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In 5 of the 6 large Dutch developmental cohorts investigated here, lower SES adolescents are underrepresented and higher SES adolescents overrepresented. With former studies clearly revealing differences between SES strata in adolescent social competence and behavioral control, this misrepresentation may contribute to an overestimation of normative adolescent competence. Using a raking procedure, we used national census statistics to weigh the cohorts to be more representative of the Dutch population. Contrary to our expectations, in all cohorts, little to no differences between SES strata were found in the two outcomes. Accordingly, no differences between weighted and unweighted mean scores were observed across all cohorts. Furthermore, no clear change in correlations between social competence and behavioral control was found. These findings are most probably explained by the fact that measures of SES in the samples were quite limited, and the low SES participants in the cohorts could not be considered as representative of the low SES groups in the general population. Developmental outcomes associated with SES may be affected by a raking procedure in other cohorts that have a sufficient number and sufficient variation of low SES adolescents.

Purpose: European studies demonstrated that immigrant adolescents are at a higher risk for mental health problems than native adolescents, but little is known about the role of socioeconomic status (SES) and gender in this association. This study examined to what extent differences in the mental health problems of non-western immigrant and native Dutch adolescents were explained by adolescents’ family affluence and educational level and differed with the adolescents’ family affluence, educational level, and gender. Methods: Adolescents in a Dutch nationally representative sample of 11–16-year old native Dutch (n = 5283) and non-western immigrants (n = 1054) reported on their family affluence, own educational level, conduct problems, emotional symptoms, peer relationship problems, and hyperactivity–inattention problems. Results: Non-western immigrant adolescents were at a higher risk for conduct problems and peer relationship problems than native Dutch adolescents, but family affluence and educational level explained only a very small proportion of these differences. With two exceptions, differences in the mental health problems of non-western immigrants and natives were highly comparable for different family affluence levels, educational levels, and for boys and girls. Only for natives, a higher family SES was related to less conduct problems. Furthermore, only for non-western immigrants a high family SES related to more hyperactivity–inattention problems. Conclusions: Our findings illustrate that the association between immigration background and adolescent mental health problems is largely independent of SES and gender. Future studies should include other factors to facilitate our understanding of the association between immigration background and adolescent mental health problems.

BackgroundVarious childhood social experiences have been reported to predict adult outcomes. However, it is unclear how different social contexts may influence each other's effects in the long run. This study examined the joint contribution of adolescent family and peer experiences to young adult wellbeing and functioning.MethodsParticipants came from the TRacking Adolescents’ Individual Lives Survey (TRAILS) study (n = 2230). We measured family and peer relations at ages 11 and 16 (i.e. family functioning, perceived parenting, peer status, peer relationship quality), and functioning as the combination of subjective wellbeing, physical and mental health, and socio-academic functioning at age 22. Using structural equation modelling, overall functioning was indicated by two latent variables for positive and negative functioning. Positive, negative and overall functioning at young adulthood were regressed on adolescent family experiences, peer experiences and interactions between the two.ResultsFamily experiences during early and mid-adolescence were most predictive for later functioning; peer experiences did not independently predict functioning. Interactions between family and peer experiences showed that both protective and risk factors can have context-dependent effects, being exacerbated or overshadowed by negative experiences or buffered by positive experiences in other contexts. Overall the effect sizes were modest at best.ConclusionsAdolescent family relations as well as the interplay with peer experiences predict young adult functioning. This emphasizes the importance of considering the relative effects of one context in relation to the other.

Background: Research into the potential mental health consequences of abortion yields inconsistent results and is characterized by methodological limitations. Aim: To offer a more conclusive insight into women's mental health after an abortion by stringently taking both pre-abortion mental health and confounding covariates into account. Method: A prospective longitudinal cohort study, the Dutch Abortion and Mental Health Study (damhs), through which women with and without abortion experiences could be compared.The study was designed in a similar way to the large scale Dutch population study into mental health of the Trimbos Institute, the Netherlands Mental Health Survey and Incidence Study-2 (nemesis-2). Results: Women who had an abortion were significantly more likely to have had previous dsm-iv mental disorders. Psychiatric history appeared to be associated with how women experienced and handled the unwanted pregnancy and abortion. A prior history of mental disorders, averse recent life events or an unstable partner relationship increased the risk of developing post abortion mental disorders, while experiencing an abortion did not. Conclusion: Women who have had an abortion more often have a history of mental disorders, yet there is no evidence that an abortion in itself would increase the risk of developing a mental disorder.

BACKGROUND: There is uncertainty about the clinical relevance of panic disorder and subsyndromal panic disorder. AIM: To assess the clinical relevance of panic disorder and subsyndromal panic disorder. METHOD: We searched Medline and PsycINFO for population studies performed as from 1980. We used as search terms: 'general population', 'psychiatr*', 'prevalence' and 'panic'. On the basis of the studies found we compiled a review of the epidemiology of panic which enabled us to assess the clinical relevance. RESULTS: The life time prevalence of panic disorder is 2.1%; subsyndromal panic disorder is more prevalent (limited symptom attacks 7.5%, infrequent panic attacks 5.1%). Lifetime psychiatric comorbidity is high. The risk and symptom profile for panic disorder and subsyndromal panic disorder is the same. The course of both disorders is unfavourable. There is an increased risk that someone with panic disorder will develop a depression; subsyndromal panic disorder is a non-specific precursor of psychopathology. Both panic disorder and subsyndromal panic disorder are associated with attempted suicide, deficiencies and the use of the health care services, even after comorbidity has been corrected for. CONCLUSION: It is incorrect only to label panic symptoms 'pathological' if they satisfy the DSM criteria for panic disorder; both panic disorder and subsyndromal panic disorder are clinically relevant.