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Witnessing power shifts among major countries in the world, scholars and policymakers alike are confronted with crucial questions about the international institutional order: Do power shifts expedite the collapse of the order? Who are its major challengers, and why? This article tackles these issues, drawing on rationalist theories of international institutions that include both realist and neoliberal thinking. I analyse how the making of the international institutional order, along with its evolution, informs us of the sources of challenges to that order. Accordingly, I explain why the country most powerful in making the international institutional order—thus the apparent beneficiary of that order—ends up nursing so many grievances against it. I illustrate this thesis in the areas of collective security, international trade, and democracy promotion. This article contributes to important debates on global governance and raises policy implications for the rewriting of international rules.

This paper uses the 2005-2015 Chinese industrial enterprise data to analyze the impact of China's mixed industrial policy on corporate innovation behavior, attempting to solve2 questions: Does the mixed industrial policy have a real positive effect on innovation? what kind of enterprises can create real innovation？Through theoretical analysis and preliminary regression, we find that companies that are motivated by industrial policies have significantly increased patent applications, but only non-inventive patents, pursuing “quantity” and neglecting “quality”. Further analysis of the grouping of enterprises found that the above phenomenon is more prominent in enterprises with government contacts. This shows that the selective industrial policy only encourages strategic innovation of enterprises, and enterprises increase the “quantity” of innovation for “seeking support”, and the innovation “quality” has not been significantly improved.

Under the new economic normal, Internet plus initiatives has become the new engine of China’s economic transformation. Based on China’s manufacturing and Internet indicators from 2009 to 2016, this paper analyzes the impact of internet plus initiatives on manufacturing upgrading. The paper found a significant positive correlation between the Internet plus initiatives and the upgrading of the manufacturing industry, which shows that the Internet plus initiatives have a positive impact on the development of manufacturing.

What does the rise of China mean for the international order, especially the liberal institutional order? Despite of the enormous scholarly attention paid to this important question, there has been no systematic effort to map out this order and how China relates to it. We examine the international institutional order using an original dataset, the Multilateral Agreements and Protocols (MAP). We further develop a new metric of a country’s embeddedness in the international institutional order. Our analysis leads us to reconsider prominent conjectures about China’s evolving relationship to the current international liberal order. We find that, relative to the global average, China is less inclined towards deep commitment to the current international institutional order. Indeed, China’s wariness about this order seems in contrast to the growing global appetite for deep commitment. Furthermore, China seems less embedded in some issue areas that are central to the international liberal order. These findings suggest that the integration of China into the current Western liberal order may not be as automatic as some have suggested and reinforce concerns over the future of global governance.

Viewing Asia Pacific as a strategically contested space, this article examines the landscape of international institution building in the region. We build on the literature of international institutions to understand how the institutional anarchy in the region has given rise to the Trans-Pacific Partnership and its successor. We further analyze the changing dynamics of regional rulemaking and highlight strategic implications for regulatory competition in the region.

Ein Grosteil der Forschung zu Effekten der internationalen Menschenrechtsinstitutionen (IMRI) beschrankt sich auf die Frage, ob IMRI "bilanzielle" oder "systematische" Effekte auf die Innenpolitik von Staaten ausuben. Dieser Essay hebt die pfadabhangige und konditionale Natur dieser innenpolitischen Effekten der IMRI hervor, welche die aktuelle Forschung entweder bewusst ignoriert, beziehungsweise sie nicht ernst genommen hat. Der Fokus liegt auf den kausalen Mechanismen durch welche IMRI, verstanden als in einer vertragsbasierten Organisation kodifizierte Rechte, auf die nationalen Menschenrechtspraktiken einwirken, in dem sie nationale Menschenrechtsaktivisten starken und somit einen indirekten Einfluss auf die staatlichen Menschenrechtspraktiken haben. Auserdem gibt dieser Essay Aufschlusse daruber, unter welchen Bedingungen IMRI die nationalen Interessengruppen und Aktivisten starken.

Massive social event relevant messages are generated in online social media, which makes the filtering and screening a great challenge. In order to obtain massages with high quality, a high quality information extraction framework based on kernel principal component analysis and wavelet transformation (KPCA-WT) is proposed. First, based on multiple features fusion, we design an algorithm to extract the microblogs of high quality, which transforms the features into wavelet domain to capture the detailed differences between the feature signals. Then the weights of the features are evaluated by EM algorithm and fused further to get a comprehensive value of each message. In addition, to reduce the effect of noisy features and speed up the operation, these features are processed through kernel principal component analysis before transforming into wavelet domain. Experimental results show that the proposed framework can extract information with higher quality, less redundancy, and greatly reduce the time consumption.

This article sheds light on the design of the global climate change regime by drawing lessons from the literature produced by international cooperation, international institutions and other interna...

How do democratic institutions influence international trade policy? This article highlights conceptual challenges confronting the study of democracy and trade. Using a game theoretic model, I aim to spell out the precise effect of democratic legislative constraints on trade. In contrast to the dyadic argument that legislative constraints enable democracies to better cooperate with each other to liberalize trade, I argue that effective legislative constraints give a democracy a monadic bargaining advantage in international trade negotiations. This advantage is associated with a lower level of trade barriers abroad and a higher level of trade barriers at home. Thus, rather than dyadically cooperative, a democracy may be monadically competitive.

One of the most influential arguments in international relations is that international institutions influence states' behavior by monitoring their compliance with treaties, which in turn facilitates reciprocity. Empirically, however, many treaty organizations are not mandated to monitor compliance. The article develops a parsimonious theoretical framework to address the empirical diversity of monitoring arrangements. By mapping strategic environments onto monitoring arrangements, it accounts for who detects noncompliance and who brings it to light. In particular, two factors—the interest alignment between noncompliance victims and their states and the availability of noncompliance victims as low-cost monitors—largely shape the organizational forms of information systems. This simple theory sheds light on a wide range of substantiveh/important treaty regimes.

How do domestic political institutions affect the outcomes of international trade negotiations? Specifically, are the aggregate trade barriers agreed upon by a democratic pair lower than those by a pair composed of a democracy and an autocracy? I revisit these important questions by highlighting some problematic aspect of the analysis by Mansfield, Milner, and Rosendorff (2000). Contrary to their central conclusion, I find that whether the aggregate trade barriers are lower for a democratic pair than those for a mixed pair depends on the preferences of the decision makers involved. Thus, although domestic political institutions are important, they alone are insufficient to predict a higher level of cooperation among democracies.

The primary objective of this chapter is to highlight the key contributions of this volume to one of the most important and vibrant literatures in International Relations, namely the second-image-reversed literature. We argue that this volume helps broaden the second-image-reversed perspective and we identify the important ways in which this volume helps move the research frontier in that literature forward.

This study is a replication of a survey on personal networks conducted 7 years earlier in Tianjin, China. Comparing the results of the two surveys reveals a large amount of change. Tianjin residents now report having more ties to friends and to associates beyond work and family, and fewer workplace ties and far fewer family ties. Women have gained on men in the number of friends, and young people have fewer workplace ties. These changes at the micro-level are examined in the light of changes in the Chinese macro-social structure.

The study of international cooperation has emerged and evolved over the past few decades as a cornerstone of international relations research. The strategy here for reviewing such a large literature is to focus primarily on the rational choice and game theoretic approaches that instigated it and have subsequently guided its advance. Without these theoretical efforts, the study of international cooperation could not have made nearly as much progress—and it certainly would not have taken the form it does in the 21st century. Through this lens, we can identify major themes in this literature and highlight key challenges for future research

The proliferation of international institutions and their impact has become a central issue in international relations. Why do countries comply with international agreements and how do international institutions influence national policies? Most theories focus on the extent to which international institutions can wield 'carrots and sticks' directly in their relations with states. Xinyuan Dai presents an alternative framework in which they influence national policies indirectly by utilizing non-state actors (NGOs, social movements) and empowering domestic constituencies. In this way, even weak international institutions that lack 'carrots and sticks' may have powerful effects on states. Supported by empirical studies of environmental politics, human rights and economic and security issues, this book sheds fresh light on how and why international institutions matter. It will be of interest to students, scholars and policymakers in both international relations and international law.

Why do countries comply with international agreements? While scholars have done rigorous work to address compliance and enforcement in an international game, less analytical attention has been paid to domestic mechanisms of compliance. However, because international agreements have domestic distributional consequences, there exist domestic sources of enforcement. In this article, I develop an analytical framework of domestic accountability, where I identify specific channels of influence through which domestic constituencies can influence national compliance. Using a game theoretic model, I show that a government's compliance decision reflects the electoral leverage and the informational status of domestic constituencies. This framework further provides a theoretical rationale for why and how international institutions may influence states' compliance through domestic mechanisms. The European acid rain regime offers an empirical illustration of the domestic constituency argument.I have benefited from the generous help of many colleagues and friends in the course of this research. I would particularly like to thank the editor-in-chief of IO, anonymous reviewers of this article, as well as William Bernhard, Paul Diehl, Daniel Drezner, James Fearon, Robert Keohane, Charles Lipson, Ronald Mitchell, Robert Pahre, Duncan Snidal, Detlef Sprinz, Milan Svolik, and Pieter van Houten. Nazli Avdan provided valuable research assistance. MacArthur Foundation, the U.S. Institute of Peace, Fuqua School of Business at Duke University, and the Research Board at University of Illinois at Urbana-Champaign sponsored various phases of this research.

In the spring of 1993, we conducted a survey of personal social networks in the city of Tianj in, China. InChina, one cannot simply send out interviewers to neighborhoods; a citywide survey requires the cooperation of some city agency. Our Tianjin survey, therefore, was conducted by the Tianjin Housing Bureau under the supervision of the two present authors who are sociologists at the Tianjin Academy of Social Science. All interviews were face-to-face and were conducted in the evening at respondents' homes. A typical interview took between one-and-a-half and two hours.