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Youth climate movements have increasingly adopted an intersectional approach to activism, highlighting how diverse social categories (inter alia, race, gender, social class, sexuality) intersect with power structures and systems of oppression. This article explores the educational value of practices of intersectionality as they unfold in activists' everyday lives, both within the climate movement and in its relationship with other movements. Drawing on multi-sited ethnographic data from young climate activists belonging to the School Strike for Climate chapters in Portugal's two largest cities (Porto and Lisbon), we account for both private and public activist events—such as activists' meetings, school occupations, and protest actions—and the connections with other activist causes, including feminist, anti-fascist, pro-housing, and LGBTQI+ rights. We show that intersectionality in youth collective action translates into: (i) a political commitment to anchor the climate struggle in systemic injustices that affect minoritized groups and non-normative identities, and (ii) a pragmatic strategy to uphold the public relevance and reach of youth climate mobilization. Simultaneously, our data reveal how the intersectional framework in climate activism translates into informal educational experiences that are significant for political socialization and collective learning, challenging conventional pedagogical processes and hegemonic education systems. This article contributes to expanding traditional notions of education, emphasizing the importance of climate activism as localized political spheres that promote opportunities for participatory learning, aimed at co-constructing just, democratic, and inclusive futures. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

In 2011, the National Collaborative on Childhood Obesity Research established a Measures Registry (updated in 2020) for four key variables associated with childhood obesity. We analyzed the individual physical activity behaviors portion of the Measures Registry to highlight strengths and gaps in the reliability and validity literature for children’s and adolescents’ physical activity measures. There were 455 Measurement Registry entries included in the present analysis. Overall, 212 entries assessed reliability, most commonly test–retest (70%) or internal consistency (18%), while 342 entries assessed validity, most commonly criterion validity (89%). The lack of reporting of socioeconomic status, race/ethnicity, and rurality, and lack of inclusion of these individuals in studies was concerning, as was poorer reliability and validity demonstrated when these individuals were included. Future validation work should address better inclusion of diverse populations. Other next steps include devising standardized measurement development procedures and assessment tools in addition to updating the registry. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The war in Ukraine has been ongoing for over two years. As territories that were captured at the beginning of the conflict are being deoccupied, the pressing issue of repopulating these areas emerges, especially concerning the youth. In this commentary, we critically examine the tripartite cooperation among universities, governments, and local self‐government bodies as a critical mechanism for encouraging the return of young people to Ukraine's deoccupied territories. Considering the inevitable exodus of youth due to occupation, we underscore the importance of early strategy conceptualization for their return. The discussion analyzes the roles and responsibilities of all key stakeholders, the necessity to balance national directives with local autonomy, and the ethical imperatives that should guide such endeavors. Although centered on the Ukrainian context, the insights from this research may prove valuable for other regions encountering similar challenges amidst globalization. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

In 2020, Hong Kong implemented the New National Security Law (NNSL), effectively ending citizens' protests in the city. Between 2014 and 2022, youths spearheaded various protests, including the 2014 Umbrella Movement, the 2019 Anti-Extradition Bill Protest and the 2020 NNSL Protest. Drawing on interviews with youth protesters and secondary sources, this study explores the connection between youth social movements and the exclusive identity of Hongkongers. This paper combines Christiansen's (2009) stages of social movement theory with Tajfel and Turner's (1979) social identity theory to explain the progression of youth movements that shaped the 'we' versus 'they' identity in Hong Kong. The research underscores the impact of mainland China's intervention in local affairs, which has bolstered a civic identity in opposition to a state-constructed national identity. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The emotions of youth climate justice activists are often demeaned or misrepresented both by popular media and by COP organisers. The COP itself, as a cold, bureaucratic, and repressive space that tokenises frontline voices to create an optics of care, is a source of frustration and disappointment for many youth activists. Despite this misrepresentation and repression, youth activists use their emotions to strengthen their movements and actions at the COP. Drawing on collaborative event ethnography spanning a decade, this paper analyses how Global South youth climate justice activists strategically navigate and channel emotion through acts of emotional solidarity, emotional concealment, and emotional display. We assess how youth activists' complex emotional experiences exist in generative tension within individuals and within the youth climate justice movement. Our findings suggest that their emotional strategies unlock the capacity for exercising power while cultivating relationships necessary for climate justice. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Background: Excess sedentary behaviour (SB) and insufficient physical activity have been identified as risk factors for cardiometabolic diseases in adolescents, and some factors may affect how much time they spend on these activities. This study sought to compare the SB and PA patterns as well as compliance with PA recommendations by sex, geographical location, and time of the week in Mexican adolescents. Methods: In a cross-sectional design, we objectively assessed SB and PA in 106 adolescents (15 to 18 y) through waist-worn accelerometers for one week. The time spent in SB and in PA at different intensities was compared by sex, geographical location and time of the week with two-way and three-way repeated measures MANOVAs, while the compliance with physical activity recommendations (i.e., ≥60 min/day) was compared using chi-squared and McNemar tests. Results: Male participants spent more time in moderate, vigorous, and moderate to vigorous PA than females both during the whole week and on weekdays (all p < 0.05). There was no significant difference in SB nor PA by geographical location (i.e., metropolitan vs. non-metropolitan areas). Moreover, all participants spent more time on moderate, vigorous, and moderate to vigorous PA on weekdays than on weekends (p < 0.05). Compliance with international PA recommendations also showed a sex difference (males > females) and change between weekdays and weekends with no difference by geographical location. Conclusions: While geographical location does not seem to be a relevant factor, sex and time of the week appear to influence the SB and PA patterns in Mexican adolescents. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Beyond its popular characterisation as an "anti-monarchy youth movement," Thailand's 2020–2021 pro-democracy movement brought together a diverse range of agendas, including feminism, poverty, and education reform along with shared political demands. This article explores these different agendas, their relationship to the protests, and their implications for the collective identity of democracy protestors. Drawing from 17 in-depth interviews with protestors, it was found that the protests were not only a platform to express political positions but also for pedagogical socialisation, where protestors learned about different social issues and the struggles of other protestors. These processes led them to understand authoritarianism and democracy with a structural lens, where in addition to authoritarian government and the monarchy, the protestors aim to uproot various institutions exercising practices or cultures resembling that of the authoritarian regime. Their understanding of democracy was similarly expansive, going beyond parliamentary politics to accommodate issues within their daily lived experience. The protestors retained a sense of solidarity by conceiving of democracy as necessarily entailing a diversity of views and subsequently disagreements and conflicts. The protestors' structural approach means the 2020–2021 protests were unique and a novel development from previous protests in Thailand. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Background: Scientific evidence and public health reports keep highlighting the continuous and alarming worldwide progression of physical inactivity and sedentary behaviors in children and adolescents. The present paper summarizes findings from the 2022 French Report Card (RC) on physical activity for children and youth and compares them to the 2016, 2018, and 2020 RCs. Methods: The 2022 edition of the French RC follows the standardized methodology established by the Active Healthy Kids Global Matrix. Ten physical activity indicators have been evaluated and graded based on the best available evidence coming from national surveys, peer-reviewed literature, government and nongovernment reports, and online information. The evaluation was also performed in children and adolescents with disabilities. Indicators were graded from A (high level of evidence) to F (very low level of evidence) or INC for incomplete. Results: The evaluated indicators received the following grades: overall physical activity: D−; organized sport participation and physical activity: C; active play: F; active transportation: C; sedentary behaviors: D−; family and peers: D; physical fitness: C; school: C−; community and the built environment: F; government: B. Conclusions: While this 2022 French RC shows progression for 7 out of the 10 indicators considered, it also underlines the continuous need for actions at the local, regional, and national levels to develop better surveillance systems and favor a long-term improvement of youth movement behaviors. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Objective: This paper seeks to understand the meaning of the Palestinian Youth Movement (PYM) apart from its symbolism of political change, the democratization process and citizenship beyond the prism of occupation. Emphasizing the post-2007 eras of split political and geographical topographies in the Palestinian territories, this study may be expected to analyze, among others, the following research questions: To what extent did and/or does the student youth movement develop democratic agendas or/and reconciliation within and among Palestine's factions? Methodology: The research design used was largely exploratory, in which two major techniques of data collection were utilized: semi-structured interviews and post-analysis of social media content. The present research has made it possible to decompose the factors instrumental in raising the youth participation in the movement, their political change strategies, and visions of the Palestinian cause. Main Results: The paper has evidenced that youths' movement is indispensable in the manifestation of democracy, equality, and political change in Palestinian territory. This paper explores the obedience that the Palestinian generation has maintained to non-violent struggle in the form of demonstration, strike, and civil disobedience. It also focuses on the role of youths in the shaping of democratic practices and their role in proffering political reconciliation in the region. Conclusions: These findings highlight the role and engagement of Palestinian youth in political change and processes of democratization; it shows the role of students and the youth movements for democracy, reconciliation, and non-violent struggle for change more than just liberation from occupation. It further reiterates the assertion that Palestinian youth continue holding the mission for change, justice, and liberation. Recommendations: Therefore, it is recommended that the backing of the youth must be increased, the horizontal cooperation and establishment of the youth organizations promoted, as well as the inclusions of democratic and non-violent resistance education in the educational establishments for increasing the efficacy of the PYM. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

As the threat of authoritarianism continues to rise, legal scholars have looked to more creative interventions to renew a decaying constitution. However, legal scholarship has not yet included the work of youth-led social movements as an interpretive authority to realize, reform, and reimagine the Constitution. Without including these uniquely marginalized and mobilized communities, scholars risk overlooking new possibilities for constitutional change and legitimizing youth suffering under the rule of law. As an intervention, this article makes the case for the methodology of youth movement law by elevating the experience and imagination of historically marginalized youth at the center of the vitriolic culture wars. Drawing on the traditions of movement law, critical legal studies, and youth social movements, this article explores the material limitations of focusing only on court interpretations of constitutional law for marginalized and mobilized youth. Further, the article presents the normative claim that scholars working to stop the rise of authoritarianism should consider youth freedom dreams in tandem with litigation and traditional scholarship. As a case study, this article highlights the material limits of existing jurisprudence for Transgender and Gender Expansive Youth and elevates the freedom dreams of Transgender and Gender Expansive Youth mobilized for change. The article concludes with an invitation to scholars to attend to the bold visions of mobilized and marginalized youth, who imagine a Constitution that abolishes state-sanctioned separation and caging, guarantees the material needs of marginalized youth, and includes youth as coauthors of civic life. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Rudolf Carnap and Martin Heidegger shared with Max Weber the decisionist understanding of values as something that cannot be justified by scientists or philosophers. Although both accepted the challenge of modernity in this respect, they reacted in opposite ways. Carnap, along with the Vienna Circle, defended a scientific conception of the world in which science and instrumental rationality were to permeate all of life; Heidegger embarked on an understanding of metaphysics in which rationality and science were to be eliminated. Both strategies were deeply political, and both resulted from the split in the German youth and life-reform movement that took place during and immediately after World War I. I discuss this image here in the context of dialectical theology, the Vienna Circle, and the Davos Disputation, with a sideways glance at Ernst Cassirer, and with a view to earlier interpretations by Michael Friedman and Gottfried Gabriel. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Due to increased industrialization, a growing service sector, improved food security, easier access to healthcare and educational opportunities in cities, and growing young ambitions, the migratory norm of rural youth has been continuously rising over the past 25 years. The study conducted during 2023 and 2024 aimed to ascertain youth migration patterns from the rural districts of Srikakulam and Vizianagaram in Andhra Pradesh. The results showed that the main reasons behind youth movement from rural areas were inconsistent income, low employment, and recurrent crop failures. The respondents have shown a medium level of attitude towards agriculture. The Direct indicators with a mean average of (2.23) and perception migration indicators with a mean average of (2.88) have been noticed. Independent variables such as age, farming experience, proximity to towns/cities, annual income, self-reliance, and self-confidence were positively correlated. A positive significance level has been found for education, occupation, farm skill, years of stay in native, migration experience, economic motivation, achievement motivation, and income expectancy, which are negatively correlated with non-farm skills and risk orientation. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of Journal of Educational Studies (1673-1298) is the property of Journal of Educational Studies Editorial Office and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

This content-based research examines a) how older-age-based environmental movements position and present themselves in relation to older and younger generations, and b) how they frame issues of capability, responsibility, and social justice within intergenerational dynamics. Based on qualitative content research of the “About Us” webpage and the visual content of seven older-age-based environmental movements, the findings suggest that while the movements exhibited visibility and agency through words and contents related to wisdom, experience, strength, dedication, commitment, and greater notions of social justice, they also simultaneously exhibited lack of self-concern and transparency by focusing on future-oriented concerns, overlooking older persons’ vulnerability to climate change, exhibiting hyper-sense of responsibility, and a secondary positioning in relation to youth environmental movements. The findings are discussed from the prism of intergenerational relations. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article explores the theoretical and empirical interest of protest slogans and writings for social movement research. It shows how this material can contribute to a better understanding of collective identities, emotions, and claims made in contemporary demonstrations. Theoretically, it invites researchers to go beyond the actual 'words' to invest these slogans as political performances: increasingly individualized and diversified, these writings carry a public staging and a political discourse that can address multiple audiences. Therefore, they give access to the individual and collective voices expressed within contemporary social movements – and the way they interplay. To take into account their diversity, the article proposes a typology of the main political functions of these writings – whether they aim to lay claims, to proclaim, to mobilize or to witness, which will determine their very form and their favored support. Secondly, the article revisits the ethical and methodological issues raised by the collection and analysis of protest writings for the empirical study of social movements. It examines different ways of mining their potential for comparison and mixed method device, through either textual, visual or qualitative analysis. To do so, it draws on the experience and results of an international study of youth social movements in the second decade of the twenty-first century, to which this method was widely applied to identify and compare the fundamental rhetorics of these post-2008 protests. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Emotions play a role in drawing people into activism and are a key dimension of activist experiences. However, although researchers have examined the political significance and ethical imperative of centring the voices and leadership of migrants in migrant rights struggles, there is limited consideration of how emotions are engaged in ways that inform, facilitate and challenge migrants in sustaining their activism. Through the case of undocumented youth activism in California, I explore how undocumented young people drew on practices of emotional reflexivity to navigate the complicated emotional register produced through activism as they reflected on their participation and trajectory through the undocumented youth movement. I suggest that the cultivation of storytelling spaces, cultures and practices within undocumented youth spaces supported and enhanced young people's opportunities and capacity for engaging in relational practices of emotional reflexivity. These relational practices of emotional reflexivity supported young people to carve out expansive, dynamic and creative modes of activism that adapted to their shifting needs, circumstances and politics, while helping them to configure practices of care within the movement. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article offers a reflective exploration of the storied experiences of young climate strikers in Bristol through a narrative inquiry approach. In-depth analysis of the narratives of the young people collected at two distinct timepoints illustrates the complexity of young people’s stories of activism to develop a localised sub-narrative. Before the covid-19 pandemic, young people’s climate activism was at a high with the movement known as Youth Strike 4 Climate (YS4C) or Fridays For Future (FFF). The wave of young people’s climate activism was sustained by a powerful metanarrative (Han and Ahn 2020). This study explores the narrative accounts of three youth activists in Bristol to draw out distinct components of the local sub-narrative of the YS4C movement. The data is collected though in-depth narrative interviews in 2020 and follow-up interviews in 2023. The narrative approach taken in this article views the process of telling and re-telling stories as a collaborative meaning-making process (Clandinin and Connelly 2000); by reflecting back on their own earlier words, the young people are brought into the research process and centred as co-producers of knowledge. The study finds that their accounts are action-oriented, justice-driven and community-focussed. The narratives reveal how young activists cast themselves as protagonists and thereby enact political agency. Striking as a tactic is explored from the perspective of a post-covid world. The article suggests that the end of the strikes locally does not signify the end of the movement.

In the conditions of geopolitical instability, globalisation of information space, cultural and digital transformations, it is necessary to pay special attention to the problems of preservation of identity and formation of students’ state-oriented active citizenship, also on the basis of using socio-communicative technologies for managing institutional trust in the authorities. The subject of the study – elements of communicative policy of government officials, public organisations, mass media, aimed at student youth. The purpose of the study is to develop a set of modern technologies to increase the level of students’ institutional trust in the authorities. The research methodology is based on theoretical and methodological provisions of sociology, social psychology, political science to define the phenomena of institutional and social trust as well as the concept of a single information space. As a result of the empirical study, the authors have determined the level of trust in regional and federal authorities, individual socio-economic and political institutions put by students from higher and secondary professional educational organisations; the authors have also identified the causes of low awareness and involvement of student youth in public processes of regional development, and low participation in the activities of specialised all-Russian and regional youth organisations. The technologies for improving the effectiveness of interaction between the authorities and students, as well as in the network information space, are proposed as recommendations.

This study aims to help educators and researchers to understand the pedagogical practice of STEM in early childhood and its impact. To support this, 29 publications related to STEM teachinglearning methods and activities were selected in the period between 2014 and 2023. The study covers the distribution of research over time by countries, the analysis of keywords, research goals and results, research methods, STEM domains, as well as emerging teaching-learning methods and activities, and the presentation of research limitations. According to the results, digital activities and impact studies have become dominant in early childhood STEM activities. There is a small number of studies presenting educational practices related to the relationship between sustainability and STEM. It was also revealed that impact assessments regarding early childhood STEM education need further development and improvement. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper describes forms of online youth civic engagement that center the experiences of youth with historically marginalized identities and documents ways that youth are civically engaged. Twenty U.S.-based, digitally active youth ages 16 to 21 years old were interviewed. Seven participants (35%) identified as female, nine (45%) as male, and four (20%) as gender nonbinary. Twelve (60%) identified as a first or second generation immigrant. Youth were recruited through youth-led movement accounts on Twitter and contacted via Direct Messaging. Semi-structured interviews were conducted with youth between March and September 2020, a period spanning the outbreak of COVID-19 and rise in participation in the Black Lives Matter movement. Inductive Constant Comparative Analysis was used to document forms of youth civic engagement on social media and understand how youth ascribed meaning to their civic engagement. Framed by literature on critical consciousness and psychopolitical resistance to oppression, findings highlight three forms of online youth civic engagement: Restorying, Building Community, and Taking Collective Action. These findings indicate that, for youth with identities that have historically been marginalized, social media is an important context to be civically engaged in ways that resist oppression and injustice. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Bangkok is a tropical metropolis subject to many human and nonhuman transformations. While Covid‐19 raged, the city's mix of precarity and oppression gave rise to a youth protest movement that opposed the junta government and sought to intervene in Thai politics‐as‐usual. At the same time, a rewilding experiment aimed at undoing environmental damage quietly was unfolding in Benjakitti Urban Forest Park. We draw on science and technology studies (STS), anthropology and urban theory to elicit the events of both park and protests as ongoing experiments in rewilding Bangkok on more‐than‐human terrain. Both involve overlapping critical zones, where encounters between many beings and practices of worlding shape an uncommons and create problems of coexistence. Such problems call for cosmoecological diplomacy, understood as the art of giving collective shape to a more‐than‐human cosmos yet to arrive. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of Discourse: Journal of Childhood & Adolescense Research / Diskurs Kindheits- und Jugendforschung is the property of Verlag Barbara Budrich GmbH and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

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In the 21st century, the imperative to combat extremism and terrorism has risen to the forefront of global and regional agendas, becoming an indispensable condition for fostering the secure and prosperous development of states amidst the formation of a new strategic order. This study aims to examine the peculiarities of combating religious extremism among the youth demographic, drawing insights from global experiences aimed at minimizing terrorist threats within this sphere. Two primary methodologies were adopted in this study: the comparative analysis method, which compares the factors contributing to youth extremism, and the descriptive method, which identifies the main features of radicalization processes across diverse countries worldwide. Examining the landscape of modern youth movements in Kazakhstan and their affiliations with various religious beliefs, it becomes evident that developing a comprehensive and cohesive legal framework is imperative to curtail the emergence of aggressive groups and address the root causes of student radicalization. Moreover, our study underscores the predominant reliance of modern youth on social networks as conduits for accessing information pertaining to mental health, traditional beliefs, and psychological support. Analysis of counter-radicalization efforts across nations reveals a spectrum of approaches adopted by state entities tasked with addressing this issue, often contingent upon the prevailing religious context. In Muslim-majority nations, scholars and public figures championing traditional values emerge as key agents in educating young people on the imperative of participating in radical groups. Conversely, in Western European countries, public organizations and institutions of higher learning emerge as pivotal actors in fostering effective counter-radicalization measures. The findings and insights gleaned from this study are poised to furnish a practical foundation for future research endeavors in this realm. Furthermore, they hold promise in informing the development of youth policies and the resolution of issues pertinent to religious dynamics within advanced societies. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Antifascists have developed action‐oriented principles and practices for collective resistance to fascism. In this article, we discuss antifascism as praxis, which is the nexus of theory and practice through collective reflection and action. Antifascist praxis can inform developmental science at individual and contextual levels of analysis. For the study of individual developmental trajectories, we examine how antifascist praxis can inform research to stop fascist recruitment of youth and counter‐recruit youth into liberation movements. For the study of developmental contexts, we use the example of family separation to examine how antifascist praxis can inform research to identify fascist threats and support collective action against fascist violence. We also present next steps for developing a field of scholarship in which communities of developmental scientists engage in antifascist praxis. As developmental scientists, we must see ourselves as part of—not objectively disconnected from—broader mass movements building power against fascism and pursuing liberation for all. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Researchers conducting fieldwork, especially in comparative social research, face the complex issue of conceptualizing and practicing positionality. How we position ourselves affects the research approach, the interpretation of the data and, therefore, the whole research process. This paper discusses my own in-between or 'in-out-sider' positionality during my fieldwork studying the experience of youths in social movements in Thailand and Myanmar in 2020 and 2021. Drawing on data from a visit to Thailand and interviews with 40 Myanmar and Thai youths who participated in the movements, this article documents my experience of the subtle nuances of multiple positionalities and how I navigated through the fieldwork as an in-out-sider researcher. In this comparative context, especially, I believe that my in-out-sider positionality facilitated the research process, from interviewing participants to conducting the field visit. The discussion of this contextually situated positionality challenges the typical explanations of the insider/outsider dichotomy, suggesting the need for a rethinking of certain aspects of this explanation, such as the background and experience of the researcher, and the context in which the researcher and the researched interact. This paper therefore contributes to knowledge around this subject and its application, particularly in the context of comparative social research which studies specific groups of youth activists or protestors. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Imam Musa Sadr is one of the most significant contemporary Muslim thinkers. The development of his thoughts and practices within the context of social activities increases the importance of studying them. In this paper, we studied the youth social problems in the thoughts and practices of Sadr by using thematic analysis. In the field of youth, several problems were brought to Sadr's attention. Including youth movements, generation gap, and interaction with youth. For each of these problems, the identified themes were categorized into causes and solutions. In analyzing youth problems, Sadr pays attention to the idealistic and revolutionary nature of young people, and also to the requirements and social conditions of today, which are the result of the new civilization. Therefore, by praising this spirit of youth, he considers it as a capacity for changing and reforming society, which should be used correctly in guiding the youth movements. In addition, he emphasizes on educating the young generation based on the correct worldview, preserving the culture of faith in God and absolute values, and strengthening family and social emotional ties, which prevents generational gaps and its consequences. He also considers the improvement of social conditions as a prelude to interacting with youths and inviting them. In order to attract youths, he calls on religious people to improve their behavior, to introduce religion and its intellectual and practical capacities, while establishing religious organizations and institutions to attract them.. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Thailand appeared to be under a tide of youthful revolutionary change. In 2020, in a rare moment in Thai history, university and secondary school students, particularly female and LGBTQ + schoolchildren, took the lead in national protests against an autocratic government. It was a period during which the seemingly impossible, such as the reform of Thailand's royal institutions, appeared possible. What were the historical origins of the country's revolutionary youth movement? This article argues that the Thai youth movement emerged from youth activist networks fostered by post-coup political entrepreneurs. It describes the foundational moments of these networks and analyses their inside brokerage processes, i.e. how these political entrepreneurs cultivated friendships and ties among segregated young activists by creating unique spaces – campsites and activist houses. These underground spaces allowed activists to connect, learn, brainstorm, organize mobilization, and build cross-issue and cross-regional activist ties under an autocratic regime. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Jewish youth in the Yugoslav kingdom between the two world wars gathered around various social activities according to which it was organized within various types of academic, cultural, sports and women's associations. Main organization was the Federation of Jewish Youth Societies founded in 1919. In addition to cultural and educational work, sports represented one of the most important programming tasks of Jewish youth. This was related to acceptance of the idea of Zionism, which, in addition to the goal of restoring the ancestral homeland in Palestine, also had the restoration of the Jewish man, his physical and spiritual being. Sports clubs were founded on the territory of the entire state, and every year slet - the main manifestation was held. In the first period of the Jewish youth movement, in which the rise is noted, a total of seven meetings were held. Among them, slet in Novi Sad in 1924 stands out in terms of organization and achievement of goals. Considering the fact that there are very few preserved historical sources, mainly the press, its goals, form and tasks can be seen on the example of the slet in Novi Sad. These gatherings of Jewish youth represented an annual sports fair where competitions were held in various disciplines, primarily football, athletics and gymnastics. The program of the gathering was broader and included numerous cultural events, concerts, excursions, as well as meetings where the position and tasks of Jewish youth associations were discussed. Slets also had a propaganda goal, to show the unity and togetherness of the Jewish youth. Therefore, organizers took care in choosing the meeting place. The slet in Novi Sad caused great interest and left a strong impression on cultural and social life of Jews in Novi Sad. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The activities, outputs, and histories of youth organisations across a range of contexts can give us a privileged understanding of later political movements that find their roots with those youth movements. Scholars have already paid a great deal of attention to youth movements as part of totalitarian regimes, revolutionary and rebellious factions, as well as weird and wonderful cults. However, our understanding of the realities and impact of youth groups tied to minoritised language movements in Iberia remains underdeveloped and fails to reflect on the agency of youth. In the case of Catalonia – the focus of this article – a number of youth groups emerged in the delicate, and politically fraught period between Spain's disastrous defeat at hands of the United States in 1898 and the sudden rise of the Primo de Rivera dictatorship (1923–1930). Nearing the end of this timeline, the Pomells de Joventut de Catalunya (1920–1923) were one such organisation that sprung up to serve both God and Catalonia, a combination which would garner interest from the Catalan elite but also single them out for annihilation at hands of Spanish nationalism. This article seeks to disclose the history of the Pomells, their wider networks and relations to the power structures of the day, how young people made the organisation their own through small actions, and, finally, the demise and afterlives of the organisation. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Faced with the challenges of global warming, which are likely to have a strong impact on the generation currently in school, the role of the latter is questioned by teachers supporting youth movements, such as the climate strike. A research-training project aimed at teachers wishing to develop and share their practices to integrate the climate emergency is described and the speeches produced in this context are analyzed. Several strong themes emerge from this analysis, particularly in the form of concerns and projected avenues. The teachers' comments are discussed in light of trends aimed at making the environment a school subject that has existed since the 1970s. The results highlight the diversity and richness of the activities offered and the strong commitment offered by these teachers to integrate the climate emergency into their practices. They also highlight the paradoxical role given to students, moving from the role of a driving force to that of a brake on commitment. Faced with the challenges of global warming, which are likely to have a major impact on the generation currently in school, the role of schools is being questioned by climate activist teachers. We describe a research and training project aimed at teachers who wish to develop and share how they integrate the climate emergency into their practice, and analyse the discourses produced in this context. A number of key themes emerge from this analysis, particularly in terms of concerns and projected courses of action. Teachers' comments are discussed in the light of ways in which environment and ecology have been treated as a school subject since the 1970s. The results highlight the diversity and richness of the activities proposed and the strong commitment of these teachers to integrate the climate emergency into their practice. They also highlight the paradoxical role of pupils, who can both motivate and hinder this commitment. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Background: Functional tic‐like behaviors (FTLBs) can be difficult to distinguish from tics. Objectives: To describe the phenomenology of FTLBs in youth and assess the movements and vocalizations most suggestive of the diagnosis. Methods: We compared the phenomenology of tics between youth (<20 yr) with FTLBs and with primary tics from our Registry in Calgary, Canada. Results: Two hundred and thirty‐six youths were included: 195 with primary tics (75% males; mean age: 10.8 yr) and 41 with FTLBs (98% females; 16.1 yr). In the bivariate models, FTLBs were most associated with copropraxia (OR = 15.5), saying words (OR = 14.5), coprolalia (OR = 13.1), popping (OR = 11.0), whistling (OR = 9.8), simple head movements (OR = 8.6), and self‐injurious behaviors (OR = 6.9). In the multivariable model, FTLBs were still associated with saying words (OR = 13.5) and simple head movements (OR = 6.3). Only 12.2% of youth with FTLBs had throat clearing tics (OR = 0.2). Conclusions: This study shall help physicians diagnose youth with FTLBs according to the presence/association of specific movements and vocalizations. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The radical rejection of the liberal political movements of the 1960s and 1970s by conservative politicians has been a core aspect of conservative politics. In fact, the youth movements of the 1960s broadened the goals of the labor and civil rights movement, also dealing with pacifism, ecologism, promotion of a new sexuality, new rights for women, and different sexual identities foreshadowing a revolutionary future for Western societies. It has been referred to as the silent revolution to define this movement of social change that began more than half a century ago. However, the reaction to the changes promoted by this movement since the 1980s has led to a cultural backlash. Fear of diversity, immigration, and economic and ecological crises has thus been the trigger for the new conservatism and populism. Everything produced by globalization has been considered decadent and immoral compared to a great and glorious past. The fortunes of the new populist parties in this sense are based on a traditionalist ideology that is not new at all, however. This article shows from a historical perspective how the idea of a threatening future found in the contemporary populist right is a radical conservative tendency that recurs throughout human history. In the article, an attempt will be made to define the culture and psychology of this conservative rejection of the future. Finally, possible solutions will be described in order to imagine a positive idea of the future. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Youth—people ages of 15–24 years—are at the forefront of present-day social movements focused on climate justice, civic activation, gun reform, and racial justice. Social movements occur when people with a shared purpose come together to take collective action in order to achieve a social justice goal. This article examines how youth-organized social movements not only propel individual and collective action but also actively support and sustain youth well-being. We define well-being as feeling positive, socially connected, and purposeful. We explore social movement practices for promoting individual and collective youth well-being. This research builds on dual insights: (1) the well-being practices of youth social movement organizers and (2) the extant literature in consumer research and its associated disciplines. Finally, we highlight insights from consumer research that advance our understanding of youth well-being and raise questions to encourage more researchers to investigate how social movements support youth well-being and well-doing. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

From April to August 1937, Paul Rosner recorded his experiences while attending the Beth Halutz / Maccabi Hatzair boarding school in Berlin, and while participating in the Maccabi youth movement in Germany. Clearly illuminating his personal history in the group, the diary describes daily life, and offers a glimpse into several important events of the Berlin Jewish community, particularly within Zionist circles. This article first covers the history of the Maccabi youth movement, before analyzing the diary's coverage of various topics including culture, religion, politics, and leisure. Previously, the official writings of the movement's leaders dominated the narrative of this group, but Rosner's diary offers a youth's perspective that is both unique and complex, exploring the movement's successful attempt to create a parallel Jewish reality for its members during a period of ongoing persecution. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]