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The war in Ukraine has had a marked economic impact. However, since Russia is a net producer of important commodities, the impact of sanctions on its economy was less than expected. But what would happen if there was a war involving a country that was a net importer of commodities? In the case of a possible China-US conflict over Taiwan, the impact on the world economy would be different, with a deeper recession around the world, but the impact on the Brazilian economy would still be positive on account of the possibility that would remain of agricultural exports to China. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

In the Anthropocene, practicing diplomacy with a renewed emphasis on strategy is critical. However, the implications of the planet's new geological reality – of which climate change is the primary indicator – have not been internalised into policy and practice thus far at both the domestic and international levels. Brazil is no exception. In this article, the strategic diplomacy framework is applied to the Brazilian case as a policy proposal and diagnostic tool to (a) identify the country's strategic climate interest, (b) propose a diplomatic strategy capable of addressing the gravity of the climate crisis, and (c) analyse the factors blocking the development of a national agenda and policy consistent with a climate security scenario. Despite Brazil's vast natural capital, powerful interests in the agribusiness and energy sectors, lack of vision among the ruling elites, and a poorly educated population in a society still marked by high levels of poverty and income inequality have precluded the country from developing a leading role in the global climate arena. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This commentary examines the challenge of sustainable development in the Amazon, arguing that global efforts to mitigate climate change and current Amazonian policies are clearly inadequate to prevent global warming and deforestation from tipping the forest into a savanna. It analyses the growing climate pressures jeopardising the Amazon's resilience; the erratic Brazilian, Bolivian, Colombian, Ecuadorian and Peruvian governance of the forest; and the failure of the Amazon Cooperation Treaty Organization (ACTO) to establish long-term forest conservation policies in the region. The research demonstrates that the 'savannisation hypothesis' is potentially closer to reality than most debates in the social sciences assume and should be considered seriously. The commentary concludes by suggesting possible pathways for preventing the dieback of the Amazon. These are based on three strategic axes: the strengthening of the ACTO, the promotion of a technological revolution in the forest, and a progressive environmental diplomacy by the Amazonian countries. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

An introduction is presented in which the editors discuss articles in the issue on topics including Brazil's self-image in Global Environmental Governance (GEG), Brazilian foreign policy at the International Civil Aviation Organization (ICAO), and global climate change.

Countries have a self-image of their role in global climate governance. If that image does not correspond to the country's actual level of climate power, commitment and leadership, it becomes a myth. In this article, we define climate self-images/myths and analyze comprehensively the Brazilian case between 1989 and 2019. For most of this period, Brazil's self-image was a myth. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Climate and deforestation impacts are jeopardizing the resilience of the Amazon rainforest, one of the key elements in the Earth's climate system whose dieback may trigger catastrophic climate change. The potential degree of climate risk that the planet is facing, and current Brazilian Amazonian politics and policies, make it alarmingly conceivable that a tipping point will be crossed that leads to savannization of the forest. However, the social science research community has not yet acknowledged this possibility. A timely revision of the research agenda is needed to address this gap. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article discusses the role of China, Russia, India and Brazil in the climate regime. It describes the trajectory of their emissions, of their domestic policies and of their international commitments, and argues that, despite their responsibility in causing the problem, they have been conservative forces in the climate regime. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Climate change has proved to be one of the greatest threats to human survival on Earth. Its mitigation requires that the greatest Greenhouse Gases (GHG) emitters adopt low carbon development, reducing emissions substantially. Brazil is among them. Although deforestation is still the main source of Brazilian emissions, since 1990 emissions from energy systems and industrial processes have increased and their shares in total Brazilian emissions have been consistently larger. It is the objective of the article to analyse Brazilian energy-climate policy and politics from 1990 to 2014 in order to clarify Brazilian progress towards low carbon development and Brazilian positions in the international climate change regime. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

If the world is not to jeopardize the chances for human life on Earth, climate change must be mitigated; therefore, achieving low carbon development is crucial. China is the world's greatest GHG emitter, energy producer and energy consumer; investigating its energy-climate policy developments and international positions are of utmost importance to understand and tackle current stumbling blocks of the global energy and climate governance. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Two main drivers shape the global governance of climate change: "climate power" and climate commitment. Climate power refers to the level of influence of certain agents over the climate social outcome at the systemic level. Climate commitment recalls the fact that the logic of global climate governance is also defined by the interaction of reformist and conservative forces, with the former willing to take post-sovereigntist measures to tackle the crisis, and the latter resisting any major changes in the way business is conducted. This article analyses the role of Brazil in global climate governance, considering both climate power and climate commitment. It argues that the country transitioned from a conservative great climate power to a moderate conservative position over the last decade, based on three pillars: reduction of greenhouse gas emissions, the adoption of domestic climate policies, and a shift in its international standing on the issue. However, since 2011 the process has stalled and partially reversed. The aim of this article is to address that transformation and explore its perspectives. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Assessing the changing role of the emerging powers in global climate change negotiations, with special attention to Brazil, we ask why they have agreed to voluntary reductions at home without formalising those commitments in ways that might persuade other large emitters to make similar binding commitments. We argue that for very large emitters, the climate issue does not evince the ‘global commons’ logic often attributed to it. Instead, since their actions can directly affect climate outcomes alone or in small groupings, large emitters are more responsive to domestic cost-benefit calculations, making international commitments based on shifting interest group pressures at home. In Brazil, a coalition of ‘Baptists and bootleggers’ found principled and interest-driven reasons to support new climate commitments after 2007. [ABSTRACT FROM PUBLISHER]

In the last five years, climate change has been established as a central civilizational driver of our time. As a result of this development, the most diversified social processes -- as well as the fields of science which study them -- have had their dynamics altered. In International Relations, this double challenge could be explained as follows: 1) in empirical terms, climate change imposes a deepening of cooperation levels on the international community, considering the global common character of the atmosphere; and 2) to International Relations as a discipline, climate change demands from the scientific community a conceptual review of the categories designed to approach the development of global climate governance. The goal of this article is to discuss in both conceptual and empirical terms the structure of global climate change governance, through an exploratory research, aiming at identifying the key elements that allow understanding its dynamics. To do so, we rely on the concept of climate powers. This discussion is grounded in the following framework: we now live in an international system under conservative hegemony that is unable to properly respond to the problems of interdependence, among which -- and mainly --, the climate issue. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

An introduction is presented in which the author discusses the articles published in this issue of the journal, including one on the role of the G-8 countries on climate change, one on international cooperation on environmental negotiations, and one on the climate policy of the European Union.

Humanitarian interventions (Bosnia, 1995-2003; Somalia, 1992-1993; Kosovo, 1999-2003) and the replacement of dictatorial regimes (Haiti, 1994; Afghanistan, 2001-2003; Iraq, 2003) in international politics have aroused much academic controversy throughout this past decade. This article analyzes, in light of the views of international relations and political science theorists, the legitimacy of such initiatives from the standpoint of the United States' unilateralism. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Compares the political transitions to democracy between Brazil and Argentina. Types of nonrevolutionary transitions to democracy; Differences between the transitions; Dimensions in the comparison of the political transitions.

Discusses the benefits of the integration of environmental and human rights movements. Similarities and conflicts between the movements; Possible contribution of environmentalism to the human rights movement; Addition of four areas of rights in environmentalists' agenda.

South–South transnational advocacy networks (SSTANs) targeting emerging states, Southern companies, and their supporting institutions warrant nuanced distinctions from traditional transnational advocacy networks that are heavily reliant on Northern actors and targets, particularly in terms of the strategies and arguments they employ. This article analyzes the dynamics of SSTANs through the case of an environmental campaign against Brazilian hydropower projects proposed in the Peruvian Amazon. It demonstrates how Southern actors are mobilizing against new and emerging patterns of South–South cooperation, which, despite occurring on unfamiliar institutional terrain, reproduces familiar asymmetrical power relations and socioenvironmental burdens. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This study was conducted to evaluate broiler growth performance and body fraction weights , in response to increasing levels of dietary digestible lysine (dig Lys) (0.70, 0.80, 0.90, 1.00, 1.055, 1.11, 1.165 and 1.22%). Three hundred and twenty male broilers CobbXCobb500 were used from 19 to 40 days of age. Two basal diets were used with 19 and 20.5% of crude protein. The first basal diet was set for the four lower levels of dig Lys, and the second for the other four levels. The diets were formulated to maintain in a constant ratio the digestible Met, Arg and Tre with the dig. Lys. Body weight, weight gain, feed intake, Lys intake and feed conversion were evaluated at 26, 33 and 40 days of age. At these same ages body weight fractions as carcass, breast, thigh, leg, back+wing+thigh wing+head+neck (D+A), viscera+blood and feathers were evaluated:. Weight gain and feed conversion increased positively and linearly with the increasing dig Lys. In other hand, feed intake was not influenced by treatments. Breast and carcass fractions increased linearly in all evaluated periods (26, 33 and 40 days of age), with the best estimated level of dig Lys ≥1.22%. The same response was seem for thigh at 26 and 40 days, for D+A at 33 and 40 days, for leg at 26 and 33 and a quadratic response was observed for leg at 40 days, although the best estimated level of dig Lys was equal or higher than 1.22%. It is suggested more studies with higher levels of dig Lys in Cobb 500 male broiler chicken diets. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]