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The Agricultural and Horticultural Society of India (AHSI), founded in 1820, remains the most important producer of English-language knowledge regarding the cultivation of plants in colonial India. Members included missionaries, colonial officials, tea and indigo planters, merchants and bankers, as well as the Bengali bhadralok elites of Calcutta and some Indian princes. The writings it produced were highly gendered. Often they focus on how "improving" the political economy and agricultural productivity would create masculine identities, such as gentlemen landowners and industrious peasant husbandman. Yet I also argue that women's agricultural work was fundamental in imagining this path towards "improvement." Using descriptions of Indian farming and labor practices from the Society's meeting minutes and published transactions, as well as additional writings by its members and missionary founders, I show how many European members of the Society viewed women working outside of domestic pursuits as a sign of Indian inferiority. At the same time, many argued for the benefits of women's work, which they viewed as fundamental in making Indian households more productive. Women and their labor were a lynchpin in creating the idea of the effeminate Indian man as well as the solution for improving him. It was this intersection of race with gender which helped to define agriculture as a discipline much closer to practical knowledge than abstract science. While some European women were able to participate in the Society's production of scientific knowledge because of agriculture's practical nature, Indian knowledge (whether from men or women) tended to be openly dismissed as tradition or habit rather than truly practical. The overlap of gender with race consequently helped to create a hierarchy between practical knowledge and tradition., (Copyright © 2024 Elsevier Ltd. All rights reserved.)

COVID-19 is a worldwide pandemic, with frontlines that look drastically different than in past conflicts: that is, women now make up a sizeable majority of the health care workforce. American women have a long history of helping in times of hardship, filling positions on the home front vacated by men who enlisted as soldiers during World War I and similarly serving in crucial roles on U.S. military bases, on farms, and in factories during World War II. The COVID-19 pandemic has represented a novel battleground, as the first in which women have taken center stage, not only in their roles as physicians, respiratory therapists, nurses, and the like, but also by serving in leadership positions and facilitating innovations in science, technology, and policy. Yet, the pandemic has exacerbated multiple pain points that have disproportionally impacted women in health care, including shortages in correctly sized personal protective equipment and uniforms, inadequate support for pregnant and breastfeeding providers, and challenges associated with work-life balance and obtaining childcare. While the pandemic has facilitated several positive advancements in addressing these challenges, there is still much work to be done for women to achieve equity and optimal support in their roles on the frontlines., (Copyright © 2021 by the Association of American Medical Colleges.)

The period during and after World War II saw enormous changes in the practice and status of anaesthesia, as well as in female participation. This article offers an account of three South African (SA) women who trained in anaesthetics before and during the War and participated in these changes. By the mid-1960s, they presided over the three independent anaesthetic departments at Johannesburg's three main teaching hospitals, teaching generations of junior doctors. The first woman to register as a specialist anaesthetist in SA, Miriam (Mollie) Barlow, broke the glass ceiling in her own career by lobbying for the professional rights of medical women, although working within the constraints of the medical and political establishment. She also contributed to important SA research on malignant hyperthermia. Hilde Ginsberg collaborated with Barlow in the 1950s, reducing intraoperative and perioperative mortality at Coronation Hospital, and fought for key interventions in anaesthetic practice and policy through the South African Society of Anaesthetists (SASA), becoming its most long-serving and honoured female member. Kathleen Barbara Vetten's exemplary career in academic medicine, including pioneering animal research (developing anaesthetic techniques for open-heart surgery in dogs and protocols for liver transplantation in primates) and a successful operation to separate craniopagus twins, shows both the achievement of and limits to female achievement at the end of this period. This article also offers a short account of factors that hindered black women from entering anaesthesia training, contributing to this history before the 1990s.

In this article we test the hypothesis that the secular increase in heights in the course of the second half of the nineteenth century was associated with the rise of the breadwinner-homemaker household. In these 'modern' households, women raised the living standards (quality and quantity of food, hygiene and care) for all members, especially the children. We model the assumed contributions to the family budget by age and gender of household members, and find that a strong imbalance between consumers and producers in the household put severe strains on effective resource allocation, leading to lower net nutrition and lower young adult heights. We suggest a carefully calibrated consumer/producer ratio as an indicator to capture these effects. The ratio is not meant to replace others, and we show that sibling rank order as well as gender preferences also played a role in intra-household resource allocation. For our research, we have used a database with reconstructed life histories (including co-residence) of 3003 Dutch army recruits. Our results indicate that the consumer/producer ratio as experienced by recruits in their early life indeed had a strong impact (-1,8 cm) on their heights. However, this effect differed by social class, which can be explained by differences in acceptance of the income pooling model., (Copyright © 2019 Elsevier B.V. All rights reserved.)

This first serious attempt at an autobiographical accounting has forced me to sit still long enough to compile my thoughts about a long personal and scientific journey. I especially hope that my trajectory will be of interest and perhaps beneficial to much younger women who are just getting started in their careers. To paraphrase from Virginia Woolf's writings in A Room of One's Own at the beginning of the 20th century, "for most of history Anonymous was a Woman." However, Ms. Woolf is also quoted as saying "nothing has really happened until it has been described," a harbinger of the enormous historical changes that were about to be enacted and recorded by women in the sciences and other disciplines. The progress in my chosen field of study-the chemical basis of enzyme action-has also been remarkable, from the first description of an enzyme's 3D structure to a growing and deep understanding of the origins of enzyme catalysis.

McLaughlin studies how neurons respond to acute and chronic stress., (© 2018 Rockefeller University Press.)

Over the course of the twentieth century, a series of changes occurred in the understanding of childbirth, which went from being a natural reproductive phenomenon belonging to the female, domestic sphere to a professional medical matter handled in an institutional setting. Through procedures like the use of anesthesia, Cesarean sections, ultrasound and other techno-scientific interventions, rapid and significant improvements and changes took place in the health and life of society and of women. The medicalization of childbirth in the early twentieth century was part of a broader process of constructing the state and institutionalizing the patriarchy that was common throughout the region.

Women's participation in the work force shifted markedly throughout the twentieth century, from a low of 21 percent in 1900 to 59 percent in 1998. The influx of women into market work, particularly married women with children, put pressure on the ideology of domesticity: an ideal male worker in the outside market married to a woman taking care of children and home (Williams, 2000). Here, we examine some moments in the early-to-mid-twentieth century when female psychologists contested established norms of life-work balance premised on domesticity. In the 1920s, Ethel Puffer Howes, one of the first generation of American women psychologists studied by Scarborough and Furumoto (1987), challenged the waste of women's higher education represented by the denial of their interests outside of the confines of domesticity with pioneering applied research on communitarian solutions to life-work balance. Prominent second-generation psychologists, such as Leta Hollingworth, Lillian Gilbreth, and Florence Goodenough, sounded notes of dissent in a variety of forums in the interwar period. At mid-century, the exclusion of women psychologists from war work galvanized more organized efforts to address their status and life-work balance. Examination of the ensuing uneasy collaboration between psychologist and library scholar Alice Bryan and the influential male gatekeeper E. G. Boring documents gendered disparities in life-work balance and illuminates how the entrenched ideology of domesticity was sustained. We conclude with Jane Loevinger's mid-century challenge to domesticity and mother-blaming through her questioning of Boring's persistent focus on the need for job concentration in professional psychologists and development of a novel research focus on mothering., (© 2017 Wiley Periodicals, Inc.)

The origin and the development of scientific disciplines has been a topic of reflection for several decades. The few extensive case studies support the thesis that scientific disciplines are not monolithic structures but can be characterized by distinct social, organizational and scientific-technical practices. Nonetheless, most disciplinary histories of genetics confine themselves largely to an uncontested account of the content of the discipline or occasionally institutional factors. Little attention is paid to the large number of researchers who, by their joint efforts, ultimately shaped the discipline. We contribute to this aspect of disciplinary historiography by discussing the role of women researchers at the Institute for Heredity Research, founded in 1914 in Berlin under the directorship of Erwin Baur, and the sister of the John Innes Institute at Cambridge. This paper investigates how and why Baur built a highly successful research programme that relied on the efforts of his female staff, whose careers, notably Elisabeth Schiemann's, are also assessed in toto. These women undertook the necessary 'technoscience' and in some cases innovative work and helped increase the prestige of the institute and its director. Together they played a pivotal role in the establishment of genetics in Germany. Without them the discipline would have developed much more slowly and along a divergent path.

Maria Skłodowska was born on November 7, 1867 in Warsaw (Poland). Her parents were teachers. Maria’s mother has died in 1878 of tuberculosis. In 1893 and 1894, respectively, Maria was awarded master’s degrees in physics and in mathematics from the Sorbonne University. In 1895 Maria married Pierre Curie. In 1897 their daughter Irene was born. Maria investigated rays emitted by uranium salts. She hypothesized that the radiation come from atom and called this phenomenon “radioactivity”. In 1898, Maria and Pierre discovered new radioactive elements polonium and radium. In 1902 she isolated pure radium chloride and defined radium atomic mass. In June 1903, Maria supervised by Professor Lippmann was awarded her doctorate in physics from the Sorbonne University of Paris after presentation of the thesis “Investigation of radioactive bodies”. In December 1903, Maria was awarded the Nobel Prize in Physics, along with her husband Pierre and Henri Becquerel, for their work on radioactivity. In 1904, the daughter Eve was born. On 19 April 1906, Pierre was killed in a road accident in Paris. In 1910 Maria isolated radium as a pure metal. She also defined an international standard for radioactive emissions (curie), published her fundamental results on radioactivity and textbook of radiology. She also defined the international pattern of radium. In 1911, she won her second Nobel Prize, this time in Chemistry, for her discovery of radium and polonium. In 1914 she was appointed director in the Radium Institute in Paris. During World War I, Maria became the director of the Red Cross Radiology Service and set up France’s first military radiology centre. In May 1932 she has attended the official opening ceremony of the Radium Institute in Warsaw. On 4 July 1934, Maria Skłodowska-Curie has died aged 66 years in Sancellemoz sanatorium (France) of aplastic anemia.

The Women’s Land Army (WLA), formed in 1917, has featured prominently in recent academic and popular account of First World War Britain. This interest reflects the attention the WLA drew from politicians, government reporters and contemporary commentators during and immediately after the war itself. Yet, the WLA, which at its peak had 16,000 women working on the land, was just one strand of wartime female agricultural labour, an auxiliary to the thousands of village women who worked throughout the war. Whilst the WLA received numerous plaudits for their participation, village women were ‘left out in the cold’, as one correspondent to The Times put it, in recognition of their wartime service. This article will place the rural woman worker back to centre stage. It will revisit the often-contradictory wartime estimates of the number of women working in agriculture in England and Wales before moving on to examine how regional farming structures and seasonal demands for labour shaped the use of women workers. It will show that even at the very local level, here utilizing records from the Bedfordshire Women’s War Agricultural Committee, demand and supply issues produced a fractured pattern. It will show that concentrating exclusively on the WLA leads to a distorted picture of women’s work on the land during the First World War.

Even though unhealthy consequences of night work for women have been evidenced by international scientific literature only in recent years, they were well acknowledged from ancient times. This essay traces the historical evolution of women's health conditions at work, focusing specifically on nocturnal work. Using the legendary web of Penelope of ancient Greek myths as a metaphor, the paper analyses the early limitations of night-work for women in pre-industrial era and the development of a modern international legislation on this issue, aimed at protecting women's health at the beginning of the twentieth century. The reform of national legislations in a gender-neutral manner has recently abolished gender disparities in night-work, but it seems it also reduced women's protection at work.

Most literature on female employment focuses on the intersection between women's labor supply and family events such as marriage, divorce, or childbearing. Even when using longitudinal data and methods, most studies estimate average net effects over time and assume homogeneity among women. Less is known about diversity in women's cumulative work patterns over the long run. Using group-based trajectory analysis, I model the employment trajectories of early Baby Boom women in the United States from ages 20 to 54. I find that women in this cohort can be classified in four ideal-type groups: those who were consistently detached from the labor force (21 %), those who gradually increased their market attachment (27 %), those who worked intensely in young adulthood but dropped out of the workforce after midlife (13 %), and those who were steadily employed across midlife (40 %). I then explore a variety of traits associated with membership in each of these groups. I find that (1) the timing of family events (marriage, fertility) helps to distinguish between groups with weak or strong attachment to the labor force in early adulthood; (2) external constraints (workplace discrimination, husband's opposition to wife's work, ill health) explain membership in groups that experienced work trajectory reversals; and (3) individual preferences influence labor supply across women's life course. This analysis reveals a high degree of complexity in women's lifetime working patterns, highlighting the need to understand women's labor supply as a fluid process.

Nineteenth-century phrenology is often presented as a failed or pseudoscience. Based on erroneous anatomical assumptions and indirect observation, phrenology as such offers historians of psychology an object lesson in what scientists ought not do (e.g., Boring, 1929). As a practical profession, however, phrenology presents a more complicated narrative. This is particularly true in the United States where in the hands of practitioners including and influenced by the Fowler family, phrenology maintained a cultural presence long after being rejected by the scientific and medical mainstream (Janik, 2014). The prevalence of women practitioners, whose work and lives have yet to be adequately explored, represents another complication. Abigail Ayers Doe Fowler-Chumos, third wife of America's "great gun of phrenology" Orson Squire Fowler, is one practitioner worthy of closer examination (Davies, 1955, p. 46). Using the separate spheres concept (Kerber, 1988) and newspaper announcements, articles, and advertisements spanning the 1870s to 1920s, this article explores Abigail Ayers Doe Fowler-Chumos' development as a practical phrenologist. Her story suggests much about the unrecognized capacity of practical phrenology to create concepts and practices of selfhood capable of moving women beyond the private and domestic, while also preparing all Americans for modern psychology., ((c) 2015 APA, all rights reserved).)

The authors investigate the relationship between family policy and women's attachment to the labor market, focusing specifically on policy feedback on women's subjective work commitment. They utilize a quasi-experimental design to identify normative policy effects from changes in mothers' work commitment in conjunction with two policy changes that significantly extended the length of statutory parental leave entitlements in Germany. Using unique survey data from the German Socio-Economic Panel and difference-in-differences, triple-differenced, and instrumental variables estimators for panel data, they obtain consistent empirical evidence that increasing generosity of leave entitlements led to a decline in mothers' work commitment in both East and West Germany. They also probe potential mediating mechanisms and find strong evidence for role exposure and norm setting effects. Finally, they demonstrate that policy-induced shifts in mothers' preferences have contributed to. retarding women's labor force participation after childbirth in Germany, especially as far as mothers' return to full-time employment is concerned.

In October 1932 the British Broadcasting Corporation introduced a marriage bar, stemming what had been an enlightened attitude towards married women employees. The policy was in line with the convention of the day; marriage bars were widespread in the inter-war years operating in occupations such as teaching and the civil service and in large companies such as Sainsbury's and ICI. However, once implemented, the BBC displayed an ambivalent attitude towards its marriage bar which had been constructed to allow those married women considered useful to the Corporation to remain on the staff. This article considers why, for its first ten years, the BBC bucked convention and openly employed married women and why, in 1932, it took the decision to introduce a marriage bar, albeit not a full bar, which was not abolished until 1944. It contends that the BBC marriage bar represented a quest for conformity rather than active hostility towards the employment of married women and demonstrates how easily arguments against the acceptability of married women's work could be transgressed, if seen as beneficial to the employer. Overall, the article contemplates how far the BBC's marriage bar reflected inter-war ideology towards the employment of married women.

Charlotte Yhlén (1839-1919) was the first Swedish woman with medical education. New research has shed light on this forgotten pioneer. Charlotte was born in a Southern Sweden in a family without academical tradition. In her youth she got inspired by the woman emancipation movement. At an age of 28 she emigrated to the USA and studied at the Woman's Medical College of Pennsylvania. Her student thesis dealt with glaucoma. After graduation, Charlotte applied for work in Sweden but got rejected. Therefore, she moved back to the USA to work at Woman's Hospital of Philadelphia and later with a private practice as a general practitioner. In 1874, she married a Norwegian engineer and the couple got two children. Her husband's successful company Tinius Olsen Company was probably the reason why she gave up her medical career in her 50s. The article describes the conditions for love and work for the first Swedish women with academical education.

Background: Mrs Francis Piggott proposed the Colonial Nursing Association in 1895 as a means of supplying Britain's colonies and dominions with trained professional nurses, who would support the health of white colonists abroad. Over 8400 nurses were placed between 1896 and the Association's end in 1966. Despite the burgeoning of scholarship on gender and empire over the last few decades, there is still more research to be done examining nurses as professional, working women, who present a fascinating variation on the figure of the woman traveler., Methods: This essay focuses on 1896-1927, exploring how nurses were prepared for their labor abroad and how these skills were challenged and adapted within a foreign environment. We contextualize this discussion with examples from literary tales of exploration and adventure and discourses of empire., Results/conclusions: Though the sources of disease against which nurses fought changed during this period, we assert that the underlying role of the nurse continued the same: she was meant to use the tools of personal as well as public 'hygiene' to create both physical and cultural boundaries around her white patients and herself, setting colonists apart from their colonial setting.

This article introduces the reader to the life and work of Elisabeth Goldschmidt, the founding mother of the field of genetics in Israel. It concurrently strives to uncover the roots and development of genetics in Israel, tracing the crucial transition from classical Drosophila genetics to human genetics and the shift from a Germanic tradition of scientific research to an American one. Goldschmidt's personal biography is inextricably linked to the early stages of genetic research in Israel. The narrative of her life could have been a heroic and inspiring account of a female scientist who 'had it all', had its end been less tragic. Nevertheless, her life was rich, including a path of achievement and trail-blazing coupled with the joy and satisfaction she gleaned from her scientific work., (Copyright © 2012 Elsevier Ltd. All rights reserved.)

The School of Nursing at Heidelberg University was founded in 1953 on the initiative of the Rockefeller Foundation to generate new, scientifically trained nursing elite to advance the professionalization of nursing in West Germany. The "American" concept met massive resistance. Its "superior nursing training" was seen as creating "Hollywood nurses"-a threat to the traditional Christian understanding of good, caring nursing. Intense social conflicts also caused problems with other groups of nurses. The school nevertheless played a very important role as a "cadre academy" in the history of professionalization. Many of the first German professors in the nursing sciences trained or underwent further training in Heidelberg.