Search

The article analyzes the connections between "The Origins of Totalitarianism" and "The Human Condition" by Hannah Arendt in relation to the nation, the nation-state, and nationalism. Arendt's ideas on these topics are expanded from perspectives inherent to her reflection on the vita activa, reconstructing her critical stance towards capitalism and biopolitics. The relationship between nationalism, the nation-state, and capitalism is highlighted, as well as Arendt's critique of imperialism and totalitarianism, exploring how socialized labor in modern societies influences national identity and xenophobia. [Extracted from the article]

Cinema can be a fruitful pedagogical tool, as it enables both aesthetic enjoyment and the ability to establish dialogues with students about content and/or themes. However, we cannot forget that films can also contribute to the reproduction of stereotyped and prejudiced ideologies. It should not be neglected that the film is present in everyday school life, being used with a certain frequency to help or entertain students in understanding certain subjects. From this perspective, we advocate, in this essay, the need for a critical appropriation of films by teachers and students that enables them to identify the ideological aspects underlying the narratives. We aim to analyze the animation The Hunchback of Notre Dame, which is an adaptation of Vitor Hugo's work, discussing some ideological aspects that permeate it, such as: xenophobia, ableism and machismo/objectification of the feminine. In animation, the duality between humanity and animality are intertwined based on the relationship established between ethics and aesthetics, by questioning the analogy between ugly/beautiful with evil/good, it displaces a position that relates ugly (in this case, the deformed) with evil/monstrous and the beautiful with goodness. In this way, animation leads us to question: what makes us human? [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The article aims to illustrate how discrimination against migrants manifests itself in different areas in Spain. The areas selected, based on the economic, social and cultural rights recognized for all people, are education, health, housing, employment and social services. Finally, the text presents some conclusions and recommendations that could be considered by public institutions and civil society organizations, aimed at promoting good practices when addressing specific forms of discrimination that affect migrant persons. In this article, the term migrant is used to designate all people who have crossed an international border, regardless of their immigration status, including refugees, asylum seekers, and those who have been forced to move for other reasons. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

As questões relacionadas à migração e xenofobia não são algo novo, mas fenômenos que persistem por milênios. Tais fatos históricos não passam despercebidos nas Sagradas Escrituras. Com isso em mente, este artigo examina a questão da xenofobia a partir de uma perspectiva bíblica, utilizando passagens da Bíblia Hebraica e da Carta aos Hebreus. A metodologia utilizada envolve uma análise comparativa entre esses textos, com foco na condição dos patriarcas como estrangeiros e na experiência de Israel como migrante. O objetivo central é explorar como as escrituras sagradas abordam o acolhimento e a hospitalidade em relação ao estrangeiro. A pesquisa revela que tanto a Bíblia Hebraica quanto a Carta aos Hebreus oferecem princípios que podem orientar atitudes contemporâneas contra a xenofobia, destacando o amor fraternal e a empatia como respostas à exclusão e à perseguição.

Copyright of Nueva Revista del Pacífico is the property of Universidad de Playa Ancha de Ciencias de la Educacion and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

A xenofobia é uma expressão de ódio que nega a alteridade tomando como pressuposto a superioridade de uma nacionalidade sobre outra, manifestada em situações de convivialidade cultural. Com base na notícia “Presença de brasileiros provoca paixão e ódio em Portugal”, publicada em um site do Brasil, buscamos perceber como a perspectiva da convivialidade cultural possibilita identificar xenofobia no contexto das relações que envolvem migrantes brasileiros e pessoas portuguesas. Nos últimos anos, o número de brasileiros que migram para Portugal tem apresentado aumentos substanciais, com distribuição por todo o território português. Em consonância com Padilla e Azevedo (2012), com acréscimos críticos de Costa (2019) e Gilroy (2006), cremos que a noção de convivialidade cultural permite identificar, por meio das relações cotidianas, conflitos, convergências e demais dinâmicas que envolvem viver em contextos de migração.

En este trabajo, se propone el término “ismofobia” como concepto sombrilla para abordar las diversas manifestaciones de “ismos” y “fobias” que refuerzan los desafíos de la interseccionalidad en la sociedad contemporánea latinoamericana. Fusionando “ismo” y “fobia”, este neologismo permite analizar y comprender críticamente las múltiples formas de odio y miedo que enfrenta el ser humano hoy. En este artículo, se abordan las problemáticas de la ismofobia desde la óptica de la interseccionalidad, destacando tres ejes centrales: el racismo, la transfobia y la xenofobia. Los estudios de caso subrayan que la ismofobia no es una forma aislada de discriminación, sino que se entrelaza con otros ejes de opresión, subrayando la necesidad urgente de un enfoque interseccional para combatir estas manifestaciones de discriminación en Colombia. Este análisis se enriquece con conceptos clave como el conocimiento situado de Donna Haraway y la interseccionalidad de Kimberlé Crenshaw, atravesados por la filosofía intercultural propuesta por Raúl Fornet-Betancourt. Para concluir, es fundamental adoptar un enfoque interseccional con el fin de combatir estas manifestaciones de discriminación en Colombia y en América Latina, desafiando las raíces sistémicas y trabajando en colectivo, hacia una sociedad más inclusiva y equitativa, donde cada individuo sea reconocido y valorado en su totalidad.

Copyright of Paradigma is the property of Universidad Pedagogica Experimental Libertador and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Copyright of Escritura e Imagen is the property of Universidad Complutense de Madrid and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Copyright of Profil súèasného výtvarného umenia / Contemporary Art Magazine is the property of Kruh Sucasneho Umenia Profil and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Copyright of Revista Guillermo de Ockham is the property of Revista Cientifica Guillermo de Ockham, Universidad de San Buenaventura and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Copyright of Aled: Revista Latinoamericana de Estudios del Discurso is the property of Asociacion Latinoamericana de Estudio del Discurso and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

An administration worthy of the adjec- tive “public” must incorporate the cons- truction and guarantee of Human Rights into its organization, resources, and purpose. In fact, Human Rights serve as the glue or connecting element between citizenship, politics, and administrative organization. The perspective of radical populist right-wing ideology regarding ad- ministration and Human Rights, anchored in its winning formula (xenophobia, authorita- rian and conservative orientation in values, and neoliberalism in economic matters), allows for several conclusions: first, there is a preference for strengthening the national level of government, impacting the system of intergovernmental relations; second, a national management of major global processes and threats, fueled by distrust in international institutions; third, a reinforce- ment of policies and areas related to internal order and the restriction of illegal immigration; fourth, a negative bias towards public management of welfare policies, seen as costly and demobilizing for the citizenry; fifth, an excessive trust in the market as an instrument for generating social well-being; and, finally, a preference for the public guarantee of some individual rights with a relative disregard for the guarantee of social rights. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of Çankırı Karatekin University Journal of the Faculty of Economics & Administrative Sciences is the property of Cankiri Karatekin University, Faculty of Economics & Administrative Sciences and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

This article analyzes several patterns of antisemitism in twentieth-century Latin America. It identifies historical moments when carriers of social and political ideas projected negative images of Jews, sometimes pushing anti-Jewish policies and at times leading violent actions against Jews. Thus, antisemitism served to mobilize in defense of national identity; as a reaction to Jewish peddlers perceived as a threat to national economies; as a basis for the generalized rejection of “undesirable refugees” during World War II and the Holocaust; and as a Cold War phenomenon, along with anticommunism and neo-Nazism. Like other forms of xenophobia, antisemitism was grounded in prejudice and the demonization of a supposed enemy rather than being based on verified evidence. Analysis suggests that antisemitism has been deeply rooted in Latin America and has manifested over time with changing historical and social constellations. At the same time, while Judeophobic prejudices and actions have been intimidating and have at times precluded the legal immigration of Jews, antisemitism has rarely become dominant or led to systemic social discrimination, massive expulsion, or mass genocide, unlike in Europe.

El presente estudio aborda el tema de la migración colombiana hacia Venezuela a finales de los años 80, representada en la novela Díptico de la frontera (2020), de Luis Mora-Ballesteros. La traumática experiencia de los migrantes, que son blanco de una marcada xenofobia durante su estancia en el piedemonte andino venezolano, se analiza desde los presupuestos teóricos del filósofo italiano Giorgio Agamben. El examen crítico recurre al concepto de la nuda vida: el principio político estatal que priva a ciertos grupos humanos del orden legal. Asimismo, el análisis describe el cometido artístico del personaje central, el periodista Juan Ángel Villamediana, cuya voz cuenta, desde la empatía, su “verdad” sobre unos sujetos al límite que padecen las consecuencias del paramilitarismo y la guerrilla. De igual manera, se considera la novela en cuestión como una revelación sui generis dentro del canon literario venezolano; en principio, por las isotopías expuestas y el tratamiento que da a asuntos inusuales en la novelística contemporánea, relacionados con el imaginario de la frontera. En síntesis, este artículo centra su interés en el análisis de la novela y en particular de las pruebas contundentes que provee el narrador sobre el maltrato y la vivencia xenofóbica de un colectivo. La historia narrada califica como pieza artística, corrosiva y controversial.

Este artículo estudia los inicios de cuando en México se comenzó a moldear una petrocultura entrelazada con idearios de nación e identidad nacional. Se analiza el periodo de 1914-1937 para demostrar que la política petrolera de Venustiano Carranza, el Constituyente de 1917, los debates legislativos para una Ley del petróleo, la fundación de Petromex y la literatura sobre el petróleo, contribuyeron a relacionar este energético con elementos del nacionalismo mexicano, tales como: una imagen de patria rica en recursos naturales y con futuro promisorio, sentimientos antiextranjeros, evocaciones de memoria histórica y orgullo patriótico. Asimismo, se ofrece un análisis de los detractores de este nacionalismo petrolero. Los referentes teóricos de esta investigación son la teoría modernista sobre construcción de naciones, así como el concepto “petrocultura” derivado de las Energy Humanities.

Given the growing migratory movement of Venezuelans to Brazil, the state of Roraima occupies a prominent place in the dynamics of reception of crisis migrants of Venezuelan origin. In this context, this paper aims to reflect on the representation of the Venezuelan as an "invader" in the midst of xenophobic manifestations of part of the population of Roraima and the Spanish language represented as "the language of the invader". The theoretical framework is based on applied linguistics with debates on language and crisis migration. The methodology used was qualitative and interpretativist, with clippings of oral narratives of crisis migrants living in Roraima generated in a focus group activity. The results point out that the representation of the "invading" migrant is present in Roraima's society by both Brazilians and foreigners, and the use of the Spanish language may influence the way these people are treated in the state. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of Revista Brasileira de Historia is the property of Associacao Nacional dos Professores Universitarios de Historia and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Copyright of Secuencia: Revista de Historia y Ciencias Sociales is the property of Instituto de Investigaciones - Dr. Jose M. Luis Mora and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Global technological advancements in transport and communication have led to a compression of time and space, but some populations are confined to their geographic regions. This paper uses a qualitative approach to conduct an intersectional analysis of music by Zimbabwean migrants in Johannesburg South Africa to explore how migrants respond to this phenomenon. It presents the ways in which the migrants construct identities and spatial imaginaries as a form of claiming space in Johannesburg and globally. Xenophobia in South Africa and the migrants’ memories of the Zimbabwean State violence necessitates the narration of identities and spatial imaginaries where the migrants can claim belonging. The paper argues that even where the identities imagined do not carry currency in the contemporary world. They work to critique the current racialised global hierarchy that does not include the migrants in its power geometry. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of Archivos de Criminología, Criminalística y Seguridad Privada is the property of Sociedad Mexicana de Criminologia Capitulo Nuevo Leon, A.C. and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Abstract: Xenophobia and Venezuelan migration in Ecuador: Between insecurity and labor competitionThis article analyses how the relationship between perceptions of insecurity and labour competition informs perceptions of community rejection of Venezuelan migrants and refugees working in the informal commerce of Ecuador. While current debates assume the perceived insecurity to be the consequence of governmental safety policies and criminalization of migrants by the state and media, labour competition is often seen as an intrinsic economic condition for xenophobia. This study provides initial findings of perceptions of labour market competition from interviews with key actors, as well as surveys and focus groups in Quito’s informal labour market (2018-2019). Results indicate that this attitude of rejection towards Venezuelans did not emerge directly from labour competition in daily interaction, but because of imageries of “invasion and insecurity” circulated by the media, the security-focused response of the state, and the roll-back of the state in social investment and public employment. ResumenEl propósito de este artículo es analizar la relación entre inseguridad y competencia laboral como percepciones de rechazo de la población local hacia la población migrante venezolana en el comercio informal de Ecuador. Mientras la percepción de inseguridad se concibe en debates actuales como consecuencia de políticas securitistas y de criminalización de migrantes por parte del estado y los medios, la competencia laboral se asume frecuentemente como una condición económica intrínseca de la xenofobia. Este estudio presenta una primera aproximación a la percepción de competencia laboral con base en entrevistas con actores claves, grupos focales y encuestas sobre situación laboral informal en Quito. Los resultados apuntan a que estas actitudes de rechazo no provienen directamente de la competencia laboral diaria en el comercio informal, sino de los imaginarios de “invasión e inseguridad” generados por los medios, de la respuesta securitista del gobierno y del retroceso del estado en inversión social y empleo público.

This article analyzes some important elements of the novel Diptych of the Border by Luis Mora-Ballesteros. The novel refers, in particular, to social and political phenomena that besiege Colombo-Venezuelan borders. The work refers to the drama of forced migration, normalized violence, murders, mourning, the political, military and police corruption, and the actions of irregular and criminal citizens. All these topics are fundamental to the plot. The analysis also engages with the study of other aspects that convert the work in a very particular piece within the binational literary landscape such as the use of intertextuality, in the sense of oral records, the insertion of historical texts as well as political, journalistic and ekphrastic discourse that appear in the narrative. Within the research, questions and answers arise from the initial idea. Diptych of the Border introduced the subgenre of the Border novel that curiously had not been addressed by writers of the two countries before.

A través del análisis de los temores de la sociedad chilena asociados con la seguridad pública y el crimen, el propósito de este artículo es contribuir a la generación de conocimiento y a la discusión pública respecto a la reciente conducción del Estado chileno en torno a un emergente Estado penal que parece dirigirse a castigar la inmigración procedente de América Latina y el Caribe, particularmente venezolana, haitiana y colombiana, debido a la presión política, social y mediática que criminaliza a los migrantes en condición irregular. Para ello, revisamos la actuación del Estado —liderado por un gobierno de centroizquierda durante el último año y medio—, a la par de los sucesos sociales más representativos en los medios masivos tanto en relación con la migración y la delincuencia, como con la población chilena en riesgo social, en el contexto del aumento de la xenofobia y de una nueva ley y política migratoria, que se presentan más bien próximas a un modelo securitista.

Seeking asylum presents itself as a surviving strategy to a part of the population in the 21st century globalization period due to political, social and economic crisis. In this regard, this paper aims to analyze if the Brazilian economic crisis discourse stimulates xenophobia towards refugees sheltered in Brazil. Therefore, this article is divided into two stages. Initially, the migratory context in the 21st century is exposed, followed by and explanation of the international and national legal support regarding the refugee issue. Then, the possibility of the economic discourse as a xenophobia stimulator was pointed out. The research is based on a bibliographic methodology, pure, qualitative, descriptive and exploratory, using a legislative and data analysis of the National Refugee Committee. Thus, it is concluded that the economic crisis discourse does promote xenophobic practices, and those behaviors must be efficiently combated to there by guarantee human rights to refugees in Brazil. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Introduction: This article will show the main results obtained from the research project carried out at Francisco Gamboa Mora Elementary School located in the community of Río Azul, in which the researchers addressed the migration and binational families' issue through five sessions of socio- educational workshops aimed at a group of twenty-two fifth graders. Main objective: The purpose of this article is to reveal the results obtained during the design, execution, and evaluation of the socio-educational process Mi hogar es donde me llevan mis pies at Francisco Gamboa Mora Elementary School in Río Azul. Method and technique: The methodology followed the popular education approach through which socio-educational workshops were proposed as a learning technique. Results: The results obtained were organized in three dimensions: xenophobia is a central theorical category in the socio-educational process, which allows delving into the perspectives and experiences of childhood. A second element consists of an academic approximation of the students' identity construction, in which the socio- territorial and the socio - cultural context allowed us to reconsider the complexity of this issue. The third aspect involves gender as the result of the socialization that determines social groups dynamics. Conclusion: As a general conclusion, the results confirm the role of Social Work in promoting socio-educational processes that integrate principles of popular education to enable people in a community to gain knowledge that can be used to transform their social reality. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

In Xenophobia? Moral Economy, Ethical-Moral Rights, and Citizenship Dilemmas in South Africa, we argue the inadequacy of xenophobia to account for violence against foreigners in South Africa. With the notions of fetishising of origins and vandalism, scholars cast violations against the rights of immigrants as psychiatric disturbs and barbarism, clichés about Africa. Via the ethnography of the Tshwane Riots (2016), we show that the ransacking of Pakistani businesses in an informal settlement in Pretoria followed local laws. We interpret these attacks as a political strategy and a sovereign dispute between the African National Congress (ANC) and its organic constituency. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

La tradición sobre los primeros pobladores de la Ciudad habló de colonos griegos y en particular, de los sucesores de los fugitivos de Troya, y de poblaciones autóctonas, los aborígenes, las poblaciones que ya estaban instaladas en el Lacio. Versiones que en algún momento en esta tradición se fusionan. Se crea así la imagen de una Roma abierta, de población mixta y heterogénea desde el principio, que la hizo la más fuerte y poderosa de su tiempo. Pero esta imagen sólo era una retroproyección de la Roma que habitaban los historiadores que construyeron el relato de su pasado más antiguo, a partir de su presente.

La irrelevancia de partidos nativistas y el predominio de actitudes tolerantes en materia migratoria hacían que, hasta fechas recientes, España constituyese una doble excepción en el contexto europeo. La irrupción de VOX en el sistema político supone un punto de inflexión al respecto: la presencia institucional de discursos xenófobos plantea incógnitas sobre la evolución de las actitudes ante la inmigración y los inmigrantes. En base a dinámicas grupales celebradas pocos meses después del primer gran éxito electoral de VOX, el presente estudio examina la propensión de la población española a convertir a los inmigrantes en chivos expiatorios. Los resultados sugieren que la experiencia colectiva de la Gran Recesión alejó a los inmigrantes de este rol. El “efecto VOX” sobre las actitudes ante la inmigración resulta ser inesperadamente polifacético, al comprender una revigorización de concepciones universalistas.

The present article addresses how the Middle East was portrayed in two Slovenian translations of Karl May's Orientzyklus. This series of novels was translated during the interwar period, when the Slovenian ethnic territory was part of the Kingdom of Yugoslavia, and the re-translations were published during Slovenia's socialist era. By means of a textual comparison, the extent of the ideological interventions that occurred in the portrayal of the Middle East in the translations is established. Furthermore, the article discusses how the different contemporary socio-political circumstances in Slovenia may have influenced how the region in question was represented. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

RESUMO As ondas migratórias que partiram do próprio berço da humanidade cientificamente situado no continente africano e que se prolongam até hoje por motivos históricos diversos, o tráfico humano dos africanos e as invasões coloniais dos territórios da América, da África e da Asia somando juntaram no mesmo território geográfico descendentes de povos e culturas diferentes. Nesses encontros houve enriquecimentos transculturais incontestáveis; os sangues se misturaram; os deuses se tocaram e as cercas das identidades vacilaram, por um lado. Mas, por outro lado, as diferenças continuam a ser motivos de conflitos, pois manipuladas ideologicamente pelas classes dominantes na política de dividir para dominar. Esses conflitos se traduzem notadamente pelas práticas racistas e xenofóbicas que engendram a violação dos direitos humanos dos diferentes e consequentes as desigualdades sociais decorrentes. A questão que se coloca é como estabelecer a equidade e a igualdade de tratamento, sem antes reconhecer a existência coletiva dos portadores das diferenças e suas identidades. Apesar dos progressos da ciência e tecnologia, da globalização da economia do mercado na óptica capitalista neoliberal e dos meios de comunicação, os debates sobre a diversidade e suas diferenças colocam todos os países no mesmo barco. Este texto tem como proposta discutir algumas questões em debate sobre diversidade, partindo das realidades brasileiras dos últimos vinte anos depois da Conferência de Durban.

O presente trabalho trata-se de uma resenha sobre o livro Aporofobia, a aversão ao pobre: um desafio para a democracia (2020), de autoria da filosofa espanhola Adela Cortina. Com o intuito de discutir questões acerca da fobia social contra a população desfavorecida economicamente e o uso dos discursos de ódio contra o sujeito pauperizado e afetado por aspectos excludentes diante de uma sociedade que teoricamente deveria fornecer direitos igualitários, mas que na prática continua a fomentar um sistema de extrema desigualdade. A resenha se propõe a expor características da rejeição ou repulsa ao pobre e suas conexões com outros problemas de ordem social como a xenofobia, o racismo e a desigualdade econômica. Além disso, a filósofa reflete sobre hipóteses práticas que mudariam a percepção social sobre a humanidade enquanto um único grupo, discutindo soluções desde as que remetem ao campo educacional até as do campo cientifico e por fim o texto concerne ao leitor reflexões sobre o estado de pobreza.

We seek to understand health conditions and experiences of xenophobia among refugee Venezuelan immigrants in digital journalistic reporting in Brazil from June to September 2018. We evaluated the description of perceptions of xenophobia and health services access, as well as attributions of responsibility to Venezuelans for the return of measles to Brazil. Through a qualitative and bibliographic investigation, we interpret selected narratives in the media vehicles: O Estado de S. Paulo, Folha de S. Paulo, O Globo, and G1. The intersection of narratives with theoretical verification and opinions of readers indicated xenophobic practices that impact on the quality of life of these people, as well as social diffusion of Venezuelan migration as a problem that affected well-being of these individuals. We conclude that xenophobia interfered in the healthcare of immigrants in Brazil and journalism reinforced this condition. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Children and adolescents usually migrate with family members and rarely have an active voice in this process. In view of this situation, the study sought to understand how Haitian children and adolescents form narratives about their migration experience and how these narratives trigger aspects of the socio-school insertions of Haitian migrants in Porto Alegre. A case study was carried out, focused on narratives about the migratory process and local experience. In the narratives, Haitian culture was linked to the possibilities of bonding and experiences of exclusion, indicating the need for institutional care strategies. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

To problematise Western discourses of a homophobic Africa, there is a need to analyse evidence of homophobia and its interplay with other attitudes, in ways that explore contextual differences. Hence, this article offers an original sociological analysis of quantitative data on homophobia in African states, examining how this inter-relates with xenophobia. Social attitudes data are drawn from the Afrobarometer research project as a unique and important source, and compared in five diverse contexts: Kenya, Mozambique, Nigeria, Senegal and Zambia. Data are examined from Round 6 (2014–2015) and Round 7 (2016–2018). Findings are interpreted in light of specific national literatures on the relations between sexuality, gender and nationalism, as well as wider critical and postcolonial perspectives – especially conceptualisation of sexual nationalisms, and recent literatures on political homophobia. Whereas analyses of homonationalism in Western societies have explored alignments of lesbian, gay, bisexual, transgender and intersex rights affirmation with anti-immigrant attitudes, this study explores such relationships between homophobic and xenophobic attitudes in alternative patterns within specific African contexts. The analysis delivered not only challenges Western discourses of generalised African homophobia (especially discussing the counterexample of Mozambique) but also advances understanding of the complexity of how attitudes inter-relate in different postcolonial states. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The objective of this article is to propose an explanatory model of the different levels of rejection of (Venezuelans) immigrants, through thirteen mixed interviews carried out in the city of Lima between the end of 2019 and the beginning of 2020. Based on a relational model, it is concluded that, regardless of the direct impact of immigration on the macroeconomy, or the relative levels of crime: (1) there are different levels of generalization of negative images regarding immigrants (total generalization, intermediate and non-xenophobic generalizations), measured based on the answer to the question of "who should be deported?" (2) Combinations of transactional sources of influence, organized as 'social structures of experience', largely explain the variations in the generalization of negative images about immigrants. As a result of an analytical projection of these findings and of previous studies, it is hypothetically proposed that (3) the enormous and sudden migratory volume creates a relational context that favors the generalization of negative images and possibly a reactive ethnicity among immigrants. These results would help to explain the high levels of rejection of Venezuelan forced immigration in Lima, Peru. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper will present and analyze the ideological components of the doctrine of Sabino Arana, the intellectual and political father of Basque nationalism. Going directly to the sources, we will unravel the main components of his doctrine. We can see that two are the main ingredients in the construction of it: religious integrism and racism. We will verify that even the linguistic issue -the preservation of the Basque language-had to do with the preservation of ethnic purity. Such elements, closely correlated, are linked with some others. Indeed, in Arana's ideology we will also find abundant doses of xenophobia, ruralism, traditionalism, indigenism, isolationism, reactionism, anti-liberalism, anti-socialism and anti-Spanish sentiment. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of Ayer: Revista de Historia Contemporánea is the property of Asociacion de Historia Contemporanea and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Copyright of Revista FACE is the property of Universidad de Pamplona and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Copyright of Quaderns de l'Institut Català d'Antropologia is the property of Institut Catala d'Antropologia and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Copyright of Estudios de Teoría Literaria is the property of Estudios de Teoria Literaria and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

ste artículo da cuenta de una investigación centrada en el análisis de dos categorías para comprender las actuales dinámicasde migración en México: la selectividad y la discriminación. La selectividad entendida a través del concepto de “nacionalidades privilegiadas” y la discriminación por medio de dos conceptos clave: “racialización” y “xenofobia”. Para cumplir con este objetivo, se retoman datos de los Censos de Población y Vivienda, y de la Encuesta Intercensal, realizados en México por el INEGI(1990-2015). Se hace una revisión hemerográfica con énfasis en las categorías señaladas y se retoma testimonios de grupos de distintos colectivos en redes sociales, espacios virtuales donde se han publicado denuncias sobre elrechazo a esta población, así como datos del Instituto Nacional de Migración (INM) y entrevistas semiestructuradas a migrantes de tránsito y residentes en México.

La migración venezolana es uno de los hechos migratorios más importantes en América Latina en la última década. Millones de personas salieron de Venezuela, siendo Colombia su principal destino. Esto significa un desafío para la integración, donde las mujeres han sido quienes han estado en una mayor condición de precariedad. Esta investigación tiene por objetivo determinar cómo han cambiado las condiciones de vida de las mujeres venezolanas migrantes en Colombia en el contexto de la pandemia. Este trabajo se realiza a partir de una metodología mixta que utiliza datos de la Gran Encuesta Integrada de Hogares, febrero y diciembre de 2020, el reporte GIFMM Colombia: Evaluación Conjunta de Necesidades ante Covid-19 de Junio del 2020, y entrevistas semiestructuradas a catorce mujeres en Bogotá, Medellín, Cali y Barranquilla. A partir de esta información se infiere que la condición migrante venezolana y de género son factores que condicionan fuertemente el acceso al empleo, salud y vivienda digna, siendo las mujeres en situación migratoria irregular las más afectadas antes y durante la pandemia. Además, que la dependencia a las redes de apoyo, los eventos de xenofobia y las afectaciones a la salud mental son aspectos clave para comprender las dificultades que experimentan las migrantes en la nueva normalidad.

Resumo. Neste estudo, introduzimos o conceito de xeno-racismo, proposto pelo romancista srilankês Ambalavaner Sivanandan, discutindo as suas possíveis aplicações aos estudos sobre migração, diáspora e xenofobia no Brasil. Problematizamos as relações entre xenofobia e racismo diante das características históricas e sociais particulares do capitalismo no Brasil. Argumentamos que os critérios de aceitação e distinção em sociedades pautadas pela colonização ofereceram um cenário de distribuição desigual do acolhimento aos estrangeiros, a depender de sua origem e heteroclassificação nos marcadores sociais de diferença locais. Essa seletividade, aqui nomeada como xenofobia racializada, impõe características sociológicas próprias às dinâmicas migratórias no contexto particular brasileiro.

Recientes encuestas de opinión evidencian un aumento de actitudes discriminatorias o xenófobas hacia la población venezolana en Colombia en el marco de la crisis migratoria venezolana. Este artículo revisa la literatura sobre migración-discriminación y propone un marco conceptual que permite entender el fenómeno migratorio sin acudir a las categorías de raza e idioma. Posterior-mente, utilizando metodologías cualitativas, estudia las percepciones sobre discriminación que tienen los migrantes. El estudio concluye que, aunque los migrantes entrevistados no expresan discriminación directa de manera generalizada, sí son sujetos constantes de discriminación indirecta. Esta discriminación suele estar mediada por la clase social y los recursos económicos, y se evidencia en particular en las interacciones con el Estado y los estereotipos promovidos por medios de comunicación. En términos sencillos, esto quiere decir que normas o procesos que en principio son neutrales y legítimos les resultan más difíciles de cumplir por el simple hecho de ser venezolanos.

Este artículo indaga sobre los ataques a la política de asilo en El Heraldo de México por parte de un grupo de periodistas que expresaban opiniones conservadoras. Se pretende saber ¿cómo funcionaba el rechazo a los asilados políticos en la prensa de los años setenta en la Ciudad de México, para el periodo echeverrista que por un lado reprimía y, por el otro, brindaba ese tipo de protección? Esto aportaría un mayor conocimiento sobre la coerción mexicana que daba matices al asilo político, es decir, ese rechazo de algunos grupos que acompañaba a la política humanitaria en este país. Dicho de otro modo, si bien los conosureños fueron aceptados oficialmente, no estaban libres de la virulencia de la represión realizada desde el Estado a todo aquel que disintiera con los designios oficiales.

En este trabajo se expondrán y analizarán los componentes ideológicos de la doctrina de Sabino Arana, padre intelectual y político del nacionalismo vasco. Acudiendo directamente a las fuentes, desentrañaremos los principales componentes de su doctrina. Podremos comprobar que dos son los ingredientes primordiales en la construcción de la misma: el integrismo religioso y el racismo. Verificaremos que incluso el asunto lingüístico –la conservación del euskera– tenía que ver con la preservación de las purezas étnicas. Tales elementos, íntimamente correlacionados, se vinculan con algunos otros. En efecto, en el ideario de Arana también hallaremos abundantes dosis de xenofobia, ruralismo, tradicionalismo, indigenismo, aislacionismo, reaccionarismo, antiliberalismo, antisocialismo e hispanofobia.

A banalização do ódio e o ataque a grupos historicamente subalternizados vêm gerando uma onda de retrocessos sociais e democráticos marcada pela violência e pela prática da intolerância. Nessa perspectiva, objetiva-se analisar o discurso de ódio contra nordestinos em enunciados do universo das redes sociais digitais. Para isso, tomamos como base teórico-metodológica pressupostos da Análise Dialógica do Discurso, mais especificamente as noções de cronotopo, de enunciado concreto e de apreciação valorativa, considerando-se que, a partir de uma perspectiva axiológica, constroem-se, nas redes sociais, cronotopos de ódio que favorecem a disseminação de práticas discursivas intolerantes, preconceituosas e xenofóbicas. O corpus se constitui de cinco postagens que circularam nas redes sociais logo após o primeiro turno das eleições presidenciais 2022. Os resultados revelam que os enunciados analisados criam e são criados por cronotopos de ódio contra uma parcela da sociedade, que fortalecem a filiação ideológica e o sentimento de pertença de grupos apoiadores de Jair Bolsonaro em ambiente virtual. Além disso, esses enunciados contribuem para um projeto enunciativo que visa a inferiorização do povo nordestino e uma consequente marginalização dessa parte da população, de modo a tentar descredibilizar os resultados das eleições.

Los motines antifranceses que se produjeron en Valencia en 1793-1794 no son nuevos para la historiografía, que comenzó a estudiarlos hace décadas, dentro del marco general de la desintegración del régimen feudal. Sin embargo, el carácter supuestamente espontáneo de estas sublevaciones choca con una compleja realidad política, socioeconómica e incluso cultural. Este artículo pretende, por un lado, reinterpretar la naturaleza y las causas de estos tumultos xenófobos, complementando la información con nuevas referencias documentales. Por otro, analizar las respuestas generadas por las instituciones políticas frente a estos episodios de desobediencia civil, evidenciando las limitaciones del poder real y municipal en el restablecimiento del orden público. Ello sugiere que esta revuelta no era espontánea ni respondía al esquema clásico del motín de subsistencia.