained urban communities. Between 2018 and 2021, the Healthy Communities for Youth (HCFY) program addressed youth violence prevention in select economically marginalized urban communities, with the HCFY program reducing the likelihood of youth-involved violent crime. Leveraging costs from program expense reports, this study analyzes the costs of the HCFY program in order to inform policymaking and the program's future ongoing implementation. Total HCFY program costs were $821,000 ($290,100 annually including program start-up costs) over the 34-month project period. Operationalization costs contributed the largest share (64.8%), with 45% attributable to intervention coordinators. In the intervention community, the program costs $100 per capita, $1100 per youth-involved crime case, and $8100 per youth-involved violent crime case. Findings were sensitive to the number of youth-involved crime or violent crime cases and costs of high-level program leadership and self-evaluation analysts, with the per youth-involved violent crime case cost ranging between $700 and $1600 over the program period. Analysis of HCFY program costs is an important step in determining the affordability of a community-level program to prevent youth violence in resource-limited urban communities. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper expands the concept of contested neighborhood boundaries to account for spatial variation in violence across urban neighborhoods. We argue that contested boundaries—defined as spaces in which one group holds a narrow majority in close proximity to a large minority group—will contain the highest levels of intergroup violence. Conversely, levels of intragroup violence will be comparatively low in these areas, as contested spatial boundaries will give rise to more clearly defined group boundaries, increasing solidarity and placing downward pressure on intragroup conflict. We assess this bifurcated perspective by appending geocoded data on over 13,000 violent crimes to 359 Census block groups in St. Louis, MO for the period spanning 2010 to 2014. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of Journal of Babylon Center for Humanities Studies is the property of Republic of Iraq Ministry of Higher Education & Scientific Research (MOHESR) and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Police are omnipresent in Nigerian cities. The existence and actions of the Nigerian Police Force (NPF) in cities such as Lagos, Ibadan, and Abuja are intended like elsewhere in the urban world to deter, reduce, and solve crime. This is true of the Special Anti-Robbery Squad (SARS) of the NPF, created to combat armed robberies, car-snatchings, kidnappings, and cattle rustling. Its methods of seeking greater public security, however, raises questions about the fairness and efficacy of urban policing in Nigeria. Its reported police predation and violence during its stops, searches, detentions, and custody of urban denizens exacerbate socio-spatial injustices in Nigerian cities. We draw on the concept of the right to the city and qualitative data, including key informant interviews with Nigerian police, lawyers, and common city residents, including self-identified victims of SARS brutality, to describe how SARS helps us understand the context and characteristics of urban policing in Nigeria. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

In the Global South, the urban poor are heavily policed and bear the brunt of police violence. Evidence suggests that the urban poor also support punitive policing. Why do those individuals most affected by police violence also appear to support increased police presence in their neighborhoods? Combining extensive fieldwork with a public opinion survey in Montevideo, the capital of Uruguay, this paper develops a theory that the urban poor support punitive policing because it reduces other forms of violence they are routinely exposed to in public spaces. Our argument contrasts with the prevalent hypothesis that support for punitive policing amongst the urban poor originates in conservative views of security provision. Because Uruguay is a least likely case for this argument, our results are highly informative. The results demonstrate the deeply unequal distribution of the lived experience of authoritarian coercive practices in an otherwise democratic context. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The article "Introduction: For a Relational Turn, Part Two" from Oxford German Studies discusses the urgent need for a shift towards relational imaginaries to address the negative impacts of the Cartesian concept of the autonomous human. It explores how relationality in art and literature can inform politics and sciences, challenging techno-rationalist visions. The text delves into various literary works and films that highlight different aspects of relationality, emphasizing the importance of interconnectedness and shared agency in addressing contemporary challenges. [Extracted from the article]

Copyright of Pixo: Revista de Arquitetura Cidade e Contemporaneidade is the property of Pixo Revista de Arquitetura Cidade e Contemporaneidade and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Copyright of Pixo: Revista de Arquitetura Cidade e Contemporaneidade is the property of Pixo Revista de Arquitetura Cidade e Contemporaneidade and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Copyright of Pixo: Revista de Arquitetura Cidade e Contemporaneidade is the property of Pixo Revista de Arquitetura Cidade e Contemporaneidade and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

This paper maps the distribution of post-conflict violence in Belfast and how it has restructured socially, economically and spatially. An end to hostilities and stable transition produces and is produced by a more complex set of distinctly urban assemblages, actors, resources and places. Bringing the ideas of 'ordering' into relation with assemblage theory, the paper suggests that explanations for the survival, volume, type and distribution of violence cannot be understood within exclusively ethnonational frames, identarian politics or military logics. In Belfast, the data reveal a more variegated map of peace and consumption; inner-city alienation and the intensification of division; as well as the emergence of new geographies of displaced violence. The paper concludes by emphasising the need to understand how urban processes and competing ethnic orders create highly differentiated spaces that explain the resilience of violence after hostilities have formally closed. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

AbstractIn Ethiopia, urbanization and urban violence are recent phenomena dating back to the beginning of the twentieth century. In the country’s long history, politics and urban violence have been bedfellows and reliable means of change, devolution, and reform. Since 1916, Ethiopia has essentially experienced more violence in its urban’s than in its rural areas due to recurrent episodes of political instability at the national level. Ironically, Ethiopian leaders were amateurs who were unable to draw lessons from their past deeds. Nevertheless, Ethiopian historiography has devoted little attention to the magnitude of political issues-related urban violence in Ethiopia. As a result, the paper attempted to analyse two goals. First, it tries to analyse the historical events of Ethiopian urban violence from 1916–1991, and secondly, it tries to explain the tradition of Ethiopian leaders to learn from past deeds. To document this extraordinary theme, the paper grey on both primary sources and published secondary literature that have been available to the writer to date. The collected data was systematically verified, analyzed, and interpreted through qualitative data analysis.

This paper examines how home is produced by women under conditions of violence. It contends why domestic violence (DV) is not a disruption, but a 'condition of possibility' in the production of the ideal home. Drawing on cultural aphorisms the paper highlights the role of gender norms in simultaneously idealizing the mother and normalizing DV in Sri Lanka. The veneration of the mother in all ethno-religious communities, the paper argues, is conditioned upon a woman's capacity for nurture and her absorption of violence through the embodiment of feminine virtues: selflessness, forbearance, and long-suffering. The paper contributes to discussions of home and domestic violence in three ways. First, it illuminates cross-cultural meanings of home and the gendered labour that produces it. Second, it describes how women dwell with DV by embodying gender norms through acts of care and repair. Finally, the paper aims to underscore the materiality of gender norms in creating a 'moral-economy of care'; that is, the ways by which cultural truisms – in postulating a triumvirate of woman-home-suffering – emotionally tethers woman to home compelling her to produce it under conditions of violence. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Community violence and crime are significant public health problems with serious and lasting effects on young people, families, and communities. This violence and crime have significant ripple effects, affecting not just those who are directly physically injured, but also those who witness violent episodes, those who have friends or loved ones killed or injured, and those who must everyday navigate streets that they know have been frequent sites of serious violence and crime. The current study presents evidence of the impact that a data-driven, collective impact approach — the Communities that Care prevention system — can have on violence and crime outcomes within a large urban, high-burden community. Established as one of the national Youth Violence Prevention Centers (YVPC) funded by the Centers for Disease Control and Prevention, the Chicago Center for Youth Violence Prevention is among the first to implement the CTC approach in a large, urban community. The current study's findings show reductions in violence (i.e., aggravated assaults and robberies) in the Bronzeville community, compared to similar communities in Chicago. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

How can attention to spatial dynamics improve our understanding of where, how, and why conflict-related violence (CRV) concentrates within postwar cities such as Mitrovica? Like many other postwar cities, Mitrovica – one of Kosovo's largest cities – remains affected by violence connected to the preceding war. This violence is not equally distributed across the city but rather concentrates to certain flashpoints while other sites are comparatively calm(er). To date, however, research on postwar cities has not fully explained such patterns, partly due to limitations in microlevel data. In this article we rely on novel georeferenced data on CRV, in combination with in-depth fieldwork, to map CRV in Mitrovica and explore the causes for its spatial clustering. Using this approach, we show that CRV concentrates at Mitrovica's Main Bridge and explore this concentration using relational space as an analytical lens. The analysis contributes new insights into patterns of violence in Mitrovica, demonstrates the value of combining systematic data on the patterns of CRV with in-depth exploration into its underlying dynamics, and contributes to existing research on Mitrovica as well as on postwar cities and postwar violence more broadly. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The article studies selective homicide, a modality of urban violence and its related forms in the district of Buenaventura between 2000. and 2015. The methodology was mixed, based on aggregated databases of the National Center for Historical Memory (CNMH, for its acronym in Spanish) and the documentary prepared with local, regional, and national press. The results show the prevalence of selective homicide against members of organizations and social leaders, retaliation between armed groups, and organized crime related to illicit crops and common crime. Between 2002 and 2005, it was more intense, and massacres and disappearances were higher between 2006 and 2010. By way of conclusion, selective killing is linked to illegal activities, political interests, and the actions of armed groups of different kinds, as expressions of power towards individuals with social identities and their organizations seen as adversaries. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This study examines Colombian author Gloria Susana Esquivel’s novel Animales del fin del mundo (2017). Narrated in first-person in the past tense, the novel follows seven-year-old Inés as she navigates an austere home life while also attempting to understand the urban violence that punctuates her affluent neighborhood amidst Colombia’s decades-long internal armed conflict. Caught in familial strife, yet unable to escape her home, Inés must keep to herself, often inventing imaginary friends and games to play in the absence of others. This study analyzes her invention of alter egos serving during child’s play as vehicles of self-discovery allowing her to play, converse, and find herself both literally and figuratively. Her relationship with child’s play, however, is complicated when Inés meets María, the housekeeper’s granddaughter. Though Inés initially idolizes María, admiration slowly turns to jealousy and rivalry, with their child’s play feeding Inés’s exploration of prejudice, greed, and pride. This study thus explores how Inés comes into her own voice as she begins to articulate expressions of class struggle and socioeconomic disparity between her and María through animal symbology, allowing Esquivel to push the boundaries of conventional notions of childhood innocence and female docility. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Reversing physical disinvestment, e.g., by remediating abandoned buildings and vacant lots, is an evidence-based strategy to reduce urban firearm violence. However, adoption of this strategy has been inconsistent across US cities. Our community-academic partnership sought to support adoption in Toledo, OH, USA, by generating locally relevant analyses on physical disinvestment and firearm violence. We used a spatial case–control design with matching. Physical disinvestment measures were derived from a citywide parcel foot audit conducted by the Lucas County Land Bank in summer 2021. Firearm violence outcomes were incident-level shootings data from the Toledo Police Department from October 2021 through February 2023. Shooting locations were matched to controls 1:4 on poverty rate, roadway characteristics, and zoning type. Exposures were calculated by aggregating parcels within 5-min walking buffers of each case and control point. We tested multiple disinvestment measures, including a composite index. Models were logistic regressions that adjusted for the matching variables and for potential spatial autocorrelation. Our sample included N = 281 shooting locations and N = 1124 matched controls. A 1-unit increase in the disinvestment score, equal to approximately 1 additional disrepair condition for the average parcel within the walking buffer, was associated with 1.68 times (95% CI: 1.36, 2.07) higher odds of shooting incidence. Across all other measures, greater disinvestment was associated with higher odds of shooting incidence. Our finding of a strong association between physical disinvestment and firearm violence in Toledo can inform local action. Community-academic partnership could help increase adoption of violence prevention strategies focused on reversing physical disinvestment. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Engaging men has been established as central in addressing intimate partner violence. Yet few studies on intimate partner violence explored men's perspectives on what constitutes sexual violence in relationships only. To explore how men conceptualize sexual violence, we engaged a qualitative approach to unpack men's narratives of sexual IPV. The study was conducted in Mwanza, Tanzania using in-depth interviews with 30 married men. Men shared a broad spectrum of unacceptable behaviors that clearly or potentially connote sexual violence. Some of the acts were deemed to constitute sexual violence when directed to both men and women, while some were perceived as sexual violence when directed to women or men only. Threatened manhood underpinned men's conceptualization of sexual violence against them by their partners. Although a large part of men's narratives of sexual violence towards women seemed to challenge the common sexual scripts existing in patriarchal societies, some of their accounts indicated the persistence of traditional presumptions of masculine sexual entitlement. Our findings uncover additional dimensions of sexual violence that go beyond what is included in the current global frameworks, underscoring the critical need of giving people a voice in their local contexts in defining what sexual intimate partner violence entails for them. This may increase the likelihood of interventions becoming more acceptable and effective when targeting sexual violence, thereby contributing to reduced levels of sexual intimate partner violence. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

How do mothers deal with chronic violence and the constant presence of guns in their neighborhoods? How do they build situated meaning and discursive practices out of their experiences and relationships with armed actors? We compare the experiences of women in two poor and working-class neighborhoods in Caracas. Through this comparative ethnographic project, we aim to show how, in the midst of state-sponsored depredation and with an overwhelming presence of guns in their lives, women use their cultural roles as mothers to perform everyday forms of resistance vis-à-vis the different armed actors that impose their presence in the barrios. In the mothers’ daily struggles, dramatic discursive actions—from more openly oppositional ones, such as shouting, scolding, and talking, to more hidden ones, such as both “circulating gossip” and “captive gossip,” to more vulnerable ones, such as whispering—are main resources in the micropolitics of their neighborhoods. Our findings suggest that strategies are context dependent and most likely vary according to numerous factors, including the history of civic organizing, policing practices, and the type of armed actor with whom they cohabitate in their neighborhood.

The paper explores why the provinces of Ontario and Quebec devised contrasting policies in response to similar incidents of urban violence in the mid-2000s. In both settings, municipal police departments launched aggressive campaigns against so-called "youth gangs." However, Ontario went one step further and created a new "youth policy" to expand out-of-school programs for children and adolescents. By examining the origins of the policies in each province, the paper concludes that Black political actors in Ontario were leading champions of the youth policy, whereas, in Quebec, police chiefs took the driver's seat and advocated for a disciplinary strategy against "street gangs." The contrasts in policy and Black political participation exemplify the distinct racial politics of the provinces. Race-conscious policy in Ontario grows out of a tradition of Black radicalism and multi-racial coalitions. In Quebec, minority nationalism turns race into a proxy for clashes over ethnicity and culture. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of Intersecoes: Revista de Estudios Interdisciplinares is the property of Editora da Universidade do Estado do Rio de Janeiro (EdUERJ) and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Copyright of Revista Foco (Interdisciplinary Studies Journal) is the property of Revista Foco and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Copyright of Temida is the property of Victimology Society of Serbia and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Copyright of Revista Soletras is the property of Editora da Universidade do Estado do Rio de Janeiro (EdUERJ) and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Copyright of Social Sciences & Humanities Studies / Društvene i Humanističke Studije (DHS) is the property of Faculty of Humanities & Social Sciences, University of Tuzla and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

This special issue departs from the premise that the sensible dimensions of urban (in)security shape lived and embodied experiences of the city in ways that reflect and affect social and spatial forms of control, belonging, and inequality. As visceral as they may seem, we also contend that these sensorial registers of (in)security are far from given: they are learned and taught, whether consciously, or otherwise. Drawing on ideas of enskilment and apprenticeship, the articles that make up this thematic collection engage the sensorial attunement of urban dwellers to how risk and safety look and feel in a diverse set of cities. Rather than an end, this approach is a means to deepen our understanding of how processual, everyday geographies of inequality are reproduced in practices and imaginaries of urban security. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Lyari, one of the oldest settlements in Karachi, has been the site of conflict between political parties, criminal gangs, and law enforcement agencies since the early 2000s. Between 2008 and 2013, much of Lyari was controlled by the People’s Aman Committee (PAC), a body created as a means of ending a long-standing conflict between two gang factions. It was common knowledge among residents that this organization was patronized by certain branches of the state and could provide access to public goods, thus blurring the line between formality and informality. For some, this organization was viewed positively as decreasing the distance between citizens and the state and also as a means of imparting quick “justice.” For others, the informal nature of the PAC legitimized the power of violent actors and strengthened their desire for formal state rule. This paper argues that the opacity introduced by organizations such as the PAC is a deliberate strategy used by the state to bolster its authority, particularly among marginalized populations.