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After the Cold War, America's leaders hoped Russia and China could be integrated into the rules-based international order and might even become more like the West. By the late 2010s, their optimism was dead. In The End of Engagement, David M. McCourt traces the intense personal, professional, and policy struggles over China and Russia in U.S. foreign policy since 1989. Drawing on 170 original interviews with America's China and Russia experts--from former policymakers and diplomats to prominent think tankers and academics--McCourt chronicles the rise and recent fall of'engagement'with Beijing and Moscow. While there are numerous explanations for why America moved away from engagement with China and Russia in the last decade, McCourt shows that none consider how important foreign policy knowledge communities have been in impacting policy. Adopting a unique, sociological perspective, this book offers an intimate look into the world of America's national security experts as they have struggled to make sense of changes in China and Russia and the remaining question of what comes next.

This interdisciplinary book investigates the problematization of global challenges in world politics by analyzing what they are and how they come to be.Offering a conceptual framework, including four modes of construction—universalizing, bundling, upscaling, and creating urgency—this book provides a heuristic method for understanding how the process of rendering an issue a “global challenge” unfolds. It examines the role of the global challenges discourse, which may either reinforce or challenge the dominant orders of world politics, such as the capitalist market-based system and the liberal international order. As a consequence, the global challenges discourse facilitates the emergence of new actors and policy fields.The book will be of interest to students, academics, and practitioners of global governance, international organizations, and, more broadly, international political economy and international relations.

This book brings together a diverse range of scholars and practitioners working at the nexus of peace and development to reflect, at the mid-way point of the Sustainable Development Goals implementation period, what impact Goal 16 has made, or may yet make, toward reducing violence in ‘all its forms.'Adopted in 2015, the Sustainable Development Goals include 17 objectives designed to shape and direct the global development agenda through to 2030, with Goal 16 aiming to promote ‘peaceful and inclusive societies for sustainable development.'Amidst an ongoing global pandemic, evidence of a fracturing liberal international order, and the persistence of seemingly intractable conflict in large parts of the world, this volume takes stock of current progress toward providing access to justice and ensuring inclusive and democratic institutions. Across 15 chapters, the book's contributors explore the universal aspirations of Goal 16 and its specific implications for conflict-affected states, which continue to experience ‘development in reverse,'and for historically marginalized groups such as women, youth, the disabled, and indigenous peoples. In doing so, it offers a comprehensive assessment of Goal 16's broader contribution to the creation of a more just, peaceful world against the realities of societies emerging from the COVID-19 pandemic and grappling with a deepening climate crisis. This volume will appeal to scholars, researchers, policymakers, and postgraduate students in sustainable development, global governance, international relations, global development, international law, and political science.

In questo nuovo libro, Alessandro Orsini parla della guerra in Ucraina e del bombardamento di Gaza attaccando i luoghi comuni e le fake news diffuse dai media dominanti. Con la sua prosa semplice e diretta, Orsini ricorre alla teoria sociologica per fornire una nuova interpretazione delle guerre in corso, mettendo in crisi gli schemi mentali con cui l'uomo eurocentrico – che vive di pregiudizi e frasi fatte – percepisce, giudica e valuta la politica internazionale. Il libro introduce, per la prima volta in Italia, la letteratura sul terrorismo di Stato che Orsini applica al caso d'Israele. Il primo capitolo è dedicato ai complessi di superiorità che hanno spinto l'Occidente a sottovalutare e dileggiare la Russia. Il secondo è dedicato ad Hamas e all'attentato del 7 ottobre 2023. Il terzo al bombardamento di Gaza e al regime israeliano nei territori palestinesi. Il quarto contiene quattro lezioni sulla mentalità scientifica per imparare ad analizzare la politica internazionale senza complessi di superiorità eurocentrici. Il quinto capitolo parla delle previsioni di Orsini sulla guerra in Ucraina e introduce il dibattito epistemologico sulla previsione nelle scienze sociali, con esempi molto semplici legati all'invasione di Putin.

After the End argues that the cultural imaginaries and practices of the Cold War continue to deeply shape the present in profound but largely unnoticed ways across the global North and in the global South. The argument draws examples from literature and literary criticism, film, music, the historical and social scientific record and past and present physical sites to consider the bunker as a material form, an image and as a fantasy that took shape in the global North in the 1960s and that spread globally into the twenty-first century. After the End reminds us not only that most of the world's peoples have lived with or died from apocalyptic conditions for centuries, but that the Cold War imaginaries that grew from and fed those conditions, continue to survive as well.

This edited volume examines the competitive dynamics of two order-building projects in the Indo-Pacific, namely China's Belt and Road Initiative (BRI) and the US-led Free and Open Indo-Pacific (FOIP).Foci are on how far the two major powers are able to use institutional projects to (re)order the region of the Indo-Pacific to suit their policy preferences, and on how regional powers perceive and navigate between the two ordering projects. This book discusses a wide array of actors in the Indo-Pacific, covering the two major powers of China and the United States, middle powers of Australia and New Zealand, India, Japan, South Korea and Taiwan, and institutional actors of ASEAN, AUKUS, the Quad and the Pacific Islands Forum. Drawing on the concept of international order, the chapters examine the actor-specific foreign policies in relation to the rivalry between the FOIP and the BRI.This accessible book will be a go-to resource for anyone looking for how the two great powers garner legitimacy and followership for their own version of ordering project, and how regional powers respond to the dynamic competition and navigate between China and the United States, and between the forces of liberal democracy and autocracy.

This books, available in paperback for the first time, examines the period between the military intervention against Serbia by NATO and the one in Iraq by the US. It has been a particularly turbulent one for transatlantic security relations. Is the malaise currently affecting the Transatlantic Alliance more serious than ever before and if so why? Will differences in the assessment of how to provide order and stability in the international system as well as in the evaluation of threats and how to respond to them mark the end of the Transatlantic Alliance? Or will the US, NATO, the EU, and EU member states work together, using different instruments and accepting a degree of division of labour, to pacify, stabilise and rebuild troublesome areas as they have done in South-Eastern Europe? This book, with contributions from leading American, Canadian and European scholars, analyses the reasons behind the latest crisis of the Transatlantic Alliance and dissects its manifestations.

This searing account of the conflict between Russia and Ukraine reveals that, contrary to popular media narratives, Western hawks are culpable in triggering a war that has cost many thousands of innocent Ukrainian lives.In 1991, the Cold War ended in a bloodless victory for NATO. After 45 years of a grueling, nuclear-tinged Cold War, communism was dead, Eastern Europe was free, Russia looked to the West for how to build a better, freer future for itself, and liberal democracy and capitalism reigned supreme.But in the ruins of the last war lie the seeds for the next great conflict. Floating just beneath the surface of post-Cold War international relations was the question of what was to become of NATO with the loss of the Soviet Union as a threat. Western leaders believed expansion into the former Soviet states of Eastern Europe was the natural next step. But the Russians opposed this.For 30 years, a succession of Russian leaders—from Mikhail Gorbachev to Boris Yeltsin to Vladimir Putin—warned the West that NATO's expansion into territories bordering Russia, notably into Ukraine, would trigger a violent response from Moscow. Yet, the West did not listen. Contrary to the popular narrative in the West, A Disaster of Our Own Making: How the West Lost Ukraine will show readers how Westerners created our current crisis with Russia and why innocent Ukrainians are being made to pay with their lives for the arrogance (and ignorance) of Western leaders in the post-Cold War era. Thanks to their hubris, the world now teeters on the brink of a potential nuclear world war over the status of Ukraine.

A powerful new explanation of China's rise that draws from the business world to show that China is not simply copying established great powers, but exploiting geopolitical opportunities around the world that those other powers had ignored. Thirty years ago, the idea that China could challenge the United States economically, globally, and militarily seemed unfathomable. Yet today, China is considered another great power in the international system. How did China manage to build power, from a weaker resource position, in an international system that was dominated by the U.S.? What factors determined the strategies Beijing pursued to achieve this feat? Using granular data and authoritative Chinese sources, Oriana Skylar Mastro demonstrates that China was able to climb to great power status through a careful mix of strategic emulation, exploitation, and entrepreneurship on the international stage. This “upstart approach” — determined by where and how China chose to compete — allowed China to rise economically, politically, and militarily, without triggering a catastrophic international backlash that would stem its rise. China emulated (i.e. pursued similar strategies to the U.S. in similar areas) when its leaders thought doing so would build power, while reassuring the U.S. of its intentions. China exploited (i.e. adopted similar approaches to the U.S. in new areas of competition) when China felt that the overall U.S. strategy was effective, but didn't want to risk direct confrontation. Lastly, China pursued entrepreneurial actions (i.e. innovative approaches to new and existing areas of competition) when it believed emulation might elicit a negative reaction and a more effective approach was available. Beyond explaining the unique nature of China's rise, Upstart: How China Became a Great Power provides policy guidance on how the U.S. can maintain a competitive edge in this new era of great power competition.

At a time of change in the international system, this book examines how non-traditional leading nations from the Global South have fared to date and what the chances are of their rise to continue. In the second decade of the twenty-first century, the enthusiasm of observers of the international scene about the “rise of the rest” is waning as many countries that were expected to lead the evolving multipolar order are experiencing economic contraction and governance problems. In order to predict further developments, the contributors to this volume focus on the types and sources of the diplomatic strategies that must be executed by rising states if they are to preserve domestic advances as well as gain influence regionally and internationally. Through a comprehensive examination of case studies from Latin America, Africa, Asia, and the Middle East, they show that while there are commonalities among these rising states, unique domestic conditions, values, and traditions impact and predictdiplomatic strategizing and the ability for sustained projection on the international scene.

Odkud pramení hněv, který se šíří od Brazílie po Indii, od USA po Rusko, překračuje hranice náboženství i kultur a je rozšířen mezi chudými i bohatšími? Jaká logika vede k volbám autoritářů a politickému násilí? Jeden z nejvýznamnějších veřejných intelektuálů současnosti, indický spisovatel Pankádž Mišra, nás vrací ke kořenům kritiky modernity v Rousseauově kritice Voltaira. Fascinující esej provádí intelektuálními dobrodružstvími několika staletí a několika kontinentů. Analyzuje kořeny nacionalismu, náboženského fundamentalismu i dalších revolt vůči nespravedlnostem moderního světa a propojuje zdánlivě zapomenuté debaty a situace s dneškem.

Africa in World Politics provides advanced undergraduate and graduate students with the perfect introduction to the challenges faced by African states on an increasingly turbulent world stage.Africa in World Politics has long served as the go-to resource for students of African politics seeking to navigate the continent's complex political and economic landscapes. Updated throughout, this new edition includes new chapters on the unprecedented challenges the continent faces from climate change and the fallout of the COVID-19 global pandemic. Adding to existing coverage of international diplomacy, peacebuilding, women in politics, and the building blocks of political economy, the book also includes expanded coverage of the role of China in Africa, and fresh perspectives on decolonization.Drawing together insights from some of the world's leading scholars of African politics, this textbook is an essential read for advanced students of political science and African studies.

Given the increasing presence of non-Western nations in global affairs, Hiro Katsumata and Hiroki Kusano explore their responses to the backlash taking place in the West against the global spread of liberalism – against the global spread of free trade, multilateral institutions, and liberal-democratic politics. Katsumata and Kusano concentrate on the cases of Egypt, Brazil, Japan, ASEAN members, Russia, and China. Mounted by these non-Western nations are three kinds of responses: illiberal bandwagoning, counter-backlash, and thirdway charting. Each of these responses inevitably has significant consequences for the fate of the existing liberal international order established and sustained by the Western countries in the post-war era, either accelerating the collapse of this order by causing additional damage to it, or putting the brakes on its collapse by giving support to it.An invaluable resource for scholars in International Relations and Comparative Politics.

A large and widening gap has opened between Western democracies'international ambitions and their domestic political capacity to support them. On issues ranging from immigration and international trade to national security, new political parties on the left and the right are rejecting the core foreign policy principles that Western governments have championed for over half a century. Much of the debate over the weakening of the Western liberal order has focused on recent changes: Donald Trump's presidency, Britain's vote to leave the European Union, and the surge of nationalist sentiment in France, Germany, and other Western democracies. In Geopolitics and Democracy, Peter Trubowitz and Brian Burgoon provide a powerful new explanation for the rise of anti-globalism in the West. Combining a novel theoretical framework and empirical strategy, Trubowitz and Burgoon show that support for globalism has been receding for 30 years in Western parties and legislatures. They trace the anti-globalist backlash to foreign policy decisions that mainstream parties and party elites made after the end of the Cold War. These decisions sought to globalize markets and pool sovereignty at the supranational level while applying neoliberal reforms to social protections and guarantees at home--a combination of policies that succeeded in expanding the Western liberal order, but at the cost of mounting public discontent and political fragmentation. At a time when problems of great power rivalry, spheres of influence, and reactionary nationalism have returned, Geopolitics and Democracy reveals how domestic support for international engagement during the long East-West geopolitical contest was contingent upon social protections within Western democracies. In the absence of a renewed commitment to those social purposes, Western democracies will struggle to find a collective grand strategy that their domestic publics will support.

A revelatory and wide-ranging series of interviews with award-winning writer Arundhati Roy, touching on US empire, Indian nationalism, a writer's work, and more.As a novelist, Arundhati Roy is known for her lush language and intricate structure. As a political essayist, her prose is searching and fierce. All of these qualities shine through in the interviews collected here by David Barsamian.This newly reissued and expanded edition, featuring interviews from 2001 to 2022 and a moving foreword by Naomi Klein, explores Roy's evolving political thought and commitments across the tumultuous twenty-first entry. The Architecture of Modern Empire is a searing reckoning with the mechanics of power, in all its forms, and the role of imagination and creative expression in envisioning a radically different world.

This edited book explores diverse contestations and transformations of sovereignty around the world.Sovereignty plays a central role in modern political thought and practice, but it also remains fundamentally contested. Depending on the context and perspective, it seems either omnipresent or elusive, liberating or oppressive, fading or resilient. Indeed, if in recent decades sovereignty has been expected to wane, today it is back on the agenda; not as the solid bedrock of modern – international – politics, which it never was, but as variations on a concept and institution that are ever contested and, as a result, constantly transforming.Bringing together perspectives from various disciplines, including International Relations (IR), political theory, geography, law, and anthropology, this volume: • goes beyond debates over the resilience or decline of sovereignty to instead emphasize how precisely the inherent ambiguities, tensions, and contestations in scholarship and practice spark sovereignty's manifold transformations;• offers three theoretical chapters that examine the illusions, contradictions, transformation, and lasting appeal of sovereignty and the nation-state;• explores sovereignty from various disciplinary perspectives in 11 empirical chapters that highlight its role in different contexts around the world, from the European Union (EU) to the South China Sea, to Western Sahara and Palestine;• problematizes the interplay between theory and practice of statehood and sovereignty, as in the perception of Northern Cyprus as a ‘fake state', scholars'promotion of Kurdish ‘statehood'in Iraq, and studies affirming the ‘Islamic State'.This book will be of much interest to students of statehood, sovereignty, conflict studies and International Relations.Chapters 8 of this book are available for free in Open Access at www.taylorfrancis.com. It has been made available under a Creative Commons Attribution-No Derivatives 4.0 license.

La fase storica successiva alla guerra fredda, prevalentemente definita “età della globalizzazione”, cominciava con la diffusa aspettativa di una affermazione del modello politico, economico e culturale occidentale a livello planetario, rispecchiata da un assetto di potenza unipolare a guida statunitense. A distanza di più di un trentennio, il bilancio storico del periodo smentisce totalmente quella previsione. L'aspirazione unipolarista si è infranta davanti al riemergere di conflitti etnico-nazionalistici, religiosi e di civiltà, ed è stata sostituita dalla realtà complessa di un mondo strutturalmente multipolare, in cui l'Occidente si è decisamente ridimensionato, ed è tornata in luce con forza la geopolitica.

Is the liberal order in decline? Can we see evidence of that decline in the UN Security Council? Brian Frederking challenges the increasingly popular'decline'narrative by examining the practices of the Security Council in the decades since the end of the Cold War. Relying on both qualitative and quantitative data, Frederking shows that the council has consistently enforced liberal rules to resolve conflicts regarding war crimes, human rights, and democracy. What many interpret as a decline, he argues, is instead a process of renegotiation—the outcome of which remains a liberal order, but one that is less influenced than in the past by the US and its allies.

Non soltanto in Ucraina: ovunque nel mondo si stanno riaccendendo conflitti sopiti, tutti segnali di un problema strutturale imputabile alla fase finale di un sistema economico e geopolitico costituitosi dopo il 1989. Oggi è in discussione il modello a guida statunitense. Lo scontro è tra l'asse occidentale diretto dagli USA, che vuole perseverare con l'attuale ordine mondiale, e il multilateralismo sostenuto da Cina e Russia. Il punto di rottura o d'incontro che determinerà il futuro delle relazioni internazionali è determinato proprio da queste due alternative: l'accettazione di un mondo multipolare da parte degli USA o l'intenzione di mantenere un ordine unipolare. Le guerre che si stanno riaccendendo in ogni quadrante sono un sintomo evidente di tale violenta contrapposizione. Papa Francesco ha definito tali conflitti diffusi “Terza guerra mondiale a pezzi”; preannunciano un'imminente resa dei conti che è indispensabile scongiurare.

From 9/11 to the Anglo-American occupation of Iraq, the eurozone crisis to the Brexit vote, the Great Recession to the Arab Spring, the rise of China to the annexation of Crimea, the passage from Obama to Trump and Russia's invasion of Ukraine, the London-based New Left Review has offered a series of sharply critical editorials, combining argument with analysis-radical antidotes to the self-serving accounts of the Anglophone press. Contraventions brings together a selection of NLR's key political writings, covering capitalist boom and bust, the changing forms of American hegemony, the combined and uneven development of world powers, the domestic politics of the US and UK and multiple revolts from below, at the ballot box or in the streets. Bookended by broader surveys of the political-intellectual conjuncture, these essays dismantle mainstream narratives and anatomize the ideologies, institutions and on-the-ground operations of liberal-imperial rule.Contraventions includes texts by Perry Anderson, Tariq Ali, Mike Davis, Susan Watkins, Alexander Cockburn, Peter Gowan, Tony Wood, JoAnn Wypijewski, Tom Hazeldine and Dylan Riley.

Since the turn of the century, New Left Review has published a score of editorials on contemporary world politics, each departing from conventional positions. This collection brings together a selection of NLR's interventions in these years of US unipolarity and late-capitalist boom and bust, the War on Terror and the rise of China, the asymmetrical recovery from the financial crisis and the fraught politics of the energy transition. Bookended by surveys reviewing the broader political-intellectual conjuncture in which the journal is publishing, they examine both the ideas and the on-the-ground operations of liberal-internationalist rule, from the Middle East peace process to the new cold war, analysing the character of the EU and the record of Obama, the meaning of Donald Trump and the explanation for Brexit – as well as tracking counter-movements from street to ballot box, the Arab Spring to Corbyn, Sanders and Podemos.

Human rights — and the international institutions that strive to protect them — are under increasing attack from powerful actors on the global stage, from recent political trends even within established democracies and from new technologies. Together, these threats have undermined what had been a fragile international consensus as recently as two decades ago about the importance of concerted international action to protect human rights and punish those who abuse them.China, Russia, and other nondemocratic regimes have become increasingly bold in acting as if agreed-upon international human rights standards no longer exist, or at least do not apply to them. More broadly, domestic political movements based on nationalism, religion, and populism are challenging human rights norms on nearly every continent. And new technologies — including autonomous weapons systems and relentless digital surveillance — have given national leaders new ways to control or even abuse their citizens with impunity.This book examines these new challenges to international and regional human rights in Africa, Europe, Latin America, and the Middle East. It is the result of a year of workshops with human rights activists and young leaders from around the world, with chapters written by a diverse group of leading scholars. Beyond describing the challenges to human rights, the book offers targeted, practical recommendations for national and multilateral policymakers, activists, and scholars for concrete actions to protect human rights as well as improve public understanding of why doing so is essential.Reclaiming Human Rights in a Changing World Order will interest scholars of international relations and human rights law, domestic and international activists involved in human rights — indeed, anyone wanting to understand the implications for the liberal international order of the new geopolitical competition, modern technology, and political and social movements.

Global Political Leadership explores contemporary shifts in leadership, and the related leadership crisis, in the global world.Globalization is now perceived as a threatening and hostile force, with many of its advocates and political supporters turning away from it, but its processes cannot be reversed. New powers emerge, old ones re-emerge, and uncertainty about the future global order is increasing. This book tells the inside stories of global power games and asks important questions about the leadership crisis in the western world. The author provides an interpretative framework for contemporary shifts within the western political sphere based on the concept of global leadership. This framework presents the nature of the transformation caused by global processes, as part of which force and coercion have ceased to be the main modus operandi of the international realm. The issue of global political leadership has often been neglected in international relations literature, while being widely exploited by managerial and organizational studies. However, all social organizations have ‘gone global'within the last several decades; they are more interconnected and more dependent on global processes, so the question of effective leadership strategies matching these new realities is highly necessary, even – or especially – at a time when globalization is no longer seen as a leading political programme.This book will be of great interest to students and scholars of global affairs, politics and international relations, leadership and development, and diplomatic studies.The Open Access version of this book, available at www.taylorfrancis.com, has been made available under a Creative Commons Attribution-Non Commercial-No Derivatives 4.0 license.

In his new book, Hanna Samir Kassab examines changes and trends in international politics and the competition between great powers for control of the international system.He argues that the increase in geopolitical, economic, nationalist, and resource competition between three great powers, the United States, China, and Russia, points to the changing structure of the international system. This competition is a systemic one, focusing more on the rules and norms that defined the system since the end of the Cold War. This American-led unipolar order is translating into a multipolar one. Kassab begins by tracing the decline of the United States after the Iraq War (2003) and the Great Recession (2008) as well as the rise of China and the resurgence of Russia. He describes major foreign policy changes from George H.W. Bush to Donald J. Trump and how the various administrations approached the international system. Russia and China will increase their international influence as the United States pulls back from the international system.Written using simple jargon, Globalization, Multipolarity and Great Power Competition is equally accessible to academics and casual readers and laypeople interested in international politics.

Offering a competitive strategy to defeat authoritarians'all-domain warfare, this book suggests a new combined effects and influence framework for democracies to employ before deterrence fails.Breaking new ground in this comprehensive study, retired Brigadier General Thomas A. Drohan reforms an entrenched legacy concept-coercive compellence and deterrence. The book's framework synthesizes brute force, coercion, combined arms, and concepts of operations into combined effects and concepts of influence, including narrative warfare with cognitive exploits. The survey of competitive strategy at the beginning of the book spans a time frame from the thinking of ancient civilizations all the way to artificial intelligence, providing broad historical context for this model. The contemporary cases that test the model focus on complex competition and confrontation during the past 75 years.Combined Effect Strategy and Influence is unique in its critique of democracies'dominant paradigm of international security and its broad, specific framework ready for strategists, analysts, planners, and operators to apply to current threats. Students, researchers, and any leader interested in developing superior strategy will value the book's insights on gaining an advantage against emerging threats.

Contrary to the common belief that peace and democracy go hand in hand after a civil war, Pereira Watts argues they are, in fact, at a crossroads.Offering an innovative framework based on Philosophical, Actors, and Tactical considerations, Pereira Watts identifies 14 dynamic dilemmas in democratic peacebuilding, with respective trade-offs. She focuses on explaining the contradictions in modern post-conflict recovery, the challenges facing interim governments, and the international community's role. Based on an analysis of more than 40 countries between 1989 and 2022 and more than 60 UN peace operations, she presents critical issues that commonly need to be addressed in such scenarios: Elections and Political Parties; the Constitution; Checks, Balances and Power-sharing; Transitional Justice; Human Rights, Amnesty, Truth Commissions and War Crimes Tribunals; Disarmament, Demobilization, and Reintegration; and Media Reform and Civil Society. Solving any of these dilemmas leads to others that shape a complex apparatus for restoring peace and installing a new political regime.An essential resource for decision-takers, policymakers, international analysts and practitioners in the field of peacebuilding that will also be of great value to students of International Relations and Peace Studies as well as anyone interested in peacekeeping, democracy-building, and state-building.

Foreign Policy Best Book of 2023 Foreign Affairs Best Book of 2023 The “riveting” (The Economist), secret story of the hundred-year intelligence war between Russia and the West with lessons for our new superpower conflict with China.Spies is the history of the secret war that Russia and the West have been waging for a century. Espionage, sabotage, and subversion were the Kremlin's means to equalize the imbalance of resources between the East and West before, during, and after the Cold War. There was nothing “unprecedented” about Russian meddling in the 2016 US presidential election. It was simply business as usual, new means used for old ends. The Cold War started long before 1945. But the West fought back after World War II, mounting its own shadow war, using disinformation, vast intelligence networks, and new technologies against the Soviet Union. Spies is a “deeply researched and artfully crafted” (Fiona Hill, deputy assistant to the US President) story of the best and worst of mankind: bravery and honor, treachery and betrayal. The narrative shifts across continents and decades, from the freezing streets of St. Petersburg in 1917 to the bloody beaches of Normandy; from coups in faraway lands to present-day Moscow where troll farms, synthetic bots, and weaponized cyber-attacks being launched woefully unprepared West. It is about the rise and fall of Eastern superpowers: Russia's past and present and the global ascendance of China. Mining hitherto secret archives in multiple languages, Calder Walton shows that the Cold War started earlier than commonly assumed, that it continued even after the Soviet Union's collapse in 1991, and that Britain and America's clandestine struggle with the Soviet government provided key lessons for countering China today. This “authoritative, sweeping” (Fredrik Logevall, Pulitzer Prize­–winning author of Embers of War) history, combined with practical takeaways for our current great power struggles, make Spies a unique and essential addition to the history of the Cold War and the unrolling conflict between the United States and China that will dominate the 21st century.

A 2023 Choice Reviews Outstanding Academic TitleGeopolitics is not dead, but nor does it involve the same old logic of a world determined by physical geography in a competition between Great Powers. Hidden Geopolitics recaptures the term to explore how the geography of power works both globally and nationally to structure and govern the workings of the global political economy. Globalization, far from its antithesis, is tightly wound up in the assumptions and practices of geopolitics, relating to the scope of regulatory authority, state sponsorship, and the political power of businesses to operate worldwide. Agnew shows how this “hidden” geopolitics and globalization have been vitally connected. He focuses on three moments: the origins of contemporary globalization in the policies pursued by successive US governments and allies after 1945 and its continued relevance even as the US role in the world changes; the close connection between geopolitical history and status of different countries and their relative capacities to exploit the possibilities and limit the costs of globalization; and new regulatory and standard-setting agencies which emerged under the sponsorship of major geopolitical powers but have grown in power and authority as the dominant states have become limited in their ability to manage the explosion of transnational transactions on their own.Agnew argues that it is time to move on from the narrow inter-imperial cast of geopolitics and the foolish policy advice it produces. The old perspective on geopolitics has taken on new life with the rise of national-populist movements in Europe and the United States and the reinvigoration of territorial-authoritarian regimes in Russia and China. Notwithstanding this trend, we must see the contemporary world through the lens of these complex, “hidden” geopolitical underpinnings that Agnew seeks to expose.

Did NATO cause the crisis in Ukraine?Following the Russian invasion of Ukraine, the fortunes of NATO—pronounced “braindead” only a few years prior—have been miraculously revived. The alliance, buoyed by surging European military budgets and inflows of combat-ready troops and cutting-edge hardware, looks forward to welcoming additional member states. Originally conceived as a bulwark against the Soviet Union, NATO has outlasted its ostensible foe by over three decades. Its geostrategic remit is limited to the North Atlantic in name only. Treaty obligations range from the Andes to the Gulf of Aden and the Khyber Pass, and allied commanders now prepare for battle in the South China Sea. Natopolitanism takes an in-depth look at the evolution and aggrandizement of NATO since the turn of the 1990s. What purposes does NATO serve in the post-Cold War world? What is the balance sheet of a quarter century of alliance expansion, and what part did it play in the eruption of conflict on Europe's eastern marches? Contributors to the volume, including John J. Mearsheimer, Mary Elise Sarotte, Susan Watkins, Wolfgang Streeck, and Volodymyr Ishchenko, revisit this this history as it unfolded. Varying in viewpoint and judgment, all share a critical perspective at odds with wartime pieties.

Débouchant directement sur l'actualité la plus immédiate, cet ouvrage présente une synthèse globale des relations politiques internationales depuis 1945.La fin de la Deuxième Guerre mondiale marque une césure majeure dans les rapports entre nations. Face au déclin des États européens, on assiste à l'ascension des États-Unis et de l'Union soviétique, qui visent à constituer autour d'eux des blocs homogènes. Tandis que se développe la guerre froide, les peuples colonisés s'émancipent de la tutelle de l'Europe. Il n'y a plus guère de lieu sur la planète qui ne participe peu ou prou aux relations internationales.Des années 1960 aux années 1980, le monde bipolaire fait place à un monde multipolaire, où aux lieux traditionnels de conflits s'ajoutent de nouveaux terrains d'affrontement et de nouveaux enjeux.Les événements révolutionnaires des années 1989-1991 mettent un terme à la guerre froide. Dominée par l'hyperpuissance américaine, la communauté internationale est à la recherche d'un nouvel ordre mondial que le 11 septembre 2001 rend encore plus improbable.Le début du XXIe siècle est marqué par le phénomène de la mondialisation et l'ascension des puissances émergentes, en particulier de la Chine. Loin des espoirs de paix de la décennie 1990, les défis à l'ordre international replongent le monde des années 2010 dans un cycle de tensions et de violences.Les chocs provoqués par la pandémie de Covid-19 et la guerre en Ukraine (2022) ont pour effet de fragmenter un monde dont les problèmes transnationaux exigeraient des solutions multilatérales.

In this book, Austrian political scientist Arno Tausch, born in 1951, looks back on five decades of political science. Was the current global crisis preventable? Tausch, who has had a long career in academia and administration and is now Visiting Professor of Political Studies and Governance at the University of the Free State, Bloemfontein, South Africa, tries to show in his scholarly memoirs that the unequal relations between centres and peripheries that he has analysed over five decades, as well as the long conflict-ridden cycles of the world economy and world politics, could have been avoided, and Putinism and nationalism and the end of peace and social justice in the West are also linked to the neoliberal model of society in the West, which he learned to reject as a student of Nobel laureate Friedrich August Hayek in Salzburg from 1969 to 1971. He is one of the few political scientists in the world who, since 1991, has persistently warned against the hardening of Russia's course, including in leading Russian academic journals. In 1991 he wrote his book'Russia's Treadmill', the predictions of which have come true in an almost eerie way. But neo-liberal economic policy also corresponds 1:1 with the foreign policy vision of the'neocons', whose policy of NATO expansion first fuelled those destructive forces in Russia like an accelerant, leading to today's world crisis over Ukraine, which could end in a global nuclear catastrophe. The world must leave behind neo-liberalism, and return to political and economic concepts such as those of Michal Kalecki, Kazimierz Laski, Kurt Rothschild and Josef Steindl, whose basic structures he became acquainted with in the 1970s and which are still valid today: demand as the engine of growth, a stable or rising wage share, the growth of the public sector, fiscal coordination, international cooperation, coexistence and the rule of law within the framework of the 1975 Helsinki Accords.

International Politics: Enduring Concepts and Contemporary Issues has been helping students understand the dynamics of international relations for fifty years. Readings by leading scholars on essential topics illustrate fundamental debates and differing points of view for a comprehensive and engaging overview of the discipline, while introducing readers to the major forces shaping the world today. The fourteenth edition continues the book's cornerstone approach of combining foundational theoretical works with recent perspectives on current problems, including a wealth of new material spread across each of the book's four parts. The foundational material is organized to highlight the concept of anarchy in international relations and how matters of security, power, military force, international political economy, and strategic interactions influence patterns of cooperation and conflict. In additional to a focus on basic security and strategic problems, the politics of international commerce, and challenges facing the global economy, this edition also covers critical contemporary issues, including human rights, civil wars, intervention and peacekeeping, migration, cyber conflict, great power competition, climate change, energy transition, nuclear weapons, pandemic diplomacy, and changes in the political shape of the system writ large. Features: 60 expertly edited readings from scholarly sources, with 30 new to this editionA four-part organization to cover anarchy, the use of force, international political economy, and contemporary issues, with an in-depth editor introduction to each PartAn entirely new chapter on the return of great power politics -- ever-more important after Russia's invasion of UkraineLearning objectives and discussion questions to focus student learning

Der Westen ist nicht mehr der Nabel der Welt. Stattdessen treten die Staaten des Globalen Südens mit neuem Selbstbewusstsein auf. Was sind ihre Interessen, Motive und Sichtweisen? Warum teilen sie die Sichtweise des Westens nicht, zum Beispiel gegenüber Russland? Dieses Buch zeigt die Unterschiede der Wahrnehmung internationaler Politik im Westen und im Globalen Süden auf. Ein besseres Verständnis dieser Unterschiede wird immer drängender, je mehr die USA und Europa an ihrer einstigen Dominanz verlieren. Das Buch diskutiert, warum die Staaten des Globalen Südens so handeln, wie sie es tun, warum deren Skepsis gegenüber dem Westen so tief sitzt – und warum in der neuen Vielfalt auch Chancen liegen. Keine der drängenden globalen Herausforderungen kann mehr durch den Westen allein gelöst werden. Der russische Angriffskrieg gegen die Ukraine hat auch unseren Blick auf den Globalen Süden verändert. Es herrscht Verwunderung darüber, dass die westliche Positionierung gegen Russland in Staaten wie Indien oder Südafrika nicht geteilt wird. Dabei ist dem Globalen Süden längst eine neue strategische Bedeutung zugefallen. Neue politische Allianzen mit den Staaten des Globalen Südens sind notwendig. Doch wer dort Unterstützung sucht, muss deren Motive und Interessen verstehen. Im Globalen Süden ist Multipolarität, also eine Ordnung, in der keineswegs nur die USA und Europa, sondern auch China, Indien, Südafrika oder Brasilien und mancherorts sogar Russland eine wichtige Rolle spielen, ein positives Zukunftsszenario. Weil sie vielen Ländern Autonomie verspricht, indem sie Entscheidungsspielräume eröffnet, wo vorher keine waren. Im Globalen Süden wird die internationale Politik daher ganz anders gesehen als im Westen, wo man den Abschied von der alten Machtordnung als «unübersichtlich» und damit potenziell bedrohlich wahrnimmt. Dabei eröffnen sich Chancen, dort wo viele bislang vor allem Risiken sehen. Denn die fundamentalen Interessen Europas in Wirtschaft, Politik und Ökologie überschneiden sich mit denen vieler Staaten des Globalen Südens.

Is the West prepared for a world where power is shared with China? A world in which China asserts the same level of global leadership that the USA currently assumes? And can we learn to embrace Chinese political culture, as China learned to embrace ours?Here, one of the world's leading voices on China, Kerry Brown, takes us past the tired cliches and inside the Chinese leadership - as they lay out a roadmap for working in a world in which China shares dominance with the West.From how, and why, China as a dominant superpower has been inevitable for many years, to how the attempts to fight the old battles are over, Brown digs deeper into the problematic nature of China's current situation - its treatment of dissent, of Xinjiang, Hong Kong, and the severe limitations on its management of relations with other cultures and values. These issues impact the way the West sees China, China sees the West, and how both see themselves.There are obstacles to the West accepting a more prominent place for China in the world – but just because this will be a difficult process does not mean that it should not happen. As Kerry Brown writes: history is indeed ending, but not how the West thought it would.

Nach der Auflösung der Sowjetunion verwandelte sich Russland in eine'gekränkte Großmacht', die nach einer Wiederherstellung ihrer erschütterten hegemonialen Positionen strebt. Insofern erinnert die Lage des postsowjetischen Russland an diejenige Deutschlands nach dem Ersten Weltkrieg. Nicht zuletzt deshalb wird der Begriff'Weimarer Syndrom'seit den 1990er Jahren wiederholt auf Russland bezogen. Seit der Zeitenwende vom 24. Februar 2022 erhält dieser deutsch-russische Vergleich eine zusätzliche Relevanz. Schon deshalb ist es wichtig, sich mit dem'Weimarer Syndrom'erneut zu befassen, und zwar sowohl mit dem deutschen'Original', als auch mit seiner russischen'Kopie'.

Geopolitical upheaval has gripped the world since collapse of the Soviet Union. During the 1990s the West focused on eliminating the resurgence of Russia as a great power. This led to the assimilation of Warsaw Pact countries into NATO, two Chechen wars, and political systems in the Central Asian republics aligned with the West. Russia's economic destruction was managed by the Harvard boys‘ shock therapy, which left Russian resources in the control of a few oligarchs aligned with the West. By the end of the 1990s Russia was a weak, bankrupt country of marginalized influence in the world. Then the West's focus turned to China as a potential challenger to western global hegemony. It was thought to suffice to control global energy resources and sea-lanes to China to prevent China from challenging western global hegemony. Hence the first two decades of the millennium were focused on controlling West Asia and North Africa‘s energy resources. For most, the collapse of the Soviet Union in 1991 signaled the victory of the self-denominated Free World. Why the West Can't Win, however, addresses how events in the three following decades signal the end of a millennium of West European expansionism, a plundering and oppression initially labeled Crusades when the popes embodied political power, morphing into colonialism, then to the Free World when colonialism went out of fashion post-World War II, and at last to the “International Community” after the collapse of the Soviet Union. This book's geopolitical analysis includes a historical overview, an understanding of the financial systems established at the Bretton Woods conference that continue dominating the global economy, how they are used as a powerful geopolitical instrument, an economic analysis based on real goods production, global energy dynamics, alliances and strategies of key global players. It addresses the emerging division of the world into two geopolitical groups: Western Europe, North America, Australia, New Zealand and Africa, Asia and Latin America. The current global geopolitical clash is in essence a struggle between the colonial powers wishing to preserve the Bretton Woods system that allows siphoning wealth of nations, and sovereign nations striving for independence and an end to a millennium of oppression. This work compares the geopolitical forces since the turn of the millennium with a view to providing insight into their relative strengths and the likely outcome of this strugg

A clear-eyed analysis of the role the United States should play in the world as it exists today The United States remains “the indispensable nation.” In this book, the distinguished international relations theorist and foreign policy specialist Robert Lieber argues that in a world full of revisionist powers, America's role is more important than ever. No other country is capable of playing that role. America remains the essential pillar of the postwar liberal order. It is a center of both political and financial stability, and it promotes important values that the revisionist powers do not. Not beholden to any particular theory, this is a clear-eyed analysis of the role the United States should play in the world as it exists today.

This book presents an integrated analysis, at once conceptual, historical, and political, of the growing impact of State Funded Aid on international relations, particularly after the collapse of the Berlin Wall and the end of the bipolar system.In order to observe Aid as an emerging instrument of foreign policy, the book develops an original approach which puts Donors and Recipients on the same level and examines the political dynamics of their relationship. The focus shifts from looking at the needs covered by Aid interventions to the political motivations of Donors and Recipients. Aid is reconceptualized to include any transaction on favourable terms between these two parties, regardless of the object of that Aid. This framework of analysis is applied to several historical cases, from the post-conflict transition in Bosnia and Herzegovina and the post-Soviet one in Russia in the 1990s to the medical Aid to Italy and Russian vaccine diplomacy to the Republic of San Marino during the COVID-19 pandemic. In the end, the book identifies ten major trends that have shaped the dynamics of the relationship between Donors and Recipients over the past few decades, and on a more general level, traces the impact that State Funded Aid has had on the international system.By arguing that, on the whole, Donors have had greater political interests than Recipients, the book takes a fresh and original look at Aid as instrument of Power Politics. It will be of great interest to students, scholars, and practitioners of Foreign Aid and foreign policy, and to all those interested in analysing how they have been affected by the global pandemic.

Angesichts des russischen Überfalls auf die Ukraine wirkt der Westen geschlossen wie lange nicht. Doch die Weltmacht ist angeschlagen. Sie wird sich zunehmend auf ihr nationales Interesse und die Auseinandersetzung mit China konzentrieren. Zu glauben, die USA würden unsere Interessen auch in Zukunft mitvertreten, ist die transatlantische Illusion. Der USA-Experte Josef Braml analysiert unsere geopolitische Lage und zeigt, warum wir selbstständiger werden müssen: militärisch, politisch, wirtschaftlich. Das geht nicht von heute auf morgen. Aber wenn wir jetzt nicht damit anfangen, dann werden wir zu den Verlierern der neuen Weltordnung gehören und die Grundlagen verspielen, auf denen unser Wohlstand beruht. Die neue Weltordnung stellt Deutschland und Europa vor große Herausforderungen. Die Zeiten, in denen wir uns im Schatten der USA durchlavieren konnten, sind vorbei. US-Präsident Donald Trump hat Europa mit Strafzöllen belegt, den Zusammenhalt der NATO infrage gestellt und die liberale internationale Ordnung durch seine America-First-Politik mit dem Rammbock traktiert. Zwar legt Joe Biden wieder mehr Wert auf die Einbindung von Verbündeten, doch wer garantiert, dass in vier Jahren nicht wieder Donald Trump im Weißen Haus sitzt? Das eigene Schicksal von den Ergebnissen der US-Präsidentschaftswahlen abhängig zu machen, ist in etwa so nachhaltig, wie im Kasino beständig auf Rot zu setzen. Josef Braml liefert eine schonungslose Bestandsaufnahme der weltpolitischen Gegebenheiten und zeigt, was auf dem Spiel steht, wenn Europa nicht lernt, für seine Interessen selbst einzustehen.

Edited by one of the most renowned scholars in the field, Richard K. Betts's Conflict After the Cold War assembles classic and contemporary readings on enduring problems of international security. Offering broad historical and philosophical breadth, the carefully chosen and excerpted selections in this popular reader help students engage in key debates over the future of war and the new forms that violent conflict will take. Conflict After the Cold War encourages closer scrutiny of the political, economic, social, and military factors that drive war and peace.New to the Sixth Edition Eight new readings covering issues that have grown in salience since the previous edition or that present new interpretations of answers to old problems, including pieces by Robert Kagan, Edward O. Wilson, Scott D. Sagan, Robert Jervis and Jason Healey, Jacqueline L. Hazelton, Oystein Tunsjo, and Michael Beckley. Updated volume and chapter introductions and a new reading by Richard K. Betts.

The book provides a comprehensive understanding of the unfolding geopolitical changes in the South Caucasus in the age of increased great power competition across Eurasia. Recent research on the geopolitics of the South Caucasus focuses either on interstate relations among Armenia, Azerbaijan and Georgia or on each of regional actor's (Russia, Turkey and Iran) ties with the region's one or all three states. Little attempt has been made to see the region's shifting geopolitical importance from a global perspective: growing US-China rivalry and shifting balance of power in Eurasia; recalibration of the US'military and diplomatic vision in western Eurasia to adjust to the Chinese challenge. The book argues, from a theoretical point of view, that the increased competition in the region fits into the global pattern of unfolding great power competition, when military and economic calculations drive regional powers to increase their influence on immediate neighborhoods sidelining the collective West from the negotiating table and the emerging new security architecture.

This book argues that the new great power contest between the United States and the People's Republic of China, which has as its epicentre the complex Indo-Pacific region, is having a detrimental impact on the region's existing order system. Analysing why the great powers are increasingly at loggerheads, the manifold risks this entails, and how the various stakeholders in the Indo-Pacific can find a durable regional order more constructive than confrontational, the book, avoiding theory, proposes a new equilibrium based on practical ways to manage burgeoning conflict and maintain order and stability by compartmentalising problems and challenges while seeking to maintain a balance among stakeholder interests.

This volume explains China's foreign policy from the perspective of its historical recovery after 1949 and the country's subsequent rise as a great power, including its transformation into a global power. It also illuminates how China has, in tandem with its rise, developed an increasing array of political, economic, ‘sharp power'and military capabilities that is helping it to further its increasingly expansive foreign policy objectives. The volume examines two key questions: What have been the implications of China's rise for its foreign policy? And how has an increasingly powerful and confident China used a range of foreign policy instruments to pursue its expanding national interests in Asia and beyond? The volume is divided into three parts, covering the conceptualization and drivers of China's foreign policy, China's relations with the world, and the instruments of China's foreign policy, namely its economic power, military capabilities and its ‘sharp power'manipulation of information and relationships. It will be of interest to academics, students and researchers interested in understanding China's role in world politics.

This comparative study harks back to the revolutionary year of 1989 and asks two critical questions about the resulting reconfiguration of Europe in the aftermath of the collapse of communism: Why did Central and East European states display such divergent outcomes of their socio-political transitions? Why did three of those states—Poland, Bulgaria, and Russia—differ so starkly in terms of the pace and extent of their integration into Europe? Rumena Filipova argues that Poland's, Bulgaria's, and Russia's dominating conceptions of national identity have principally shaped these countries'foreign policy behavior after 1989. Such an explanation of these three nations'diverging degrees of Europeanization stands in contrast to institutionalist-rationalist, interest-based accounts of democratic transition and international integration in post-communist Europe. She thereby makes a case for the need to include ideational factors into the study of International Relations and demonstrates that identities are not easily malleable and may not be as fluid as often assumed. She proposes a theoretical “middle-ground” argument that calls for “qualified post-positivism” as an integrated perspective that combines positivist and post-positivist orientations in the study of IR.

A groundbreaking account of how prolonged grassroots mobilization lays the foundations for durable democratizationWhen protests swept through the Middle East at the height of the Arab Spring, the world appeared to be on the verge of a wave of democratization. Yet with the failure of many of these uprisings, it has become clearer than ever that the path to democracy is strewn with obstacles. Mohammad Ali Kadivar examines the conditions leading to the success or failure of democratization, shedding vital new light on how prodemocracy mobilization affects the fate of new democracies.Drawing on a wealth of new evidence, Kadivar shows how the longest episodes of prodemocracy protest give rise to the most durable new democracies. He analyzes more than one hundred democratic transitions in eighty countries between 1950 and 2010, showing how more robust democracies emerge from lengthier periods of unarmed mobilization. Kadivar then analyzes five case studies—South Africa, Poland, Pakistan, Egypt, and Tunisia—to investigate the underlying mechanisms. He finds that organization building during the years of struggle develops the leadership needed for lasting democratization and strengthens civil society after dictatorship.Popular Politics and the Path to Durable Democracy challenges the prevailing wisdom in American foreign policy that democratization can be achieved through military or coercive interventions, revealing how lasting change arises from sustained, nonviolent grassroots mobilization.

This book conceives federalism not as a static institutional architecture, but as a dynamic formation always in flux. This may entail processes of federalization, but in some cases also lead to de-federalization. It looks at emerging federal structures worldwide and analyses federal structures: their emergence, operation and categorization. The contributors highlight that the “emergence” of these federal structures has multiple facets, from the recognition of ethnic diversity to the use of federalism as a tool of conflict resolution. Identifying and categorizing processes of federalization and defederalization in a variety of cases, the book provides much needed empirical and theoretical discussion on emerging federal structures and the changing nature of federalism in the post-Cold War era.

The Downfall of the American Order? offers penetrating insight into the emerging global political economy at this moment of an increasingly chaotic world. For seventy-five years, the basic patterns of world politics and the contours of international economic activity took place in the shadow of American leadership and the institutions it designed—an order designed to avoid the horrors of previous eras, including, most poignantly, two world wars and the Great Depression.But all things must pass. The global financial crisis of 2008, the legacy of two long, losing wars, and the polarizing and tumultuous presidency of Donald Trump all suggest that global affairs have reached a turning point. The implications of this are profound. The contributors to this book cast their eyes back on the order that once was, and look ahead to what might follow. In dialogue with each other's appraisals and expectations, they differ in their assessments of the probable, ranging from a hollowed-out American primacy muddling through by default, to partial modifications of old institutions and practices at home and abroad, and to wholesale contestations and the search for new orders. Contributors: Rawi Abdelal, Sheri Berman, Mark Blyth, Francis J. Gavin, Peter A. Gourevitch, Ilene Grabel, Peter J. Katzenstein, Jonathan Kirshner, and John Gerard Ruggie

The collapse of the Soviet Union and the wars in Yugoslavia radically changed the security environment in Europe and Central Asia. Some predictions assumed the emerging unipolarity of the liberal world order would end neutrality policies in East and West, but, as this volume shows, this was not the case. While some traditional Cold War neutrals like Sweden and Finland have been edging closer to security alignment with western institutions, there are others like Austria, Switzerland, Ireland, and Malta that remained committed to their traditional nonaligned foreign policy approaches. More importantly, there are areas of Eurasia that developed new forms of neutrality policies, most of them only noticed on the margins of academic discourse. This is the first book to systematically explore this “new neutralism” of the Post-Cold War. In part one, the book analyzes contemporary neutrality discourse on several levels like international organizations (UN, ASEAN), diplomacy, and academic theory. Part two discusses neutrality-related policy developments in Belarus, Moldova, Ukraine, Georgia, Serbia, Turkmenistan, Afghanistan, and Mongolia. Together, the 15 chapters show how on this vast, connected landmass references to neutrality have remained a staple of international politics.

This accessible textbook uses key documents embedded in a clear narrative to chart the post-Cold War rise and decline of transatlantic relations. It provides a novel interpretive framework by proposing that the three decades between 1989 and 2020 represent a distinct ‘transatlantic era'. Providing a unique new look at the recent history and politics of transatlantic relations, the book argues that three key phases can be identified: 1989–1999: victory? 2000–2010: divergence? 2011–2020: disarray? Each period defines a particular set of political, economic, and security dynamics, with the trend being a gradual undermining of the strengths on which transatlantic unity once relied. These three decades therefore represent both the high point of the transatlantic region's power and potential, and its gradual decline in a global context. Presenting students with a critical perspective of US and European transatlantic policies through annotated key documents covering central aspects of security, political, economic, and cultural affairs, it will be essential reading on all International Relations courses as well as of great interest to scholars and students of US and European Studies, Foreign Policy, and Security Studies.

'Mulhall watches the extreme right revival from the inside - as an anti-fascist infiltrator criss-crossing the global networks of modern fascism - but he brings a deep analytical focus. By the end of it we understand one thing: the threat of a second fascist era is real.'Paul Mason, author of Postcapitalism'An urgent missive from the global frontlines of the fight against fascism.'Nima Elbagir, CNN Senior International Correspondent A terrifying and timely look at the spread of far-right movements across the globe. Joe Mulhall knows what it's like to stare fascism in the face. For a decade, often undercover at significant personal risk, he has investigated hate groups. He infiltrated a US white supremacist militia, set up a fake Ku Klux Klan branch, has been on countless street marches with violent far-right groups across Europe, and got inside some of the most important'alt-right'meetings ever held. Brazil, India and the US are still in thrall to authoritarian populism, and far-right views have become steadily normalised in mainstream politics. Mulhall's dramatic experiences on the front line of anti-fascist activism, coupled with his academic research, clearly explain the roots of both elected and non-elected far-right movements across the globe. Above all, he concludes, the far right should not be dehumanised - they are normal people, but with dangerous beliefs that can be defeated.'Joe has had a unique view of the far right over the past decade as it transformed from a marginal subculture into one of the defining political currents of our time. He understands how these groups think and operate, and is perfectly placed to guide readers through this disturbing but vital story.'Daniel Trilling, journalist and author of Lights In The Distance: Exile and Refuge at the Borders of Europe'Few, if any, are better placed to write a book of this breadth and scale than Joe Mulhall.'Mark Townsend, Home Affairs editor of the Observer