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The Companies Act 2016 introduced judicial management as a corporate rescue mechanism in Malaysia to rehabilitate financially distressed companies or to facilitate a more advantageous asset realisation, as an alternative to liquidation. A significant aspect of this framework is the right of secured creditors to veto the making of a judicial management order under section 409 of the Act. This article critiques this veto power, arguing that it creates an imbalance between secured and unsecured creditors, particularly in accessing the judicial management process. It also reviews legislative changes in Singapore related to this issue, suggesting that Malaysia should consider similar amendments to enhance fairness. The article advocates for adopting Singapore's approach to recalibrate the rights of creditors, which would promote a more equitable consideration of interests among creditors within the Malaysian judicial management scheme, ultimately benefiting the overall framework. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper inductively distinguishes six types of European Parliament (EP) involvement in the negotiation of international agreements. Since 2009, the EP has veto power on international agreements and has leveraged it through various activities such as resolutions. However, there exists no cross-case characterization of the EP's involvement. Therefore, this paper asks: what are the types of EP involvement during the negotiation of international agreements? To systematically compare the nature, frequency and timing of EP activities, sequence analysis is applied to a dataset of EP activities relative to the 344 agreements concluded since 2009. For a majority of agreements, the EP acts as a 'bystander' and does not conduct any activities. When it does conduct activities, the EP most frequently acts as a 'loud late riser' and is active only during the ratification stage. For other agreements, EP involvement is very diverse regarding the timing and frequency of activities. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Fifteen years following the entry into force of the Lisbon Treaty, this article seeks to analyse its impact on EU executive rulemaking. It delves into the constitutional concerns arising from the architecture of Articles 290 and 291 Treaty on the Functioning of the European Union (TFEU), in particular relating to the institutional balance, the concept of implementation, the distinction between delegated and implementing acts and the legitimacy of the control mechanisms envisaged in the TFEU. The article argues that there is a need for reform and integration of Articles 290 and 291 TFEU in one Article dedicated to EU executive rulemaking, going beyond mere considerations of institutional balance. Such a reform entails a return to the essence of comitology as a general mechanism for consultation in and control of rulemaking, allowing Member States to deliberate with the Commission with a veto right for both the Parliament and the Council, embracing the idea of executive subsidiarity. It requires also to go beyond the old comitology mechanisms based on a pure interinstitutional perspective by connecting to Article 11 TEU (Treaty on European Union) and recognising the need for participatory engagement so as to enhance the legitimacy of EU executive rulemaking. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

We present simple and direct arguments to characterize strongly group strategy-proof social choice functions whose range is of cardinality two. The underlying society is of arbitrary cardinality, and agents can be indifferent among alternatives. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Project portfolio management (PPM) has become a popular practice among organisations in effectively driving a collection of projects and/or programmes to align with and meet their strategic objectives. PPM is still considered a new concept, and is in the early days of its implementation. Even the best-performing organisations are still not excelling in executing best practices in PPM. This research reviews the literature on the robustness of portfolio governance controls. A semistructured technique entailing a questionnaire and qualitative interviews to access best practices was used with a population of PPM professionals from various industries. The paper reviews the impact of higher levels of compliance on a model and/or framework in more mature environments in order to prevent or minimise the influence of external elements such as executive veto on PPM practices. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Simon Rippon, revising an earlier argument against kidney sales, now claims that offers involving the performance of invasive acts, when extended to people under pressure, constitute a kind of rights violation, Impermissibly Disrespectful Demands. Since offers involving kidney sales so qualify, Rippon finds prima facie reason to prohibit them. The present article levels four independent objections to Rippon's argument: the account of Impermissibly Disrespectful Demands implausibly condemns kidney donation as much as kidney sales; the normative importance of having autonomous veto control over bodily incursions does not plausibly underwrite a right to not be extended invasive offers under pressure; Impermissibly Disrespectful Demands can easily be transformed into innocuous offers; and the prohibition has greater welfare costs than Rippon acknowledges. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This study delves into the determinants of legislative overrides in multiparty legislatures, with a specific focus on the influence of partisan fragmentation within congress. Utilizing an original dataset spanning from 1995 to 2017, we examine the cases of Ecuador and Peru. Our argument posits that during lawmaking, a dispersed and fragmented party system prevents the president from anticipating the preferences of the congressional pivotal party. In such a scenario of incomplete information, the president's capacity to introduce selective incentives through vetoes is limited. In this way, the president is less likely to break the congressional majority supporting a bill. Consequently, the vetoed bill becomes less acceptable compared to the original statute. This, in turn, provides the congressional majority with increased incentives to uphold the original bill, elevating the likelihood of a legislative override. In alignment with this rationale, our findings indicate that an increase in the effective number of parties (ENP) has a positive and significant impact on the probability of a legislative override. Additionally, our evidence underscores a noteworthy contrast between the relatively high rate of legislative overrides in Latin America and findings for the US case. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper investigates the relationship between domestic legislative veto players and human rights treaty commitment. While research connects legislative veto players with ratification delays, I argue that legislative veto players also shape the timing of nonbinding treaty signature. Confronted with the possibility of ratification delay or rejection, executives in states requiring legislative approval for ratification sign treaties earlier as signature does not require the legislature. The results of quantitative analyses strongly support the argument. Examining the treaty signature timing of four core UN human rights treaties (ICCPR, CAT, CEDAW, and CRC), I find an overall significant and positive relationship between the requirement of legislatures to approve ratification and earlier treaty signature timing. Executives are responding to legislative veto player delays by speeding up treaty signing. This article contributes to the study of international law and domestic politics by further connecting ratification approval processes to commitment timing. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper introduces a new hybrid tool to classify manufacturing errors in production processes. Our tool is a hybrid procedure based on the combination of the parsimonious AHP method with a clustering method. Parsimonious AHP permits to use a much smaller number of pairwise comparisons with respect to classical-AHP. At the same time, the use of a clustering method, allows for the assignment of the alternatives on the basis of their closeness to each other and not on the basis of some reference profiles as happens in several other methods. Furthermore, some veto systems help the decision maker to better define how the errors belong to different classes in a participative way. The approach has been tested in a largest automotive plants in Italy. This approach has provided the company with a participative and robust theoretically funded tool that supports the understanding of the seriousness of the manufacturing errors. From a methodological point of view, the hybrid tools, for the first time, combine the newly developed parsimonious AHP with a clustering method. From a practical point of view, this paper has introduced a new tool to classify and improve the production quality of the processes to an extremely competitive sector. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Norway is committed to promoting energy from renewable sources, but wind power installations are often sited in areas where the environment remains relatively untouched. This has generated a debate about the acceptability of such installations in the country. Host municipalities in Norway hold an unofficial veto power over the outcomes of proposals for wind power developments, so the ways that local attitudes and beliefs are influenced could be crucial to the outcome of licensing decisions. This research explores how elected officials come to hear about proposed wind farm developments, whose knowledge and expertise they trust on the issue – as well as whose is discounted – and how this impacts the eventual perceptions that they adopt. We investigate the persuasive influence of narrative messaging on both supportive and oppositional stakeholders in a land-based wind power licensing process in Norway. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of Swiss Political Science Review is the property of Wiley-Blackwell and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Changes in constitutional power involve conflict. These contests can be modelled as a strategic interaction. The abdication of Edward VIII was primarily a strategic interaction between him and his prime minister Stanley Baldwin. The interaction can be modelled using game theory, but heresthetic better describes how both players attempted to change the incentives and choices available to the other, as well as the veto players that could block movement away from the status quo. Edward abdicated, but he did so in part because of a lack of commitment to winning. Nevertheless, Baldwin paid a price: the weakening of the empire and the commonwealth. The outcome of the crisis was predictable, but it was a strategic conflict, not the cooperative interaction that Baldwin at the time, and others since, have made it out to be. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of Journal of Politics in Latin America is the property of Sage Publications Inc. and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Why does the European Commission continue to sign onto unstable international data flow agreements with the United States? After two agreements were struck down by the European Court of Justice, and clear signals that a new one could meet a similar fate, the European Commission agreed to the Data Privacy Framework. To make sense of this behavior, we connect traditional work on veto points with work on historical institutionalism to highlight an international negotiation strategy – running out the clock. While traditional veto points literature suggests multiple institutions with varying preferences will limit the set of potential policies or their adoption, we highlight how these dynamics change when considering veto points in time. We showcase our argument by building three historical narratives detailing the negotiation of the successive data flow agreements. Our findings have important implications for the future of the transatlantic privacy regime as well as negotiation dynamics. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Referendums were historically and theoretically justified as a people's veto. Do voters use them as such or are referendums merely second-order votes? This article aims to answer this question through a comparative study of all constitutional referendums around the world between 1980 and 2022 using a VP-Function model. The results indicate that the support for constitutional referendums follows a pattern in which compulsory voting, economic conditions and voter mobilisation are important. Contrary to findings in more generic studies of referendums, there is no indication of a 'honeymoon' period for constitutional referendums. Also, in contrast to other studies, the presence of emotive words and what may appear as 'leading questions' favour higher support, though this is not present in countries with compulsory voting. The results contribute to the study of referendums and to the wider debate about voters' preferences by showing that political factors are more important than structural factors. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Human perception is often based on the integration of multiple sensory cues, where more statistically reliable cues are considered to have stronger influence on the percept. For example, in three-dimensional shape perception, binocular disparity is considered the most reliable cue at close distances, while pictorial cues like shading are considered less reliable. In three within-subject experiments, we instead show that shading can override disparity, a result that cannot be explained by its measured reliability, cue vetoing or cue promotion. Observers judged the shape of a disparity surface that was combined with different shading patterns. In all tests, shading altered the perceived shape specified by a strong disparity signal in a way that could not be predicted by standard accounts of three-dimensional perception. We find an example of unaccounted for cue cooperation, where shading becomes strong when it interacts with disparity. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The two speeches of Wealhtheow in Beowulf (ll. ll. 1169–87, 1216–31) contain various features that differentiate the speech of the queen from the speech of other characters in the poem. She is the only character in the poem who uses thirteen imperatives in thirty-five lines, who uses the word hyse ('young man'), and who uses the phrase mē man sæġde ('I was informed') to report the speech of another character. We argue that these features are used to characterize Wealhtheow as a politely aggressive speaker, whose language is superficially courteous but fundamentally imperious. Assuming sapiential authority over Hrothgar and Beowulf, Wealhtheow peremptorily vetoes the king's plan and ensures that the hero will be rewarded with treasure rather than kingship. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

From the 2009 sovereign debt crisis to the 2022 Russian full-scale war in Ukraine, the EU has experienced a succession of intersecting crises, or a 'polycrisis'. We examine how this polycrisis has impacted the EU's role in security and defence. While the EU's competences in security and defence have long suffered from disagreements among member states, they have shown notable developments since Brexit, and most importantly, since the 2022 war in Ukraine. We make a two-step argument to shed light on why the polycrisis has had these differentiated effects over time. The first move we make is to unpack the polycrisis to explain why and when an increase in competences may take place. We single out two crises that offer pathways for positive politicisation, leading to increased cooperation and competences: an external military threat and an internal crisis in the form of the loss of a major veto player. In a second step, we argue that the existence of an alternative organisation, NATO, helps us explain where and what cooperation can take place. Shared military threats can lead to complementary rather than substitutive empowerment at least during the duration of the crisis. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of Middle East Journal of Legal & Jurisprudence Studies / Mağallaẗ al-Šarq al-Awsaṭ li-l-ʿulūm al-Qānūniyyaẗ wa-al-Fiqhiyyaẗ is the property of Manar Elsharq for Studies & Research and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

We consider the classic veto bargaining model but allow the agenda setter to engage in persuasion to convince the veto player to approve her proposal. We show that the proposer‐optimal can be achieved either by providing no information or with a simple binary experiment. Proposer chooses to reveal partial information when there is sufficient expected misalignment with Vetoer. In this case, the opportunity to engage in persuasion strictly benefits Proposer and increases the scope to exercise agenda power. We discuss applications and how the optimal experiment can be implemented in practice. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article intends to investigate to what extent, how, and when individuals who are below the leader's level affect the processes and outputs of international politics. It does so by analyzing one group of below-leader actors—diplomatic negotiators in EU foreign policy. It first shows how, despite all the bureaucratic layers they are embedded in, individual negotiators have de facto acquired ultimate policymaking responsibilities, most prominently in the selection of tactics. This empowerment of individual diplomats occurs through a process of double state disaggregation: Policymaking responsibilities have shifted from the political to the bureaucratic level; then, within the latter, from the capital-based administration to the officials involved, often in single capacity, in negotiations. Next, it tests three individual characteristics (experience, style, and identity) against an original dataset of 138 questionnaires completed by EU diplomats and 17 interviews. It shows that negotiators' personal traits explain the use of some, but not all, tactics. Specifically, they are less likely to matter when negotiators have to commit the state in significant and explicit ways, e.g. when threatening/exercising veto. When this does not happen (e.g. showing flexibility in the delegation's position or using persuasion), the influence of individual characteristics is instead strong. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Differentiated integration is often considered a solution to gridlock in the European Union. However, questions remain concerning its perceived legitimacy among the public. While research shows that most citizens are not, in principle, opposed to differentiated integration – although support varies across different differentiated integration models and different country contexts – we still know little about the role institutional design plays in citizens' evaluations of differentiated integration. This article inspects how citizens evaluate different hypothetical differentiated integration arrangements, with varying decision-making procedures, using a conjoint experiment. We ask whether institutional arrangements can overcome citizens' preference heterogeneity over differentiated integration, and thereby foster the legitimacy of a differentiated European Union. We find that while a majority of citizens care about the inclusiveness of differentiated integration arrangements, they also support limiting the number of veto points. Our analysis also reveals noteworthy differences across citizens with pro- and anti-European Union attitudes in the perceived fairness of differentiated integration arrangements. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Although presidential vetoes are central to the legislative process, the role of total versus line item vetoes (LIV) is largely unclear. While total vetoes are a sign of conflict between the branches, as the literature has emphasized, we argue that LIV function as a negative agenda setting mechanism that enables presidents to coordinate within their coalition. To test our argument, we use an original dataset on all statutes and executive decrees approved and vetoed in Brazil for the period 1988–2010. In both, statutes and decrees, we show that while total vetoes occur when conflict between branches is stronger, LIV happen when such conflict is minimal and presidents have tight control over their coalition. The results are robust across dependent variables, model specifications, and estimation strategies. Our findings highlight that while the total veto is a blunt bargaining mechanism, the LIV provides a scalpel, a much finer tool that helps presidents manage and sustain their congressional coalition. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Pivotal legislators' positions are critical to legislative outcomes, but does this heightened importance in policymaking translate into heightened electoral accountability or voter knowledge? Arguments about clarity of responsibility suggest that pivotal legislators, who are decisive in determining legislative outcomes, may be held to higher standards, while perspectives rooted in electoral incentives for position taking suggest they may not. Two survey experiments show that voters do not respond more strongly to pivotal legislators' votes on policy. Moreover, observational data analysis rejects the expectation that constituents have more knowledge about the votes of pivotal moderate legislators compared to non-pivotal moderate legislators. These results suggest that pivotal legislators face similar, if not lower, accountability for their votes. Combined with the policy-concessions pivotal legislators can secure, these patterns point to the benefits that accrue to pivotal legislators from institutional rules that give them key veto power over policy. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of Journal of International Business Studies is the property of Springer Nature and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

When does the delegation of legislative powers to the executive endanger policy compliance? The European Union (EU) Lisbon Treaty introduced quasi-legislative tertiary legislation – delegated acts – which empowers the European Commission to amend secondary legislation. Formally, member states control delegated acts only ex post via a veto power in the Council, while they have both ex ante amendment powers and ex post veto over the alternative Commission legislation: implementing acts. However, as member states determine the choice of legislative instrument, we argue that they would consent to the Commission adopting delegated acts only on non-controversial issues. Such selection should result in their lower compliance with implementing than with delegated acts. Our analyses of member states' transposition delays and infringement cases related to EU tertiary directives support this argument. The results suggest that the delegation of legislative powers to the executive does not increase non-compliance when the legislators have the means to moderate it ex ante. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

To enhance service delivery and local democracy, legislators have tinkered with size or status of local governments in the Philippines. This elasticity in local borders has been more evident at the province level, the highest local government tier. Since 1987, a new province is birthed roughly every three years. As the determinants and mechanisms of contemporary province fragmentation are under-examined, this article investigates, at several policymaking levels and dimensions, attempts to redraw borders of Philippine provinces. Framed by an institutional framework and a case-study approach, and employing a veto-player analysis, heuristic cases of two provinces (Quezon and Zamboanga del Sur) were unpacked and compared. Findings reveal that there is a large and fragmented veto-player group in the area of territorial rescaling of provinces. Congruence of preferences among veto players was observed to be influenced by territorial leveraging, pivot on networks and reciprocity norm, and mirroring of preferences. The tenacity and strategic actions of reform agent or policy entrepreneur (usually the congressman), sometimes assisted by social movement, is likewise found crucial in the pathways leading to reform outcomes. In a simple cross-case analysis of recent reform attempts, findings also suggest that the provinces' core-periphery location pattern, and proposed type of spatio-jurisdictional partition are associated with reform outcomes. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Defined as a credible threat that strengthens the bargaining position of the executive, presidential vetoes, widely understudied, carry a stigma of confrontation between state powers. But under some institutional setups, partial vetoes can be an additional step in the executive–legislative bargaining process. After a discussion of whether partial vetoes are a proactive legislative tool or a bargaining tool to induce executive–legislative cooperation, we test four hypotheses using the 2,346 bills introduced in Chile between 1990 and 2018 that reached a vetoable stage. We identified 97 partial vetoes (4.2 percent) and one total veto. Presidents are more likely to veto bills with more complex legislative processes and when they have stronger support in at least one chamber, but more popular presidents do not veto more bills. As most presidential vetoes in Chile are partial, they are an additional executive–legislative bargaining step in the lawmaking process rather than evidence of hyperpresidentialism. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

It is often argued that bipartisan lawmaking depends on minority legislative parties controlling institutional veto points through divided government and/or supermajority pivots. Using a new dataset of state legislative rollcall votes on tax increases—an issue where states vary in whether they require majority or supermajority votes—I assess (1) whether minority control of veto points is necessary for bipartisan policymaking and (2) whether there are greater levels of partisan governance when the majority controls all veto points. I find that partisan governance is more likely when the majority controls all vetoes. However, bipartisan policymaking is still the most common outcome even when institutional conditions are seemingly ideal for partisan governance. Interviews with state policymakers uncover various noninstitutional reasons for bipartisanship regardless of veto control. My findings suggest that while institutional rules can compel bipartisanship, they are just one of many reasons why the minority party participates in lawmaking. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Studies of domestic political actors' influence on the design of preferential trade agreements (PTAs) have focused on veto players as obstacles to policy change, assuming their roles as access points or channels for economic interests. Access point and veto player theories predict that multiple access points lead to a protectionist bias and that numerous veto players have a constraining influence over PTAs. This study argues that after the veto player and access point theories are combined, the effect of variation in the number of veto players and access points on the institutional features of PTAs depends on the types of exporters (endowment-based or intra-industry exporters) with whom said political actors interact. Quantitative tests show that as the value of intra-industry exports rises, veto players and access points have a less constraining effect on the scope and autonomy of PTAs. This study employed a novel dataset to approximate the values of intra-industry and endowment-based exports of 256 Standard International Trade Classification (SITC) products manufactured by 500 trading partners. The findings highlight the importance of considering the broader influence of political actors and economic interests on PTA design. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

AbstractPresidents use veto threats to bargain over legislation with Congress. While presidents may fail if Congress passes legislation over their veto threat, they also lose some power if they must repeatedly “go public” in bargaining over one bill. This article examines “repeat” veto threats: multiple veto threats issued to the same bill. Using data on all veto threats issued from 1985 through 2022, I find that presidents issue fewer repeat veto threats during unified government and when majority control of the two congressional chambers is divided. Presidents with higher approval ratings also tend to issue more repeat veto threats. Presidents avoid repeatedly “going public” when they can but more popular presidents do so if they must. I also find evidence of more repeat veto threats on spending bills, which suggests that presidential bargaining and “going public” operate differently across the authorization and appropriations processes. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Analyzing the evolutionary features and internal logic of the one-vote veto system in China over the past two decades is highly significant when considering reform and standardization. In order to conduct this analysis, the Nvivo 12 software was used to examine policy texts related to the one-vote veto issued by Fujian, Hubei, and Gansu provinces. Through a comparative analysis of keyword frequency statistics, policy text form, and content characteristics across the three provinces, it was discovered that governmental departments have experienced fundamental changes in their utilization of the one-vote veto system after 20 years of development. These changes are primarily seen in the refinement of the description of the one-vote veto in policy texts, the gradual reduction in the withdrawal mechanism of the one-vote veto, and an expanded application field for the one-vote veto. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article delves into the intricate process unfolding in the Senate regarding a legislative proposal, featuring the controversies arising around amendment uniformity and budgetary veto. Specifically, It examines the budgetary veto by the government concerning the modification proposal tendered during the plenary phase, its rejection by the Senate board, and the resolution of this dispute by the Senate president, culminating with the annulment of a plenary vote conducted two days prior. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This text examines the criticisms of the functioning of the United Nations Security Council (UNSC) and a significant study on this topic. In recent years, the UNSC has been criticized for its inability to provide adequate solutions to global issues and for being under the influence of major powers. Prof. Dr. Ali Balcı's work positions the UNSC as a laboratory for understanding international politics by deeply analyzing its internal dynamics and decision-making processes. The study comprehensively addresses issues such as the structural injustices of the UNSC, the veto power, and the voting behaviors of non-permanent members, providing important insights into its role in the international system. [Extracted from the article]

China has recurrently delayed, blocked, and/or stopped attempts by India (and other countries) to designate Pakistani citizens as terrorists under the UN Security Council 1267 Committee rules by placing "technical hold" or employing its veto. Question arises "why does China shield Pakistan on terrorism and block India's attempts to designate Pakistani citizens as terrorists?" Employing asymmetric alliance in conjunction with quasi-alliance as the analytical framework, the article argues that China's motives are explained by the India–China rivalry resulting in a quasi-alliance between China and Pakistan against their common enemy India. The China-Pakistan quasi-alliance is geared toward balancing and containing India. India's rise poses a challenge to China's ambitions of being the pre-dominant power in Asia. An important characteristic of this quasi-alliance is China's support to Pakistan's policy of asymmetric balancing against India by employing a plethora of terrorist organizations to target India and Indian interests abroad. Non-state actors fostered by Pakistan provide China with a low-cost option to ensure that India is wary of its western neighbor and its political, military, and diplomatic energies are fixed on Pakistan. This prevents India from focusing its resources toward China, prevents India's rise and its ability to challenge China in Asia and beyond. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper presents the effects of background reduction with anticoincidence logical condition between the sum of muon-sensitive large scintillator veto detectors and a germanium detector as well as the time evolution of rejected, muon-induced coincidence gamma spectra. A special attention is paid to neutron effects. The digital event-by-event registration used for data acquisition opens possibilities to study in an off-line mode the variety of effects related to the time structure of all signals registered by detectors. In our laboratory currently we use two such systems with in-house written software Veto for off-line data analysis. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Ontological security studies emphasize the importance of routinized relations with others. European Integration is understood as a driver of such routinized relations, making it a source of ontological security and the EU an ontological security provider. Yet, as the case of North Macedonia illustrates, the process of EU accession goes along with bilateral disputes and can trigger concerns about ontological (in)security. To fully understand the dynamics of ontological security-seeking and -provision in the EU, the article investigates its limitations in the context of enlargement. This is done through a qualitative analysis of public statements of Macedonian representatives in the period between the Bulgarian veto in 2020 and the French proposal in 2022. Results indicate that the EU's role as a provider of ontological security in the Macedonian case highly depends on the perceived credibility of EU membership, as the latter is seen as a means to gain external recognition and thereby ensure the maintenance of a coherent sense of the Self. Perceptions of low membership credibility, however, challenge the ability of maintaining a coherent sense of the Self and turn the EU into a depriver of ontological security. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article examines NATO's role in the Kosovo War to discuss considerations of interventions without approval from the United Nation Security Council, using the principle of the Responsibility to Protect (R2P) and the theory of Instant Customary International Law (ICIL). It assesses how these actions fit into changing norms through Norm Cycle Theory, emphasising the evolution of R2P and the significance of opinio juris in establishing ICIL. The Security Council's structure and the five permanent members' veto power are major causes of its constraints. Diplomatic impasses and political interests can obstruct action, resulting in inadequate reactions to humanitarian emergencies. The intensification of armed conflicts such as the recent surge in violence in the Israel-Hamas conflict since fall 2023 calls for a renewed conversation about methods of intervention in the event the Security Council is unable or unwilling to take action. The paper suggests that despite its controversies, interventions can represent progress by promoting aid and legal principles. By delving into the applications and obstacles of R2P and ICIL in the context of the 2023 Israel-Hamas conflict, it proposes a harmonisation of UN Charter Article 103 with interventions that lack UN backing by prioritising rights over formalities. This way, the analysis seeks to contribute to discussions on the legality and ethics of interventions, providing perspectives for policy frameworks that address humanitarian emergencies. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Interdependence is typically regarded as the cause of inter-organizational collaboration. But it is also a consequence. Collaboration itself creates new interdependence as partners become more entwined in one another's operations and experience the vetoes, compromises, delays, and risks inherent in joint working. This paradox – mitigating one set of interdependencies by creating another – renders collaborative relations inherently unstable. Dissolution may occur if "ex-post" interdependence becomes more troublesome than the original "ex-ante" trigger for the partnership. We test this proposition through comparative analysis of 13 sustained, aborted, and dissolved inter-municipal cooperations in English local government. Ex-post interdependence was most pronounced in those partnerships that ended in dissolution, and informed the design of replacement arrangements. It was also a contributory factor in the abortive cases. But ex-post interdependence was minimized in the group of sustained collaborations by management actions that streamlined the coordination burden imposed by joint working. These findings have implications for partnership design, the collaborator's skillset, and theories of collaborative public management. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of Sakarya University Journal of Law Faculty (SHD) is the property of Sakarya University Journal of Law Faculty (SHD) and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

We analyze the effects of veto institutions in a dynamic model where control of the legislative and executive branches fluctuates between two parties. In our setting, there are universal projects (benefiting both parties) and partisan projects (benefiting one party at the expense of the other). When government is divided, the legislature can leverage the universal project to achieve a lopsided and dynamically inefficient distribution of partisan projects under the absolute veto. While the line‐item veto eliminates this type of hostage‐taking, it also prevents beneficial logrolls. A novel institution, the alternating line‐item veto, can both eliminate hostage‐taking and preserve beneficial interparty logrolls. No veto institution prevents dynamically inefficient, lopsided outcomes under unified government; this can only be done through norms, and we show that a no‐veto regime, or a regime with a line‐item veto, best facilitates such a cooperative norm. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

In this paper we present measurements performed with a Micromegas X-ray detector setup. The detector is a prototype in the context of the BabyIAXO helioscope, which is under construction to search for an emission of the hypothetical axion particle from the Sun. An important component of such a helioscope is a low background X-ray detector with a high efficiency in the 1-10 keV energy range. The goal of the measurement was to study techniques for background discrimination. In addition to common techniques we used a multilayer veto system designed to tag cosmic-ray induced neutron background. Over an effective time of 52 days, a background level of 8.6 χ 10[sup -7] counts keV[sup -1] cm[sup -2] s[sup -1] was reached in a laboratory at above ground level. This is the lowest background level achieved at surface level. In this paper we present the experimental setup, show simulations of the neutron-induced background, and demonstrate the process to identify background signals in the data. Finally, prospects to reach lower background levels down to 10[sup -7] counts keV[sup -1] cm[sup -2] s[sup -1] are discussed. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

External shocks and policy spillovers have facilitated a gradual shift away from the exceptionalism (exclusive role of agricultural interests) in the EU Common Agricultural Policy (CAP). This article argues that post-Lisbon decision-making rules and procedures, against some of the expectations, slowed this process. First, the parallel veto-based negotiations on the bloc's finances gave status quo actors the opportunity to influence the CAP indirectly (by blocking the redistribution of CAP funds) and directly (through package deals). Second, the co-decision procedure allowed the ministers of agriculture and the European Parliament's Committee of agriculture to change the proposals of the more reform-minded Commission more easily. The argument is supported by the case of the CAP 2023–2027 reform, which resulted in limited changes given the Brexit-related cut in CAP funding (external shock) and the inclusion of environmental targets as part of the European Green Deal (policy spillover effects). [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The present article analyzes the ineffectiveness of the United Nations' enforcement of biological warfare violations. After the Biological Warfare Convention (BWC) of 1972, little has been done to punish violations. This is in part to the failure of the BWC to implement an accountability system. Additionally, the sanctioning powers of the United Nations Security Council have been routinely stymied by the veto powers of the five permanent members (China, Russia, United States, United Kingdom, and France). To ensure countries abide by the BWC, a solution is needed regarding veto powers. This article proposes that the United States should pursue a United Nations amendment creating a narrow carve-out exception of the veto power in relation to biological warfare violations. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The executive veto is one of the most important instruments of presidential power within the legislative arena. Because of constitutional requirements, every regular veto and many pocket vetoes are accompanied by a short letter to Congress from the president describing—often in detail—the reasoning behind the decision to veto. As such, these messages form a unique window into interbranch and partisan conflict over time. While analyses have been conducted on the broad patterns of veto use, questions remain concerning presidential motivations for vetoing as well as how these motivations have evolved over time along with changing political institutions. Using a data set of approximately 2000 unique veto messages from the first in 1792 to the last of President Trump's vetoes in 2021, we examine the content of veto messages to uncover the number and kind of arguments used by presidents when addressing Congress over vetoed legislation. Our analysis uncovers significant variation, with the evolution of arguments within veto messages mirroring broader political trends. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This study examines intra-group competition over settlements in protracted conflicts, focusing on how they empower certain veto players allowing them to make deals across ethnic boundaries to compete with co-ethnic elites for in-group support. Institutional settlements can provide material benefits alongside conditions for participation in shared institutions to access those benefits. Cooperative players who emerge as alternatives to status quo veto players undermine existing elites' support by striking bargains across ethnic boundaries, including on institutional participation to provide public goods, rather than maintaining ethnic closure. Cooperative players emerge during periods of economic decline, elite-led group closure, and when solutions to practical problems are linked to peace settlements. This argument is developed using analysis of group-level competition during settlement efforts in Cyprus and Kosovo. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The European Union (EU) emerged as an agenda-setter in the World Health Organization (WHO) negotiations for a Pandemic Treaty. However, rather than endorsing the EU proposal of a binding treaty, the negotiators agreed upon a two-track process, aimed both at negotiating a Framework Convention and revising existing WHO regulations. Why did the EU achieve only partial results in the ongoing negotiations? Concerns for the defence of national sovereignty and uncertainties around its potential to effectively deliver equal access to health resources informed the position of states that vetoed the EU's proposal. Furthermore, the EU's principled preference for international treaties, despite the crisis of multilateral governance, has demonstrated lack of flexibility in the way the EU addresses global challenges. Instead of streamlining WHO operations, the two-track process is expected to increase the complexity of the organisation's response to future pandemics. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Russia’s aggression against Ukraine presents an unprecedented challenge to the United Nations. In particular, Russia, by wielding the veto of one of the five Permanent Members of the UN Security Council under UN Charter Article 23, paragraph 1, presents an anomaly: the organ of the UN intended to promote international peace and security finds itself stymied by an aggressor. UN Charter Article 6 provides for the expulsion of a Member that persistently violates the principles of the Charter, but the procedural requirements for activating Article 6 are onerous and almost certainly impossible to meet. Article 6 expulsion is not the end of the matter, however. On a number of occasions, credentials procedure has been used in the UN to curtail the participation of a State that has been involved in violations of Charter principles. The General Assembly effectively suspended Hungary in 1956 and South Africa in 1974 from participating in that principal UN organ, achieving this effect through the organ’s credentials procedure. The Security Council has a credentials procedure as well. Considering the substantive grounds for curtailing Russia’s participation in the Security Council, and considering the procedural precedent for using credentials procedure in this way, States should entertain action to address Russia’s presence and thus defend the Organization from an aggressor State filling one of the Organization’s most important roles. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The article focuses on California Governor Gavin Newsom's veto of Senate Bill 686, which aimed to extend occupational health and safety protections to domestic workers in California. It highlights the unique risks and high rates of workplace injury faced by these predominantly female, immigrant workers and critiques the governor's rationale for the veto. It discusses the broader legal and ideological challenges of regulating private household employment.

How did early presidents invoke power? Though existing works reveal incredible insights on the nature of presidential powers, most of those works focus on the so-called "modern presidency." This article examines the issue of presidential power in the 18th and 19th centuries using the actual words of presidents themselves. We examine how these presidents referred to power in their Inaugural Addresses, Special Messages, Veto Messages, and Annual Messages. Analyzing textual data from the American Presidency Project focusing on Washington through McKinley, we find important variations in how presidents referred to power in presidential communications, across administrations, document type, and over time. Results indicate that these presidents were quite active in discussing a variety of policy areas. Our results add to our understanding of earlier presidents, as well as to the nature of presidential rhetoric and policymaking. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]