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Some scientists argue that we face a worldwide reproductive crisis known as ‘endocrine disruption’, a term used to encompass the effects of hormonally active chemicals in our environment. Everyday chemicals such as plastics, pesticides and flame retardants can mimic hormones and thereby disrupt the reproductive, neurological and immunological development of humans and other animals. This surprising discovery is causing consternation in scientific, policy, academic and corporate arenas as they attempt to define, assess and control for this understudied phenomenon. How can the social sciences participate in understanding and solving the problem generated by endocrine disruption? First, there is an early history of endocrine disruption; the development of insect hormone mimics as pesticides, that has yet to be brought to bear in contemporary discussions of endocrine disruption. Second a social science analysis of the mishaps resulting from the 1970s' development of insect hormone mimics as pesticides offers a new way of thinking scientifically about mimesis. Employing the social science insight that mimesis is productive of social change sheds light on how insect hormone mimicking pesticides produced a number of scientific surprises. By analyzing the outcome of using mimesis in the laboratory, this paper participates in the discussion of endocrine disruption by arguing for a re-evaluation of the predominance of laboratory based sciences when dealing with epigenetic phenomena. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper contributes to the growing literature on 'making and doing' in Science and Technology Studies (STS) by describing and theorizing the teaching of making and doing. We describe a collaborative do-it-yourself (DIY) technology project taught simultaneously in Canada and the United States, in sociology and public health, to undergraduates with no prior electronics experience. Students built thermal flashlights - low cost digital tools for making thermal images - and employed them to research their surrounding environments. By making and using the thermal flashlights, learners investigated power in two senses: identifying social power relationships embedded within normally unquestioned infrastructures, and exploring these infrastructures' connection to industrial forms of power, such as heat and electricity. Students and instructors came to understand how the control of power, light and temperature is vital to human-made infrastructure and environmental health threats that characterize the 21st century. Through this project, students went from being passive consumers of such power to become active investigators of their socio-technical systems by producing unique knowledge that enabled them to imagine how they might make and inhabit their environments differently. Breaking down the distinction between teaching and research, this article explores the promise of 'making and doing' in university courses to create new collaborative research platforms that could spread laterally and scale to transform social and technical infrastructures. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Wetland loss is increasing rapidly, and there are gaps in public awareness of the problem. By crowdsourcing image analysis of wetland morphology, academic and government studies could be supplemented and accelerated while engaging and educating the public. The Land Loss Lookout (LLL) project crowdsourced mapping of wetland morphology associated with wetland loss and restoration. We demonstrate that volunteers can be trained relatively easily online to identify characteristic wetland morphologies, or patterns present on the landscape that suggest a specific geomorphological process. Results from a case study in coastal Louisiana revealed strong agreement among nonexpert and expert assessments who agreed on classifications at least 83% and at most 94% of the time. Participants self‐reported increased knowledge of wetland loss after participating in the project. Crowd‐identified morphologies are consistent with expectations, although more work is needed to directly compare LLL results with previous studies. This work provides a foundation for using crowd‐based wetland loss analysis to increase public awareness of the issue, and to contribute to land surveys or train machine learning algorithms. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Hydraulic fracturing is an increasingly common method of oil and gas extraction across the United States. Many of the chemicals used in hydraulic fracturing processes have been proven detrimental to human and environmental health. While disclosure frameworks have advanced significantly in the last 20 years, the practice of withholding chemical identities as "trade secrets" or "proprietary claims" continues to represent a major absence in the data available on hydraulic fracturing. Here, we analyze rates of trade secret claims using FracFocus, a nationwide database of hydraulic fracturing data, from January 1, 2014 to December 31, 2022. We use the open-source tool Open-FF, which collates FracFocus data, makes it accessible for systematic analysis, and performs several quality-control measures. We found that the use by mass of chemicals designated as trade secrets has increased over the study time period, from 728 million pounds in 2014 to 2.96 billion pounds in 2022 (or a 43.7% average yearly increase). A total of 10.4 billion pounds of chemicals were withheld as trade secrets in this time period. The water volume used (and therefore total mass of fracturing fluid) per fracturing job has shown a large increase from 2014 to 2022, which partly explains the increase in mass of chemicals withheld as trade secrets over this time period, even as total fracturing jobs and individual counts of proprietary records have decreased. Our analysis also shows increasing rates of claiming proppants (which can include small grains of sand, ceramic, or other mineral substances used to prop open fractures) as proprietary. However, the mean and median masses of non-proppant constituents designated as trade secrets have also increased over the study period. We also find that the total proportion of all disclosures including proprietary designations has increased by 1.1% per year, from 79.3% in 2014 to 87.5% in 2022. In addition, most disclosures designate more than one chemical record as proprietary: trade secret withholding is most likely to apply to 10–25% of all records in an individual disclosure. We also show the top ten reported purposes that most commonly include proprietary designations, after removing vague or multiple entries, the first three of which are corrosion inhibitors, friction reducers, and surfactants. Finally, we report the top ten operators and suppliers using and supplying proprietary chemicals, ranked by mass used or supplied, over our study period. These results suggest the importance of revisiting the role of proprietary designations within state and federal disclosure mechanisms. • Proprietary claims allow chemical identities used in hydraulic fracturing to be withheld as trade secrets. • Proprietary claims have increased from 2014 to 2022 in mass, frequency, and proportion. • a total of 10.4 billion pounds of chemicals were withheld as trade secrets from 2014 to 2022. • These results suggest the importance of revisiting the role of proprietary claims within disclosure mechanisms. This paper investigates rates of trade secrets, or chemical records designated as proprietary, in hydraulic fracturing chemical disclosure data. This research is necessary to close information gaps in environmental health and toxicological research on hydraulic fracturing. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Websites have become the primary means by which the US federal government communicates about its operations and presents information for public consumption. However, the alteration or removal of critical information from these sites is often entirely legal and done without the public's awareness. Relative to paper records, websites enable governments to shape public understanding in quick, scalable, and permissible ways. During the Trump administration, website changes indicative of climate denial prompted civil society organizations to develop tools for tracking online government information sources. We in the Environmental Data & Governance Initiative (EDGI) illustrate how five data visualization techniques can be used to document and analyze changes to government websites. We examine a large sample of websites of US federal environmental agencies and show that between 2016 and 2020: 1) the use of the term "climate change" decreased by an estimated 38%; 2) access to as much as 20% of the Environmental Protection Agency's website was removed; 3) changes were made more to Cabinet agencies' websites and to highly visible pages. In formulating ways to visualize and assess the alteration of websites, our study lays important groundwork for both systematically tracking changes and holding officials more accountable for their web practices. Our techniques enable researchers and watchdog groups alike to operate at the scale necessary to understand the breadth of impact an administration can have on the online face of government. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The Trump administration's antienvironmental policies and its proclivity to dismiss evidence-based claims creates challenges for environmental politics in a warming world. This article offers the Environmental Data and Governance Initiative (EDGI) as a case study of one way to respond to this political moment. EDGI was started by a small group of Science and Technology Studies and environmental justice researchers and activists in the United States and Canada immediately after the November 2016 elections. Since then, EDGI has engaged in four primary activities: archiving Web pages and online scientific data from federal environmental agencies; monitoring changes to these agencies' Web sites; interviewing career staff at the Environmental Protection Agency and the Occupational Safety and Health Administration as a means of tracking changes within those agencies; and analyzing shifts in environmental policy. Through these projects and practices, EDGI members developed the concept of environmental data justice. Environmental data justice is deeply informed by feminist approaches to the politics of knowledge, especially in relation to critical data and archival studies. In this article we establish the theoretical basis for environmental data justice and demonstrate how EDGI enacts this framework in practice. Key Words: critical data studies, environmental data justice, feminist science studies, the politics of knowledge, social practice. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

We explore and contextualize changes at the Environmental Protection Agency (EPA) over the first 6 months of the Trump administration, arguing that its pro-business direction is enabling a form of regulatory capture. We draw on news articles, public documents, and a rapid response, multisited interview study of current and retired EPA employees to (1) document changes associated with the new administration, (2) contextualize and compare the current pro-business makeover with previous ones, and (3) publicly convey findings in a timely manner. The lengthy, combined experience of interviewees with previous Republican and Democratic administrations made them valuable analysts for assessing recent shifts at the Scott Pruitt-led EPA and the extent to which these shifts steer the EPA away from its stated mission to "protect human and environmental health." Considering the extent of its probusiness leanings in the absence of mitigating power from the legislative branch, we conclude that its regulatory capture has become likely--more so than at similar moments in the agency's 47-year history. The public and environmental health consequences of regulatory capture of the EPA will probably be severe and far-reaching. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The Trump administration has undertaken an assault on the Environmental Protection Agency (EPA), an agency critical to environmental health. This assault has precedents in the administrations of Ronald Reagan and George W. Bush. The early Reagan administration (1981-1983) launched an overt attack on the EPA, combining deregulation with budget and staff cuts, whereas the George W. Bush administration (2001-2008) adopted a subtler approach, undermining science-based policy. The current administration combines both these strategies and operates in a political context more favorable to its designs on the EPA. The Republican Party has shifted right and now controls the executive branch and both chambers of Congress. Wealthy donors, think tanks, and fossil fuel and chemical industries have become more influential in pushing deregulation. Among the public, political polarization has increased, the environment has become a partisan issue, and science and the mainstream media are distrusted. For these reasons, the effects of today's ongoing regulatory delays, rollbacks, and staff cuts may well surpass those of the administrations of Reagan and Bush, whose impacts on environmental health were considerable. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

A method development pilot study examining citizen science tools for assessing lead in childcare settings identified plastic food toys as an unexpected potential source of lead and arsenic. Collaborating researchers at three universities sought to develop a low cost, replicable approach for use in childcare centers to identify lead. Through graduate Environmental Health courses at Northeastern and Boston Universities, 197 Plastic Food Toys (PFTs) used in a childcare center were tested for lead using a portable X-Ray fluorescence (XRF) instrument and a colorimetric wipe method for detecting surface lead. The XRF identified concerning levels of lead and co-occurring arsenic in PFTs. The XRF analysis found 8.63% (17/197) of PFTs from the childcare center contained more than 100.00 ppm of lead, the U.S. Consumer Protection Safety Commission's (CPSC) upper regulatory threshold for lead in childrens' products. However, wipes did not detect removable surface lead. Lead concentrations ranged from 6.14 ppm to 11,999.00 ppm with a median of 40.00 ppm. Additionally, 7.10% of all PFTs tested had detectable levels of arsenic which ranged from 9.30 ppm to 1134.42 ppm and had a median value of 113.20 ppm. Arsenic concentrations in 6.60% of PFTs' exceeded the US voluntary standard for arsenic in children's products of 25.00 ppm (adopted from the EU standard). These findings prompted further sampling of similar newly-purchased PFTs. None of the newly-purchased PFTs tested positive for lead or arsenic (0/87). Several other elements were also identified, particularly in the used PFTs. Because these food-like toys are frequently put in children's mouths, we recommend further investigation of PFTs in circulation via citizen science combining the wipe and XRF method as they provide immediate data to participants. Additionally, CPSC should consider a systematic recall of some used PFTs to prevent exposure disparities by socio-economic status and increased surveillance for other toxic metals in new PFTs. [Display omitted] • Concerning levels of lead and arsenic identified in used plastic food toys. • No lead or arsenic were detected in newly purchased plastic food toys. • Detectable levels of uranium were found in some newly-purchased plastic food toys. • Citizen science in university courses can assist product safety assessment. • We recommend recalling some old plastic food toys. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]