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In Good Jew, Bad Jew Steven Friedman argues that the meaning of anti-Semitism favoured by the Israeli government and its allies prioritises loyalty to the Israeli state over identification with the Jewish people. On this view, 'good Jews' are those who support the Israeli state, and 'bad Jews' are those who criticise Zionism. This framing reflects a discursive transition over decades linked to the desire to make Israel part of Europe politically and culturally. Not only has the Zionist version of anti-Semitism inverted traditional notions of Jewishness but it has transformed 'Jewishness' from the 'other' to whiteness, to an ally of white supremacists. This racial embrace goes hand in glove with the brutal practice of colonial violence evident in Gaza. Friedman makes his case drawing on the work African scholars such as Biko, Fanon and Mamdani, Southern scholars such as Ashis Nandy, as well as established scholars of the North. Keywords: antisemitism, Zionism, racism, violence, Europe, apartheid, African thoughts, In this interview, conducted in December 2023, we speak to leading South African political analyst Steven Friedman about his latest book, Good Jew, Bad Jew: Racism, Anti-Semitism and the Assault [...]

Black and Brown lives are abruptly ending due to racism. We regularly see this in the media with folx like Breonna Taylor, Ahmaud Arbery, and George Floyd, among countless others. [...]

The language of food is often used to communicate and debate beliefs about race and identity. This article explores a narrative offered by white people to the author as proof of nonracism. While the teller claims amusing innocence, the narrative reinscribes historical beliefs about white supremacy and black bodies as fetishized commodities. KEYWORDS: Racism, Food, Personal Experience Narrative, Fetish, White Supremacy, Euphemism and metaphor surround fraught topics (Allen and Burridge 1991). The language of food abounds within English-language euphemistic and metaphorical speech, from a bun in the oven to a tough [...]

On May 14, 2022, a White supremacist killed 10 and wounded 3 using a high-powered assault weapon. I was at the Tops Friendly Market two hours before the horror began. [...]

To meaningfully and effectively dismantle white supremacy within the child welfare system, we must redesign the way we respond to children and families experiencing adversity for more equitable outcomes. A [...]

I WANT TO TELL YOU a story about a wildly successful community project whose time has come to an end: the Charlottesville Community Resilience Fund. The Resilience Fund was an [...]

WHEN MARCIA GAUDET PROPOSED THIS PANEL for the 2020 Annual Meeting of the American Folklore Society, it was in response to the Black Lives Matter (BLM) protests; recent conversations and [...]

Ray Bradbury's paired short stories 'Way in the Middle of the Air' (1950) and 'The Other Foot' (1951) explore racism through the conceit of an African American exodus to Mars. Though Bradbury was not an Afrofuturist, both stories use Afrofuturist themes and concerns when exploring white anxieties about white supremacy. Tracing the publication history of each story, I read both stories through Michael Vannoy Adams's psychological concept of the multicultural imagination, a means by which prejudice is met and dispelled in the psyche. 'Way in the Middle of the Air' unmasks the fragility of white supremacy as an ideology, while 'The Other Foot' stands as an exercise for white readers (and its white author) to walk a mile in the feet of Blacks who had suffered the violence of racism. Bradbury emerges as a white enemy of white supremacy and early ally to Afrofuturism. Keywords: White supremacy / Afrofuturism / Ray Bradbury / depth psychology / short stories, One great innovator of Afrofuturism--the aesthetic movement blending science fiction with African diasporic experiences to 'redefine culture and notions of blackness for today and the future' (Womack 9)--was jazz musician [...]

Introduction In The Alchemy of Race and Rights, critical race legal scholar Patricia Williams centers the lives of Black folks who are inequitably treated by the legal system and society. [...]

In settler-colonial Canada, the state does not receive Indigenous testimony as credible evidence. While the state often accepts Indigenous testimony in formal hearings, the state fundamentally rejects Indigenous evidence as a description of the world as it is, as an onto-epistemology. In other words, the Indigenous worldview formation, while it functions as a knowledge system that knows and predicts life, is not admitted to regulatory discussions about effects of resource extraction projects on life. Particularly in such resource-extraction review hearings, partly for obvious reasons of ecological ethics, there is no space for Indigenous relational-ontology. I theorize that beyond racism, white supremacy, and greed, settler-colonial onto-epistemological structures are structured to systematically eliminate the potential for relational-ontologies. This exclusion is complementary to resource-extractivist and legal positivist procedures and is biased against Indigenous knowledge and knowledge-sharing procedures; it is a crisis of state integrity and is philosophically unsound. In my analysis of Canadian National Energy Board documents, I ferret out some of these structures that de facto discredit Indigenous onto-epistemologies; I propose this fundamental problem of the Canadian settler-colonial state must be recognized and changed if the calls of Canada's Truth and Reconciliation commission are to be met., Author(s): Norah Bowman [sup.1] Author Affiliations: (1) grid.440044.0, 0000 0000 9401 4729, Interdisciplinary Studies, Okanagan College, , Kelowna, Canada Introduction : The Canadian Settler-Colonial State and Indigenous Testimony Indigenous testimony [...]

As we white Buddhists begin to deeply examine the sources of white supremacy in our practice, teachings, and communities, the foundational Four Noble Truths provide a powerful contemplative method. With racism deeply embedded in our culture as an emblem of our fundamental suffering, the invitation of the Second Truth is to deeply contemplate how this suffering has arisen historically, presently, personally, and societally. The social craving of white supremacy constructed systems of oppression to preserve power and wealth, and strategic coverup of these systems pervade our culture. The Third Truth recognizes that these systems have been constructed, and they can be dismantled and must. The Fourth Truth reminds us that we all play a role, but explores especially what we individually can do guided by the three trainings--discipline, meditation, and wisdom--to dedicate ourselves to actions that undo racism. KEYWORDS: Four Noble Truths, racism, Buddhist ethics, white privilege, engaged Buddhism, Racism is one of the most important topics in our time, the undoing of which has the potential to transform all of us individually and as a human community. From [...]

On May 12, 1922, American composer John Powell received a death threat from the Ku Klux Klan. He had dissolved the organization's Richmond, Virginia, branch. Like many elite white men, [...]

This study investigates how The Birth of a Nation's Canadian exhibition and reception shaped Canada's racial formation during a decisive period of nation building. The notoriously racist film took Canada by storm despite national mythologies founded on principles of equality and compassion. While Black Canadians grounded their protests against the film in patriotic ideals, white Canadians brandished those ideals as evidence of the protests' redundancy. Analyzing historical discourse in mainstream newspapers, the Black press, trade publications, and censorship documents, I investigate how seemingly benevolent, Canadian modalities of racism enabled this white-supremacist film to triumph north of the border. KEYWORDS: The Birth of a Nation (1915), transnational, reception, Black activism, Canadian audiences, censorship, World War I, national identity, anti-Black racism, white supremacy, liberalism, 'We see in the United States what grave problems may arise from the presence of a race unable to become full members of the same social family as ourselves.' SIR [...]

MAORI ISSUES White supremacy first arrived in Aotearoa, the home of Maori for more than one and a half millennia, in 1769 when a group of Englishmen set foot on [...]

This special issue explores how existential thinking can be a living, global force that opposes racist praxis and thought. We are used to hearing that the 'heyday' of existentialism was [...]

The Ku Klux Klan, a racist, terrorist organization born after the Civil War, was rebooted following World War I. This resurgence was the high-water mark of classic White supremacy ideology in Oregon. By the end of the 1920s, the Klan's influence had died of self-inflicted wounds. The vehicles that would carry White supremacy activism into the next generations of Oregon life were inspired by international strains of anti-Jewish bigotry and competing claims of White Protestant religious destiny--both conjoined with classic notions of nineteenth-century racism. The individuals, organizations, issues, and activities those forces introduced to Oregon culture and politics redefined what White supremacy ideology would look like in Oregon during the second half of the twentieth century., DURING THE PERIOD between the two world wars, White supremacist organizations in Oregon were influenced by rise of fascism in Germany and Italy. Thoroughly antisemitic and White supremacist, these groups [...]

WHEN DR. DARRELL MILLNER AND I offered to be guest editors for this special issue of the Oregon Historical Quarterly (OHQ), we did so understanding the immense importance of its [...]

This article considers the possibilities and limitations of multiracial alliances and antiracist organizing in and beyond the USA by analyzing the Rainbow Coalition of Revolutionary Solidarity in Chicago from 1969 to 1972. The article argues this coalition-involving the Black Panther Party, Young Lords, and Young Patriots, among other diverse organizations-demonstrated a powerful model of organizing across race for revolutionary social change, which structured self-determination in communities-of-color alongside white communities' responsibility for ending white supremacy., Author(s): Jeb Aram Middlebrook [sup.1] Author Affiliations: (1) Founding Partner of Research & Development, MiddlebrookLLC.com, , Long Beach, California, USA Fig. a Black Panther Party Free Breakfast for Children Program' [...]