Search

The following study will build upon previous research that examined how different ideological orientations predict different attributions and policy attitudes toward unhoused individuals. In addition to replicating previous findings, we will assess people's self-generated attributions to the increase of homelessness in the U. S.

The following survey will examine if people's God images relate to their beliefs about free will and determinism across different vignettes. Study 1 found that (a) people hold different images of God and (b) different images of God predict different beliefs in free will, scientific determinism, fatalistic determinism, and unpredictability. Study 2 will build upon these findings by examining whether these different images of God predict explanations of free will and determinism differently across various scenarios. Moreover, researchers have found that people attribute free will more to immoral (vs. neutral) situations (Clark et al., 2014, 2021). Thus, we examined whether God images differently related to explanations of free will and determnism across moral, immoral, and neutral situations.

Study 1 examined whether social and economic conservatism differently related to trait preferences across two types of groups (intimacy group = family, social group = nation). Results showed that while controlling for group identification... * Stronger social conservatism related to a stronger value of loyalty, authority, and purity across intimacy and social groups. * Stronger economic conservatism related to a weaker value of authority in one's nation, but this relationship was non-significant for one's family identity. * No other relationships for social or economic conservatism were significant at an alpha of .05. The pre-registered follow-up analysis also found that when removing group identification as a covariate: * Stronger social conservatism was related to a stronger value of all nine American attributes (ps range from < .001 to .049). * Stronger social conservatism related to a stronger value of loyalty, authority, and purity in families. * The negative relationship between economic conservatism and valuing authority became significant when evaluating social groups but not family groups. Study 2 will build upon Study 1 by examining how people's ideologies impact their perceptions of group attributes in the context of joining groups. Participants will be exposed to nine organizations that differ in their descriptions based on the nine attributes from Study 1. Participants will be asked their intentions of joining each group.

The following survey will examine how social attitudes and beliefs held by Black Americans are affected by instances of police violence against other Black Americans. According to Terror Management Theory, reminders of death cause individuals to adhere more closely to their worldview as a buffer against death anxiety. Additionally, this study builds on the proposition that viewing or learning about the deaths of in-group members can elicit this anxiety and various existential threats. The existential threats being investigated in this study (collective angst, collective physical annihilation, personal danger and personal victimization) are related to death anxiety, and as such, are predicted to elicit stronger adherence to worldview. Given that the population being sampled is Black Americans, we will investigate whether this worldview adherence applies to concepts such as collective action, self-segregation from the majority and the notion that America was made for the benefit of white people.

The given study will pilot a novel manipulation focusing on authenticity at work. The construct of 'Authenticity at Work' has been successfully measured in past studies. Past researchers have also manipulated feelings of authenticity (vs. inauthenticity) in one's life. However, no current manipulation exists to manipulate authenticity (vs. inauthenticity) in a workplace domain. Because this type of authenticity is perceived as state-based rather than dispositional, it primarily consists of 'authentic living' and 'self-aliention.' Overall, the pilot study will test a novel manipulation for 'state authenticity at work.'

Supplemental material, sj-docx-2-gpi-10.1177_13684302231156398 for Ideological asymmetries in morality predict schism intentions by Joseph A. Wagoner and Mark J. Rinella in Group Processes & Intergroup Relations

The present study is a replication of a prior study designed to examine how social attitudes and beliefs held by Black Americans are affected by instances of police violence against other Black Americans. According to Terror Management Theory, reminders of death cause individuals to adhere more closely to their worldview as a buffer against death anxiety. Additionally, this study builds on the proposition that viewing or learning about the deaths of in-group members can elicit this anxiety and various existential threats. The existential threats being investigated in this study (collective angst, collective physical annihilation, personal danger and personal victimization) are related to death anxiety, and as such, are predicted to elicit stronger adherence to worldview. Given that the population being sampled is Black Americans, we will investigate whether this worldview adherence applies to concepts such as collective action, self-segregation from the majority and the notion that America was made for the benefit of white people. As a replication of the prior study, new manipulations will be included that change the nature of the instance of police violence and its consequences.

This multi-part study will examine how presenting questionnaires affects people's responses in online surveys; specifically, we will examine whether presenting a questionnaire on a single page produces different responses compared to presenting a questionnaire across multiple pages. We will conduct measurement invariance tests and examine the predictive validity of the constructs across the presentation conditions. We will additionally contrast the traditional measurement invariance approach against a multi-group exploratory SEM to examine the best fit of the factor structures and ultimately determine whether presentation styles impact questionnaire responses.

The following study will examine how people's images of God relate to religious nationalism and whether religious nationalism predicts various socio-political attitudes. Re-analysis of the Baylor Religion Surveys (Waves I and II) found that (a) people hold distinct images of God (benevolent, wrathful, angry over sin, distant), and (b) these images of God differently predicted religious nationalism. The current study builds upon these previous findings by examining whether these images of God predict various socio-political attitudes through religious nationalism. Moreover, since most of the sociological and psychological research on religious nationalism has been conducted in the United States, we build upon previous research by examining whether these processes occur across different cultural contexts.

The following study will experimentally examine if perceiving inauthenticity impacts people's exit intentions through group identification and in-group anger.

The following study will pilot a novel manipulation for an upcoming study. This is the second pilot study associated with this project.

Study 2 will build upon Studies 1a and 1b. Specifically, instead of measuring self-and-social identity uncertainties, these variables will be experimentally manipulated. Other aspects of Studies 1a and 1b will remain the same as previous studies, such that participants will report their group identification and disidentification before report their exit intentions.

Political polarization has always existed in the U. S. but has vastly increased over the past two decades (Pew Research Center, 2014, 2022). People are commonly segregated in their political news outlets and often political opponents in interpersonal relationships and on social media (Colleoni et al., 2014; Huber & Malhotra, 2017). Furthermore, this polarization has resulted in feelings of hostility and antipathy towards political opponents. For instance, Cassese (2021) found that Democrats and Republicans dehumanized the out-group on both mechanistic and animalistic traits. Furthermore, Mernyk et al. (2022) found that Democrats and Republicans have out-group spite, such that they support their congressional leaders engaging in behaviors that harm the political out-group at the expense of national policies. Thus, it seems partisanship has reached such levels that it affects people's daily lives and their willingness to sacrifice the national good. We argue there is, thus, a need for interventions to weaken partisanship. One tactic that can be used to weaken partisanship potentially is priming in-group disagreement, specifically, people who are cognizant that they disagree with their political party on particular issues. People have stronger identification with entitative and cohesive groups (Castano et al., 2003). As well, Jans et al. (2013) showed that heterogeneity relates to weaker identification for deductive groups that people are part of and join (rather than inductively create during interpersonal interactions). Furthermore, people show stronger prejudice against out-groups when belonging to cohesive and entitative groups (Effron & Knowles, 2015). Finally, Schmader and Sedikides (2018) note that people have stronger identification in groups in which they feel their attitudes and values match the group's characteristics. Based on this body of research, the following study will examine whether priming in-group disagreement can affect people's out-group antipathy and political polarization.

The following study will replicate the previous omniscience study but focus on the context of India.

The following study will examine whether different domains of threat (epistemic uncertainty, existential threat) produce different outcomes on political and non-political reasoning tasks and whether this effect is contingent on levels of ego involvement. As well, among political topics, we will examine whether framing a task with different levels of ego involvement affects whether people exhibit different levels of worldview defense under uncertainty-and-threat conditions.

The following survey will examine whether reminders of cultural trauma relates to different identity threats and whether identity threats predict different identity maintenance strategies.

The following survey will examine if people's God images relate to their beliefs about free will and determinism. Past research has found that stronger religiosity relates to a stronger belief in free will and fatalistic determinism but lower belief in scientific determinism. However, these studies have used broad measures of religiosity; for instance, Carey and Paulhus (2013) used intrinsic and extrinsic religiosity, while Caspar et al. (2017) distinguished religiosity based on believing, belonging, bonding, and believing. Similarly, Genschow and Vehlow (2021) used a broad assessment of religious worldviews when investigating the relationship between free will, determinism, and dualism. To our knowledge, no scholars have examined whether different images of God relate to different beliefs about free will and determinism. Scholars have shown that priming a forgiving God elicits more punishment of deviants than priming a wrathful God (Laurin et al., 2012). Research has also shown that priming a controlling God image relates to lower anxiety (Laurin et al., 2008), and people with lower feelings of personal control have a stronger belief in a controlling God (Hoogeveen et al., 2018). Nonetheless, it is still unclear how people's images of God relate to their free will and determinism beliefs. We seek to explore this question in this study.

The following study will examine the relationship between perceived authenticity and group exit. People achieve a state of authenticity when there is a fit between their group and their personal characteristics. However, the consequences of a group inhibiting its members' authenticity are unclear. It is proposed that groups that inhibit members from achieving a state of authenticity will elicit a schism process, in which people will exit their current group for another group to achieve a state of authenticity. Participants’ perceptions that their work inhibits their authenticity will be measured before assessing their group identification, feelings of group-directed anger, and exit intentions.

The following study will examine whether a novel measure of religious nationalism better predicts outcomes across cultures than the commonly used Christian nationalism scale that has only been used in the United States. This study will also examine whether different psychological motives (epistemic, existential, relational) relate to religious nationalism.

The following survey will examine whether cultural trauma relates to different identity threats and whether identity threats predict various identity maintenance strategies.

Study 1a examined how different domains of uncertainty (identity, membership, self) affected identification and disidentification, which in turn predicted stronger exit intentions. Study 1a focused on people's religious congregation or house of worship as their group. Study 1b will replicate Study 1a with the following changes: * Study 1b will focus on people's organization or place of work rather than people's religious congregations or houses of worship. * Study 1b will measure people's organizational deviant behavior for exploratory purposes.

The following experiment will examine whether two previously established vignettes, a newly constructed hybrid vignette, or a newly constructed video paradigm reduce errors related to comprehending determinism (intrusion, bypassing, fatalism, bypassing physical). We will also explore whether people's free will beliefs, analytic-holistic style of thinking, and religiosity relate to their comprehension scores.

Social psychological studies have shown that democratic elections can change people's attitudes. For instance, research shows that, after the loss of an election, people see the losing political leader as less similar to themselves (Alabastro et al., 2013) and less representative of their party (Gaffney et al., 2021). Some research also suggests that people's national and regional identities can shift across time based on whether their nation or region aligns (or drifts away from) their own political ideology (Wagoner & Barreto, 2019). Research shows that people are more likely to exit their political party after their candidate loses an election (Gaffney et al., 2021). Finally, research shows that people of the losing political party see electoral processes and their outcomes as less fair compared to members of the winning political party (Vail et al., 2022). All this research suggests that elections can change people's political attitudes and identities. However, most of the aforementioned research focused on U. S. presidential elections. To our knowledge, there has been no research on whether senate and house races similarly impact people's political attitudes. Because the U. S. House and Senate races often affect which national laws and policies are passed, the situation lends itself to examining how political parties who vie for political power react to wins or losses. Furthermore, 2022 is an especially unique year due to 34 Senate seats, 435 House seats, and 36 gubernatorial positions being up for election. Consequently, it presents an opportunity to examine how the democratic processes during a congressional election cycle affect people's political attitudes. Although it is unclear which political party will retain or obtain power in the 2022 election cycle, we predict that members of the winning and losing political parties will have different political attitudes, perceptions about election fairness, and behavioral intentions aimed at promoting their political values.

The following study will experimentally pilot a novel manipulation of images of God. A re-analysis of the Baylor Religion Survey (Waves I and II) found that people's images of God loaded onto four distinct factors: wrathful God, benevolent God, concerned God, and distant God. The re-analysis further found that believing in a concerned God was a stronger predictor of religious nationalism than the other God images. To experimentally examine whether different God images cause different levels of religious nationalism, we hope to construct a manipulation that successfully elicits different images of God. We will thus pilot a novel manipulation to ensure the manipulation elicits the desired image of God.

The following study will contrast the predictors of Trump Support identity and Republican identification, along with examining the consequences of Trump identification. Wagoner et al. (2021) showed that stronger Trump (but not Republican) identification predicts different perceptions of whether the 2020 U. S. election was illegitimate, which predicted both anger and contempt, and consequently, different collective action intentions (activism and radicalism). Although this research shed light on how different group identities predict different outcomes, it did not distinguish the predictors of Republican and Trump identification. Wagoner et al. replicated this general paradigm in the context of COVID-19 restrictions while also examining the predictors of Republican and Trump identification. Specifically, different facets of RWA and SDO similarly predicted Republican and Trump identification, which counters past research that shows different facets of RWA and SDO differently predicted support for Trump. Beyond attempting to replicate this general finding, we sought to examine whether populism (which is an ideology associated with anti-elitism and that leaders should be people-centric) can help distinguish the predictors of Trump and Republican identity. Although many scholars have theorized about the role of populism in predicting support for Donald Trump, few psychologists have empirically investigated this claim. Finally, this study will shed light on whether people who identify as Trump Supporters are still affected by this identity 18 months after this person left their office as U. S. President.

The following study will examine how presenting questionnaires affects people's responses in online surveys; specifically, we will examine whether presenting a questionnaire on a single page produces different responses compared to presenting a questionnaire across multiple pages. We will conduct measurement invariance tests and examine the predictive validity of the constructs across the presentation conditions. We will additionally contrast the traditional measurement invariance approach against a multi-group exploratory SEM to examine the best fit of the factor structures and ultimately determine whether presentation styles impact questionnaire responses.

The following study will experimentally examine how people from different cultural backgrounds (U. S. residents, East Asian residents) interpret different arguments about the existence of God. Past research shows that U. S. residents prefer analytic arguments that emphasize categories and logical deduction, while East Asian residents prefer holistic arguments that emphasize interacting components and interrelations among various components (Nisbett et al., 2001). Additional research suggests that beliefs about causality are differently related to analytic and holistic styles of thinking and that even perceptual attention is dedicated to different parts of stimuli (Choi et al., 2007). Of key interest is Peng and Nisbett's (1999) work on how Chinese participants were more accepting of contradictory arguments than U. S. participants, suggesting that Chinese participants holistic style of thinking allowed them to perceive truth and validity in each argument. Although empirical research shows that analytic and holistic arguments are differently preferred across cultures, much of this research was conducted in the late 1990s and early 2000s, before the replication crisis in psychology that brought on more rigorous methodological practices and statistical analyses. While research has replicated some of the original findings that highlighted differences between Western and Eastern cultures (Otterbring et al., 2022), the effect sizes were drastically smaller in this replication (r = .12 for new, r = .52 for original). Moreover, little research has examined how religiosity relates to analytic and holistic styles of thinking. Although some evidence suggests that lower religiosity is related to more analytic thinking styles (Yilmaz et al., 2016), most of this research has been constrained to a U. S. context and not cross-culturally replicated. Finally, none of Peng and Nisbett's (1999) research on how contradictory beliefs are perceived across cultures accounted for other individual differences, including an individual assessment of the analytic-holistic style of thinking. Overall, the goal of this study is to adapt Peng and Nisbett's (1999) Study 4 to examine (a) how analytic and holistic arguments about the nature of God are differently preferred across Western and East Asian contexts and (b) whether preferences for analytic or holistic arguments are further predicted by individual differences (religiosity, analytic-holistic thinking style, free will beliefs, social axioms).

The following study will examine whether focusing on 'homeless veterans' rather than 'homeless individuals' affects people's attitudes towards unhoused individuals and policies. Our previous study found that, as expected, RWA and SDO predict opposition to housing programs and support of criminalizing unhoused individuals. We also found a two-way interaction between RWA and homeless framing. As expected, people high in RWA had more positive attitudes towards housing when framed as benefiting homeless veterans (vs. homeless individuals). However, this effect disappeared when controlling for the other non-significant interaction term, suggesting multicollinearity. Our manipulation was also minimal, suggesting a stronger effect could be produced with a stronger manipulation. We build upon this previous research by conducting a second experimental study examining how framing homeless veterans (vs. homeless individuals) can affect people's attitudes.

The purpose of this study is to investigate how experiences of moral injury - that is, negative feelings associated with perpetrating or failing to prevent actions that violate one's deeply held morals and ethics - are impacting the mental health of physicians during the COVID-19 pandemic. Several research studies have shown that physicians treating COVID-19 have been exposed to a range of morally injurious events. However, to date, no studies have used an experimental design to investigate how moral injury may uniquely contribute to mental health symptoms among physicians during the pandemic. The proposed study uses an experimental design to test how thinking about morally injurious events impacts various vulnerability factors for physicians, including death anxiety, perceptions of social isolation, coping self-efficacy, and feelings of defeat.

Psychological literature shows that people’s political ideologies (i.e., beliefs about the proper order of society and how to achieve it) predict prejudice towards homeless individuals. For instance, Right-Wing Authoritarianism (RWA) and Social Dominance Orientation (SDO) predict prejudice toward unhoused individuals over the goal of maintaining safety or societal hierarchies, respectively (Asbrock et al., 2010; Smith & Stathi, 2021). Belief in a Just World (BJW) also predicts prejudice towards unhoused individuals due to believing that the world is just and bad outcomes happen to bad people (Baumgartner et al., 2012). Furthermore, an ideology of system justification (i.e., believing the system is fair and just) predicts less empathy towards homeless individuals (Goudarzi et al., 2020). Similarly, an ideology of protestant work ethic (PWE) predicts less prosocial behavior towards unhoused individuals due to the moralization of hard work and the belief that unhoused people are lazy (Levy et al., 2006). Many people have also recently noted how neoliberal beliefs and policies promote a fair-market mentality, which can justify economic inequality (Bettache et al., 2020; Goudarzi et al., 2022). Finally, while conservatism has been shown to predict negative attitudes towards unhoused individuals (Tompsett et al., 2006), the impact of religiosity often depends on whether political factors are accounted for in the model. For instance, Malka et al. (2010) showed that religiosity predicted opposition to welfare programs through conservative identity, but also that religiosity predicted support of welfare programs through compassion. Furthermore, Malka et al. (2012) showed that stronger religiosity only relates to support of conservative policies for people who are politically engaged but not those who lack political engagement. These findings suggest that after factoring in the other ideologies in this study, any unique variance could be attributed to a religious orientation that tends to be defined by openness and curiosity to existential questions (Maltby & Day, 1998). For example, quest religious orientation has been linked to increased tolerance (Batson et al., 2002; Messay et al., 2012). Thus, we speculate that when accounting for the other seven dimensions of conservatism, religiosity will have attributions towards unhoused individuals that will allow for prosocial behavior in the means of policy support. Although previous research suggests that certain ideologies predispose people to harbor certain views of inequality and homelessness, most of these investigations are limited to examining only one or two ideologies in a study. In contrast, our study seeks to investigate how various ideologies influence how people engage with the issue of homelessness. Moreover, because these variables overlap theoretically, it is unclear which belief system is the strongest predictor of prejudice towards the unhoused. In addition to dissecting the different shades of ideology, it is also unclear whether people’s ideologies predict their attributions for why homelessness occurs. Tsai et al. (2018) found three different attributions for homelessness: personal characteristics (e.g., laziness), health issues (e.g., mental health or substance abuse), or systemic issues (e.g., cost of living). These attributional patterns match Weiner’s (1985) model of motivation, which noted that people attribute behavior to internal or external causes and that these causal domains are controllable or uncontrollable. We integrate these frameworks to propose that people have four domains of attributions for homelessness: personal characteristics (internal-controllable), systemic issues (external-controllable), health-related issues (internal-uncontrollable,) and factors such as fate or luck (external-uncontrollable). Although some research shows that political conservatives used internal attributions more than external attributions for homelessness (Pellegrini et al., 1997), no researchers have yet examined how multiple ideologies predict various attributions nor combined controllability with internal and external attributions. Finally, it is plausible that people’s attributions predict their attitudes towards policies addressing homelessness. Tsai et al. (2018) showed three approaches that people feel could address homelessness: punitive policies (e.g., punishment), health policies (e.g., mental health services), and economic policies (e.g., rent cap). However, it is unclear whether people’s attributions predict their policy attitudes toward homelessness. Overall, we propose that people’s ideologies predict different attributions for homelessness, and these attributions predict different attitudes towards policies addressing homelessness.

The following study examines how people's ideological orientations of right-wing authoritarianism (RWA) and social dominance orientation (SDO) affect their attitudes towards permanent supportive housing for people experiencing homelessness. A body of research on the dual-process model of prejudice (Duckitt & Sibley, 2010) shows that RWA and SDO predict prejudice towards different groups; specifically, RWA predicts prejudice towards 'deviant' groups who pose a security threat, while SDO predicts prejudice towards 'derogated' groups who are perceived as competing over status or resources (Asbrock et al. 2010). This body of research also shows that SDO is a stronger predictor of prejudice towards homelessness than RWA. Because permanent supportive housing is an evidence-based treatment to decrease chronic homelessness (Crisanti et al., 2017; Rog et al., 2014), it is a commonly implemented method for addressing this social issue. However, housing for the houseless is often met with resistance from numerous communities (Wynne-Edwards, 2003). One potential method for overcoming people's opposition to building housing is to highlight the types of individuals who will occupy the housing. Specifically, if the permanent housing is framed as benefiting veterans experiencing homelessness, rather than people experiencing homeless, it is plausible that people with positive attitudes toward veterans and the military will be more susceptible to supporting housing. Researchers have shown that RWA is more strongly related to nationalism than SDO (Osborne et al., 2017). Because RWA is related to positive attitudes towards one's military and SDO is the predominant predictor of prejudice towards homeless individuals, it is possible that RWA could be positively related to attitudes towards homeless shelters if they are framed as benefiting people who served in the military (i.e., veterans).

The following study will examine whether presenting items of a scale on a single page compared to multiple-pages impacts the factor structure. Many social psychological studies are conducted online (Sassenberg & Ditrich, 2019), suggesting they often use online platforms to complete their studies, such as Qualtrics and Survey Monkey. However, while social psychologists are transparent in reporting that the studies were conducted online, it is unclear whether psychologists are transparent in reporting how the items of scales are presented. Based on the proposition that people anchor their later responses on earlier responses (Fredrick & Mochon, 2012), the question is posed: does presenting the items of a scale across multiple pages affect the factor structure compared to presenting the items on a single page.

The following study will examine how different types of identification predict different exit strategies among people who identify as Irish that live in Northern Ireland. The study is a replication of a study previously conducted among college students during the few months prior to the United Kingdom leaving the European Union (e.g., "Brexit").

The following study will examine whether different domains of uncertainty (identity-uncertainty, membership-uncertainty) related to group identification differently depending on individual differences related to psychological needs (need for closure, need for belonging).

People belong to various groups that fulfill different psychological functions (Lickel et al., 2000). For instance, people belong to intimate groups that satisfy their sense of belonging and intimacy (e.g., family, close friends). People also belong to task groups that fulfill their desire for achievement and success (e.g., co-workers, classmates on a project). Lastly, people belong to social categories that provide a sense of distinctiveness and identity (e.g., nations, race). While previous research shows that these groups fulfill different psychological functions (Crawford & Salaman, 2012), it is unclear whether people’s political ideology impacts what they value across their groups. Political ideology relates to people’s proper order of society and its achievement (Jost et al., 2009). Political ideology often corresponds to whether people accept (or oppose) changing societal traditions and accept (or resist) societal inequalities and hierarchies. A body of research on moral foundations theory (MFT; Graham et al., 2009) also suggests that political conservatives and liberals have different moral intuitions that guide their daily lives. Political liberalism corresponds to a value of individualizing morality which corresponds to the two moral intuitions of ‘care’ and ‘fairness’ and focusing on the welfare of other people. Alternatively, political conservatism corresponds to a value of binding morality which corresponds to the importance of protecting one’s group and contains the three moral intuitions of valuing loyalty, authority, and purity. Carnes et al. (2015) found that people rate certain moral intuitions as more (or less) important for certain types of groups. For instance, loyalty was rated as pivotal for intimate groups, while equity was rated as important for social groups. Political ideology predicted a value of binding morality across all types of groups but did not predict a value of individualizing morality. Although this research suggests that people’s political ideology will impact their value of group-based characteristics across all groups, there are some unanswered questions regarding how political ideology affects people’s perceptions of groups. First, some researchers have proposed a sixth moral intuition of liberty/oppression that corresponds to people’s value of liberty (Iyer et al., 2011). It is unclear whether people’s political ideology impacts their value of liberty across all groups. Second, a large body of research shows that people evaluate groups on their sociability, competence, and trustworthiness (Fiske et al., 2007; Leach et al., 2007). Although some research suggests that people value trustworthiness more than competence or sociability in their groups (Leach et al., 2007), it is unclear whether people’s political ideology corresponds to different values of sociability, competence, or trustworthiness. Lastly, a meta-analysis recently suggests that social and economic ideologies relate differently to people’s moral intuitions (Kivikangas et al., 2021). Thus, it is possible that dissecting ideology into social and economic dimensions will provide a more nuanced understanding of how ideology corresponds to valuing different characteristics across different groups. The following study will empirically examine how social ideology and economic ideology differently relate to social perceptions (sociability, competence, trustworthiness) and moral intuitions (care, fairness, loyalty, authority, purity, liberty) across two types of groups (intimacy, social).

The following study will examine whether different domains of threat (symbolic, realistic) over the COVID-19 virus predict people's support for subgroup autonomy and if people's subgroup identity-centrality moderates these predictive effects. Some researchers have found that people perceive COVID-19 as both realistic and symbolic threats (Kachanoff et al., 2021). As well, perceiving a realistic threat over COVID is positively related to support of restrictive health policies, while perceiving a symbolic threat over COVID is negatively associated with support for restrictive health policies (Kachanoff et al., 2021). Perceiving a realistic (not symbolic) threat also predicts support for restrictive COVID lockdowns (Chen et al., 2022). These findings suggest that people are willing to relinquish their autonomy under a realistic threat. Because previous research suggests that support for subgroup autonomy is done to maintain a subgroup's values and identity (Wagoner et al., 2018), it can be speculated that realistic and symbolic threats over COVID-10 have differing impacts on people's desire for autonomy. Specifically, while a symbolic threat might drive people to desire autonomy to defend their values and identity, a realistic threat might motivate people to give up their autonomy to thwart the realistic threat to their safety and health.