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"Death to the Arabs." "Forever Pure." "War." These have been but afew of the hateful slogans cried out in Teddy Stadium by members of La Familia, Beitar Jerusalem Football Club's far-right nationalist supporters group. Racism in football is not a recent, nor regional, development. While the F&diration Internationale de Football Association (FIFA) has long promoted a "Say No to Racism" campaign, racial discrimination is still prevalent across global football. Decision makers at the top of club and federation hierarchies have struggled to proactively address the confluence of football-related hooliganism and racism. With the 2022 World Cup fast approaching, there is a broad imperative to engage in deep consideration of ways to discourage hatred that may manifest itself through the sport. However, before undertaking practices that might help eliminate racial discrimination in football, it is necessary to consider both who should be held responsible for implementing these practices and which stakeholders are in the best position to do so. Part I of this Note briefly sketches the relationship between racism and football and follows with an analysis of the implications of football-related violations of human rights from aninternationallawperspective. Part II presents a case study focusing on the discriminatory practices apparent at Beitar Jerusalem and among its supporters. This section illustrates the ways in which stakeholders seek to combat racism in football and analyzes how and why these stakeholders have been successful, or not, in addressing racism in its structural form. Finally, Part III of this Note proposes a tailored framework through which football stakeholders might effectively address racism at the club and national team level. In doing so, this Part highlights the Joundational element of crossstakeholder communication as a prerequisite to the implementation of practices that can combat systemic racism in world football. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

On August 4, 1974, Philadelphia Inquirer sportswriter Frank Dolson reported that the Philadelphia Bell, a team in the World Football League (WFL), lied about the number of tickets they had sold. Dolson determined the team only sold 20,000 of the 120,000 tickets reported by Bell officials. The team gave the other 100,000 away to fill the stadium in an action known to show business promoters as "papering." Coining the term "Paper-Gate," Dolson vilified the Bell, equating their operations with the Nixon Watergate scandal occurring at the same time. Dolson's use of the suffix "-gate" was an early example of the use of it as shorthand for scandal. His Paper-Gate term quickly became a national phenomenon as reporters in other WFL cities learned of widespread papering throughout the league. Within days the league was a national joke, the Bell and other teams were on the verge of bankruptcy, and Bell president Jack Kelly resigned on the same day as President Richard M. Nixon. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper takes a world-systemic perspective on global football seen through the lens of the Global North–South political–economic divide that has long motivated development studies. After synthesizing an historical account of the commercial transformation of world football since the mid-1970s, the paper considers the organization and operation of the world football economy using the analytical construct of the "global value chains" perspective. The analysis identifies two distinct football governance structures that broadly correspond to the "producer-driven" and "buyer-driven" governance structures long identified by commodity/value chain scholars, and that imply different flows of resources across world football's North–South divide. The paper concludes by considering implications of the value chain governance structures for both the value chains and sports studies literatures. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]