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A substantial amount of scholarly work has been conducted on considerations (or lack thereof) of gender in the context of peace negotiations. While gender-specific concerns, particularly those focused on women's empowerment, are now emphasized in the language of international and national organizations involved in peacebuilding (e.g., UN Security Council Resolution 1325), many times this language is just 'talk.' Often, on-the-ground practice and policy does not reflect the lived experiences of women in post-accord or transitional contexts. This article analyzes the change in roles and the roles available to women in pre-negotiation and framework-setting negotiation processes between the Colombian government and nonstate armed actors. The study examines the negotiations between the Colombian government under the Juan Manuel Santos administration and the Fuerzas Armadas Revolucionarios de Colombia (FARC) in 2012-2016 to interrogate the ways that women, feminist groups, and women's organizations play a role in pre-negotiation processes. Keywords: Colombia; peace negotiations; peace process; gender En literatura academica ya escrito, la mayoridad de que es literatura feminista, sobre la consideracion por temas de genero, u la falta de consideracion, en el contexto de negociaciones de paz. Mientras temas de genero, en particular conceptos o proyectos con enfoque en empoderamiento, ahora estan enfatizados en el lenguaje de organizaciones internacionales y nacionales que estan involucradas en la construction de paz (por ejemplo, Resolution 1325 de las Naciones Unidas), pero muchas veces, este lenguaje es solo de palabras. A menudo, la practica y las politicas no reflejan las experiencias de mujeres en contextos pos-acuerdos o transicionales. Este articulo ofrece un analisis en el cambio de papeles y cuales papeles estan disponibles para mujeres en procesos de pre-negociacion ente del gobierno colombiano y actores armados. Mi caso primario en este articulo es las negociaciones entre de la administration de Juan Manuel Santos y Las Fuerzas Armadas Revolucionares de Colombia (FARC). Utilizo estas negociaciones para interrogar las maneras en que mujeres, grupos feministas y organizaciones de mujeres tienen papeles en procesos de pre-negociacion. Palabras clave: Colombia; negociaciones de paz; proceso de paz; genero, Scholarly work has shown that gender concerns during war have been ill-addressed by national and international elites during transition or after conflict (Abdullah and Fofana-Ibrahim 2010; Bueno-Hansen 2015; El-Bushra 2007; [...]

The scholarship seeking to explain the ineffectiveness of violence against women (VAW) laws has focused on the lack of resources or will to implement these laws. Less attention has been given to how these laws are crafted and positioned in the legal hierarchy, which may undermine them from the start. This article focuses on four cases from Central America, a region where fifty-five laws to protect women from violence were passed between 1960 and 2018, yet VAW continues. It finds that the legal positioning and language of these laws prioritize family unity while undermining women's rights to protection; thus, these laws fail by design. The article identifies four legal placements that delay (El Salvador), undermine (Honduras), diminish (Nicaragua), or render abstract (Guatemala) the effectiveness of VAW laws in the context of penal and judicial codes. This work has direct policy implications and broader relevance beyond the cases examined here. Keywords: Central America; symbolic violence; violence against women laws; judicial systems; familyism; gender violence Los estudios sobre la ineficacia de las leyes de violencia contra las mujeres (VCM) se centran en la falta de recursos o voluntad para implementarlas. Menos atencion han recibido su elaboracion y posicionamiento en la jerarquia legal, lo que puede socavarlas desde su origen. Este articulo se centra en cuatro casos de Centro America, una region donde se aprobaron cincuenta y cinco leyes para proteger a las mujeres entre 1960 y 2018, sin embargo, la VCM continua. El posicionamiento legal y el lenguaje de estas leyes priorizan la unidad familiar socavando los derechos de las mujeres a la proteccion; por lo tanto, estas leyes fallan por diseno. El articulo identifica cuatro emplazamientos legales que retrasan (El Salvador), socavan (Honduras), disminuyen (Nicaragua) o abstraen (Guatemala) la efectividad de las leyes de VCM en el contexto de los codigos penal y judicial. Este trabajo tiene implicaciones para politicas publicas y una relevancia mas alla de los casos examinados aqui. Palabras clave: Centroamerica; violencia simbolica; leyes de violencia contra la mujer; sistemas judiciales; ideologia de familia; ideologias de genero, Honduras, El Salvador, and Guatemala often top the list of countries with the highest levels of feminicide in Latin America and the world. (1) In 2019, Honduras had the highest [...]

SHOULD A BOOK CALLED BAD SEX HAVE bad sex in it? You'd assume so, but journalist Nona Willis Aronowitz's memoir/feminist history Bad Sex: Truth, Pleasure, and an Unfinished Revolution, does [...]

Author(s): Vanita Ahuja [1]; Divya Jain [2]; Indubala Maurya (corresponding author) [3] Since the time Dr. Rupa Bai Furdoonji donned the scrubs for the first time in 1889, opening the [...]

In this paper we examine how Afghan women resist, strategize and negotiate family and societal constraints to take advantage of the expanding education and employment opportunities in the post-Taliban era. We focus on how these women exercise agency and what resources they mobilize to maximize their opportunities in the face of potential constraints. We argue that to understand women's agency and changing gendered power relations in the family, it is crucial to examine every day individual behaviors that deviate from prescribed dominant gender behavior and infuse altered meanings to dominant gendering discourses. Our research highlights that gendered power is partial, interrupted by situated emotions and relationships. Afghan women employ a range of resistance methods to overcome constraints placed in their way, and we discuss them through three thematic frameworks of resistance in acts of submission, sacrifice and situated agreement, resistance in acts of open defiance, and resistance in acts of negotiation. The analyses is based on in-depth interviews with 64 women from 40 households in Kabul, and illustrate the significance of the family as a site in which gendered power and subordination are disrupted, fragmented, negotiated, and interdependent, challenging assumptions of the family as a site of monolithic oppressive power against women. Keywords: Resistance, Women, Afghanistan, Power, Empowerment, Agency, Introduction In Afghanistan interventions directed towards changing women's status has had a history of being top-down and centralized. Struggles of authority between tribal patriarchal power located in rural areas and [...]

Journal of International Affairs (JIA): The title of the upcoming edition of the Journal is 'Global Feminism'. Considering that feminist movements are crucially influenced by their specific local context, what [...]