Search

This article describes how the Standing Committee of the State Council (SCSC), sometimes called the Chinese cabinet, works at the centre of the governing process and makes its decisions. It identifies the role of the premiers and the vice premiers and explains the responsibilities of ministers who answer to the SCSC for the complex issues they must manage. The broad picture stresses the degree to which decision making is a collaborative process as no one person can understand the implications of all policy options for such a vast country. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The World Health Organisation (WHO) has been criticised during the current pandemic on a number of grounds, almost all of which are unwarranted. They include its failure to include Taiwan, its delayed declaration of 'pandemic' and its subservience to China. These criticisms fail to distinguish between the WHO as an international organisation (IO) constituted of 194 member states who determine its membership and policies and the WHO Secretariat as a technical body mandated to seek the good health attainment of all people, regardless of their location, nationality, religion, ethnicity or ideological orientations, within the responsibilities delegated by the member states. This article considers the validity of the criticisms within the context of the WHO's history, constitution and delegated responsibilities. It argues that global health needs a global institution and the WHO needs support against ill-informed or self-interested critiques. Political issues that concern individual member states can only be addressed by member states, and states alone. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The article reflects on the political world of the 1978 and decline in Australian leadership and politics. Topics discussed include return of Deng Xiaoping to begin the transformation of the Chinese economy; economic and industrial development in Great Britain; and assumptions over success of liberal democracy.

This article disaggregates some of the debates that underpin claims that prime ministers have become too powerful. Since conventions are ambiguous and there is no constitutionally valid job description, prime ministers in Westminster systems can largely determine what they want to do and how they do it. They always did; the tests are political, not constitutional. The argument that prime ministerial government has replaced cabinet government presents a false dichotomy as prime ministers work through cabinet as often as they act individually. The idea that modern prime ministers seek power in a way that their predecessors did not ignores the evidence of history; the accusations are as old as the prime ministership. Technology indeed allows them to do things their predecessors could not, but the drive to power can be found in the history of prime ministers in every country and in every age. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article analyzes what the Westminster system actually means for civil services in historical context and contemporary practice. It explores the way in which practitioners, both politicians and civil servants, interpreted Westminster's implications and used them as justification, defense, and sometimes camouflage for their administrative choices in a range of jurisdictions. The article then uses the example of senior appointments to show why these nuanced interpretations are significant. Its principal finding is that the continued value of Westminster lies in its ability to provide a framework and discourse without being prescriptive or precise for particular circumstances. It is sufficiently flexible to be able to evolve with the needs of each generation yet continues to frame a sense of identity and purpose in how it is applied in abstract and practice. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The Standing Committee of the State Council (SCSC) is the principal government institution in China and is often referred to as the "Chinese Cabinet." This article seeks to explain how the SCSC fulfills two functions that are required in all government executives: coordination and the resolution of disputes. It describes the membership of the SCSC, its supporting structures and its working practices, and identifies the alternative strategies available to the premier. The article challenges two popular accounts of the State Council that underplay its role in Chinese politics by either attributing all authority up to the Politburo of the Chinese Communist Party or downward to the bureaucracies. The article concludes by suggesting a series of nuanced roles that the SCSC plays as it seeks to meet those key challenges of governing that, regardless of regime, all executive governments must face. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The author reflects on the important lessons learned from the World War I. He explains how the war became an epitome of Western civilization where national and patriotism served as driving motives filled by fascist, communist and Nazi regime. The author also emphasizes how the war became the first true world war in which people and nations across the globe fought and labored alongside one another.

Elections determine who will govern but they cannot assure that the newly elected government will be able to govern effectively. Each government has to face unique policy problems and all of them will have to meet the challenges that constrain their ability to govern. This article explores three of those common challenges: the ability to exercise effective leadership, managing the constraints and changes of the institutions of government, and understanding the external events that constantly threaten the government's standing and derail its best considered policies and strategies. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Background: Since image based diagnostic tools fail to detect early metastasis in head and neck squamous cell carcinoma (HNSCC) it is crucial to develop minimal invasive diagnostic methods. A promising approach is to identify and characterize circulating tumor cells (CTC) in the peripheral blood of HNSCC patients. In this pilot study, we assessed which non-hematopoietic cell types are identifiable and whether their numbers differ in pre- and postoperative blood samples. Methods: 20 ml citrated peripheral blood was taken from 10 HNSCC patients before and after curative resection. CTC were enriched using density gradient centrifugation. CTC presence was verified by multi-immunofluorescence staining against cytokeratin (CK; epithelial), N-cadherin (mesenchymal); CD133 (stem-cell), CD45 (hematopoietic) and DAPI (nucleus). Individual cell type profiles were analyzed. Results: We were able to detect cells with epithelial properties like CK+/N-cadherin−/CD45− and CK+/CD133−/CD45− as well as cells with mesenchymal features such as N-cadherin+/CK−/CD45− and cells with both characteristics like N-cadherin+/CK+/CD45−. We also observed cells showing stem cell-like features like CD133+/CK−/CD45− and cells with both epithelial and stem cell-like features such as CD133+/CK+/CD45−. The number of CK positive cells (p = 0.002), N-cadherin positive cells (p = 0.002) and CD133 positive cells (p = 0.01) decreased significantly after resection. Kaplan-Meier test showed that the survival was significantly shorter when N-cadherin+ cells were present after resection (p = 0.04; 474 vs. 235 days; [HR] = 3.1). Conclusions: This is - to the best of our knowledge- the first pilot study identifying different CTC populations in peripheral blood of HNSCC patients and showing that these individual cell type profiles may have distinct clinical implications. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Abstract: Expression of the forkhead transcription factor (FoxP3) – an established marker of regulatory T cells – has been found in other cell types as well, including tumour cells. Recent studies indicated that high tumour FoxP3 expression might be associated with a poor outcome of patients with several types of solid cancers. Here, we investigated the role of FoxP3 expressed by the tumour cells in the prognosis of larynx and oro-hypopharynx squamous cell carcinoma (LSCC and OHSCC) – two major subtypes of head and neck cancer. To this end, we analysed by immunohistochemistry the expression of tumour FoxP3 in tissues from 83 LSCC and 89 OHSCC patients in relation to overall survival. In multivariate analysis we found that high tumour FoxP3 expression significantly associated with poor survival in OHSCC but not in LSCC patients. In further studies, we combined the prognostic value of FoxP3 with selected markers of inflammation (cyclooxygenase-2; COX2) or with markers of enhanced tumour migration/invasion (AHNAK and CORTACTIN). Interestingly, we found that the combination of FoxP3 and AHNAK (in LSCC) or FoxP3 and CORTACTIN (in OHSCC) had significantly stronger prognostic values than either marker analysed individually. Combination of FoxP3 and COX2 enhanced the prognostic accuracy only in OHSCC. Thus, our study identifies novel individual and combination markers that might have enhanced and distinct prognostic relevance in different subtypes of head and neck cancer. [Copyright &y& Elsevier]

In this research note, the authors briefly report the results of an exercise measuring the relative research performance of Australian universities in the field of international relations (IR). The findings are based on counting articles in the leading journals in the field, as determined by the Excellence in Research Australia (ERA) journal ranking. The authors also present the number of IR scholars in each university according to a 2011 survey. Three issues are addressed: the logic of journal rankings, especially in light of the decision to drop these from the ERA exercise; the method by which the data was compiled; and a discussion of the findings. These results build on and update those reported earlier for the broader discipline of political science, extending to the period 2003–11. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Providing policy advice is often the epitome of a public service career, the opportunity to have a direct influence on policy. Yet there is a wide range of circumstances in which policy advice might be sought, requiring different information, timetables and depths of analysis. This will necessitate the development of a number of skills and be dependent on the political and administrative circumstances. Using the Department of the Prime Minister and Cabinet as a case study, we develop a typology of policy advice, ranging from intelligence gathering, to reviewing options, coordinating policy and sometimes initiating strategy. We illustrate the implications of these differing types of work to show how public servants must approach policy advising, conscious of and within a framework that supports different approaches to policy work according to the situation. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This Note examines the performance of political scientists in Australian Research Council Discovery grants from 2000 to 2012. It then provides a profile of the political science profession across Australia's universities. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Prime ministers often have to work with prime ministerial aspirants, senior ministers who regard themselves as possible successors. But can these challengers seize the job when the prime ministers are reluctant to stand down? Using evidence from Canada, Britain and Australia, the article explores the conditions in which successions have taken place and the capacity of the prime ministerial aspirants to expedite the process. It identifies three alternative strategies that are shaped by the party rules in the different countries. The aspirants may flee, fight or fulminate. Which strategy will best improve their chances of winning the top job depends on the traditional or developing modes of leadership election that their parties have adopted. Some processes provide the means to assassinate the leader. Others have no opportunity to act; rivals can do nothing but wait, either in or outside parliament. The article finds that the broader the constituency that elects the leaders, the more secure those leaders are when their reputation declines. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article presents a comparison of research quality in political science among Australian universities. Two sources are used to assess the output of high-quality political science scholarship. The first looks at publication totals in leading journals, using the hierarchy of journal quality from the Excellence in Research Australia program. The second counts Australian Research Council Discovery Grants awarded in political science. Although there is no attempt to present an authoritative master ranking, it is argued that common patterns do emerge regarding the distribution of high-quality political science research among different universities in Australia. More broadly, the data confirm earlier conclusions on the British or European character of the field in this country, despite the overwhelming dominance of the USA in political science worldwide. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The authors focuses on the World Bank. They discuss criticisms of the institution including that it should provide grants to poor countries instead of loans. They mention the idea that the World Bank has become an arm of imperialism and of developed countries and that it is a single actor internationally with clearly defined objectives. Instead, they suggest that the global financial crisis has given the World Bank more authority. They argue that the Bank is involved with knowledge transfer as much as loan delivery and its activities are varied, dispersed and decentralized.

The article focuses on the history of the Senate in Australia as a democratic institution as well as identifies the various scenarios that have emerged. Its history can be divided into two eras, before and after the introduction of proportional representation for the 1949 election. There were six senators elected in each state and three every three years within the first 46 years. In addition, the article argued that it was only in 1981 when the Senate gained balance of power and really acted as a house of review. Information on which political parties won the majority seats within this period is addressed.

Explores the implications of those parts of the Australian system of government that differ from the British model from which it emerged. Structure of parliamentary government; Cabinet government; Roles of cabinet ministers and their staff; Senior officials; Culture of government.

Examines the rules by which prime ministers can be removed by their own parties in three parliamentary democracies, namely Australia, Canada and Great Britain. Impact on balance of power and on political processes; Lack of sympathy in parliamentary party; Politics of leadership; Perception of electoral or political unpopularity.

An introduction is presented in which the editor discusses various reports within the issue on topics including the role of leadership, political leadership and democratic leadership.

Background: Patients suffering from squamous cell carcinoma of the larynx (LSCC) with lymphatic metastasis have a relatively poor prognosis and often require radical therapeutic management. The mechanisms which drive metastasis to the lymph nodes are largely unknown but may be promoted by a pro-angiogenic tumor microenvironment. In this study, we examined whether the number of microvessels and the expression level of vascular endothelial growth factor (VEGF) in the primary tumor are correlated with the degree of lymph node metastasis (N-stage), tumor staging (T) and survival time in LSCC patients.Methods: Tissue-Microarrays of 97 LSCC patients were analyzed using immunohistochemistry. The expression of VEGF was scored as intensity of staining (low vs high) and the number of CD31-positive vessels (median Results: A high expression of angiogenic biomarkers was not associated with poor overall survival in the overall cohort of patients. Instead high CD31 count was associated with early stage cancer (p = 0.004) and in this subgroup high VEGF expression correlated with poor survival (p = 0.032). Additionally, in early stage cancer a high vessel count was associated with an increased recurrence rate (p = 0.004).Conclusion: Only in the early stage subgroup a high expression of angiogenic biomarkers was associated with reduced survival and an increased rate of recurrence. Thus, biomarkers of angiogenesis may be useful to identify high risk patients specifically in early stage LSCC. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

For decades, the world's smallest states – the structurally weakest members of the multilateral system – have been considered incapable of influencing international organisations (IOs). So, why has the label small state risen to prominence over the last two decades and become institutionalised as a formal grouping in multiple IOs? Drawing on more than eighty in-depth interviews, we explain the rise of Small Island Developing States in the United Nations system, the expansion of their agenda to the Small and Vulnerable Economies group at the World Trade Organization, and then to other IOs. The adoption of the labels is evidence of small state norm diffusion. We identify the competent performance of vulnerability within multilateral settings as the key to explaining this norm emergence and diffusion. The lesson is that diffusion 'from below' is not always driven by a desire to increase rank. In this case small states have gained benefits by maintaining a lowly position in a hierarchy in which large is stronger than small. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The unequal participation of member states in international organizations (IOs) undermines IOs' legitimacy as global actors. Existing scholarship typically makes this assessment by referencing a combination of input—the interests IOs serve—and output—the decisions they take. This scholarship does not, however, pay enough attention to how IOs have responded to these concerns. We argue that IOs have used the participation of small states—whose membership most studies typically ignore—as an important means of generating what Vivian Schmidt calls 'throughput' legitimacy for their operations. We organize our analysis of 'throughput' legitimacy in IOs around four institutional mechanisms—(1) agenda setting; (2) leadership (s)election; (3) management and operation; and (4) service delivery—in which all states seek to exert influence. What emerges is an account of IOs seeking to balance 'inputs' and 'outputs' by way of 'throughputs'. We conclude by arguing for an expanded focus on the means by which IOs generate 'throughput' legitimacy in future research. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The article discusses the climate change and the active participation of small states in international organisations. Topics include Fiji's role as president of the Conference of the Parties (COP23), the success of the Alliance of Small Island States in New York, and the opening of small states' offices in Geneva with the help of the Commwealth Office and Switzerland.

The article discusses a national election that was held in Nepal in 2008 in which citizens chose representatives to rewrite the country's Constitution. Changes that occurred in the country's government through this election are mentioned, such as Pushpa Kamal Dahal being elected the country's Prime Minister. Political instability that existed in Nepal since the 1990s is discussed. A history of the various governments that have ruled in Nepal from the 1800s through the first part of the 21st century is presented.

The Marshall Islands (RMI) is one of the world's smallest sovereign states, which should mean they are peripheral to global climate negotiations. Yet, they have recently played a crucial role in negotiating the Paris Agreement and emissions reductions at the International Maritime Organisation (IMO). The success at Paris is well documented. Here we explain how they also acted as successful policy entrepreneurs at the IMO. Specifically, we find that RMI's success can be explained by three factors: vision of the entrepreneur; development of capacity within RMI and the region, and commitment of key actors to create and seize opportunities in available forums, to realise that vision; and strategies to mobilise broader international support. These findings have implications for the literatures on policy entrepreneurship in climate governance and studies that highlight the capacity of small states to influence international affairs. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The endoscopic transnasal route for the surgical removal of tumors in the sellar region is frequently associated with nasal complications such as synechiae or impaired nasal breathing. In this study, we investigated the impact of septal splints on avoiding surgery-related co-morbidities. 49 patients in whom endoscopic transnasal, transsphenoidal surgery for sellar tumors was performed between 2012 and 2014 were studied. In 30 of these, nasal septal splints were applied at the end of surgery to both sides of the septum and left in situ for 10 days (group 1), 19 patients received no splints (group 2). A standardized postsurgical follow-up investigation with endoscopic nasal examination, rhinomanometry and olfactory testing was performed on average 2 months postoperatively. Patients' subjective nose-related discomfort at follow-up was assessed descriptively using a set of standardized self-rating statements on nasal problems. Synechias occurred less likely with nasal septal splints ( n = 15; 50 %) than without ( n = 16; 84.2 %). Moreover, multiple synechiae were predominantly observed in the group without septal splints ( n = 10 vs. n = 2). Rhinomanometry showed improved flow-V150-inspiration scores when splints were used (with significant differences between groups for the left nostril: p = 0.039 and p = 0.022, resp.). In accordance, impaired nasal breathing after surgery was reported more frequently by 76.9 % of patients without splints, but only 56 % of patients with splints. Our results provide support for the application of nasal septal splints when operating endoscopically on tumors in the sellar region to reduce postoperative synechias and to improve nasal breathing. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]