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This paper creates a framework for the comparison of two similar and yet different democratisation cases – Slovenia and Montenegro. The two countries have obvious similarities: their geography and small population, as well as their common socialist Yugoslav heritage and common aspirations to join international organisations, most importantly the European Union. However, while Slovenia went through the democratisation process rather smoothly, Montenegro took the longer road, struggling for more than a decade to regain its independence and complete its transition. We take into account different internal and external factors in these two cases such as the year of independence and of joining NATO, the political and electoral system, ethnic homogeneity, the viability of civil society, EU integration status, economic development and the presence of war in each territory in order to identify and describe those factors that contributed to the success of democratisation in different areas: the party system, the interest groups system, the defence system, Europeanisation and social policy. We find that the democratisation process in these countries produced different results in terms of quality. Various objective measures of the quality of democracy score Slovenia higher compared to Montenegro, while public opinion data shows, in general, greater satisfaction with the political system and greater trust in political institutions in Montenegro than in Slovenia.

We study the relationship between inter-class inequality and intergenerational class mobility across 39 countries. Previous research on the relationship between economic inequality and class mobility remains inconclusive, as studies have confounded intra- with between-class economic inequalities. We propose that between-class inequality across multiple dimensions accounts for the inverse relationship between inequality and mobility: the larger the resource distance between classes, the less likely it is that mobility from one to the other will occur. We consider inequality in terms of between-class differences in three areas—education, wages, and income—and in a composite measure. Building on sociological mobility theory, we argue that cross-country variation in mobility results, in part, from families adapting to different levels of between-class inequality. Consistent with this hypothesis, we find a negative correlation between inter-class inequality and social fluidity, with between-class inequality being a better predictor of mobility chances than conventional distributional measures. We also find that the resource distance between classes is negatively related to the strength of their intergenerational association for some off-diagonal origin and destination (OD) class combinations.

The use of ART varies considerably across countries in Europe (Calhaz-Jorge et al., 2016, Prag and Mills, 2017). The most recent release of the registers of the European IVF-Monitoring Consortium (EIM) for the European Society of Human Reproduction and Embryology (ESHRE) (Calhaz-Jorge et al., 2016) reveals that the number of ART treatment cycles in 2012 ranged between 1457 per million women between the ages of 15 and 44 in Moldova compared to 14 431 per million women in the same age range in Denmark. The reasons for these differences, however, are not yet fully understood. The economic development of countries has been previously considered as a main driving factor, but cannot explain the vast differences between countries. While richer countries have a somewhat higher prevalence of ART use, the relationship is far from perfect, with many poorer countries in Europe having high levels of ART usage. For instance, the Czech Republic reported 10 473 cycles per million women of reproductive age in 2012 but ranks low (51st) in national wealth as measured by purchasing power parity GDP. The Czech Republic has an ART treatment level that is close to the comparatively wealthier Denmark (ranked 37th), whereas high-income nations such as Italy (ranked eighth) and the United Kingdom (ranked fifth) reported only 5480 and 4918 cycles per million women of reproductive age, respectively (World Bank, 2011). Existing research points to other economic, regulatory and demographic factors underlying country differences in ART uptake. Chambers et al. (2014) argued that it is not only country wealth, but rather the consumer affordability of treatment that drives the country differences in ART usage. Countries where ART treatments are more affordable due to insurance mandates or public subsidies have higher ART usage, suggesting that a cost cut of 10 percentage points of the average disposable income in a country predicts a 32% increase in ART utilization. With respect to ART regulation, Berg Brigham et al. (2013) showed that European countries with more liberal social eligibility regulations registered higher levels of ART usage. Kocourkova et al. (2014) illustrate that country differences in ART usage are related to fertility postponement. The greater the extent of postponement of first birth in a country, the higher demand for ART treatments. These studies have identified important societal drivers of cross-country differences in ART utilization. Large-scale cross-national empirical research on cultural and normative factors shaping ART usage are rare, with some studies showing that cultural factors such as social norms and religion may be important predictors of ART usage (Benagiano, 2008; Adamson, 2009). Billari et al. (2011) reported that country differences in social age deadlines for childbearing, such as beliefs about having a child too early or too late, were predictive of differences in ART availability in European countries. This study examines ART utilization data from 35 European countries and examines the extent to which financial, demographic, and cultural determinants explain the vast cross-national differences in ART usage and treatments in Europe. We replicate the well-known correlation of country wealth and ART treatments. In addition, we show how demographic factors such as fertility postponement are related to ART usage. There is a well-established link between women's higher educational attainment and postponement (Mills et al., 2011, Balbo et al., 2013), with the proportion of higher educated women also varying across nations. We therefore focus on the group of women most likely to postpone childbearing, namely mid-aged, highly educated women. We then take regulatory aspects of ART in the countries under study into account (Prag and Mills, 2015) and make use of survey data to understand country differences in the moral and normative cultural acceptance towards ART and how religious composition of countries is related to ART usage.

Tax authorities utilize a wide range of instruments to motivate honest taxpaying ranging from strict audits to fair procedures or personalized support, differing from country to country. However, little is known about how these different instruments and taxpayers' trust influence the generation of interaction climates between tax authorities and taxpayers, motivations to comply, and particularly, tax compliance. The present research examines the extended slippery slope framework (eSSF), which distinguishes tax authorities' instruments into different qualities of power of authority (coercive and legitimate) and trust in authorities (reasonbased and implicit), to shed light on the effect of differences between power and trust. We test eSSF assumptions with survey data from taxpayers from three culturally different countries (N = 700) who also vary concerning their perceptions of power, trust, interaction climates, and tax motivations. Results support assumptions of the eSSF. Across all countries, the relation of coercive power and tax compliance was mediated by implicit trust, which leads to an antagonistic climate and enforced motivation. The connection from legitimate power to tax compliance is partially mediated by reason-based trust. The relationship between implicit trust and tax compliance is mediated by a confidence climate and committed cooperation. Theoretical and practical implications are discussed.

Objectives. Grandparents play an important role in looking after grandchildren, although intensive grandparental childcare varies considerably across Europe. Few studies have explicitly investigated the extent to which such cross-national variations are associated with national level differences in individual demographic and socio-economic distributions along with contextual-structural and cultural factors (e.g., variations in female labor force participation, childcare provision, and cultural attitudes).Methods. We used multilevel models to examine associations between intensive grandparental childcare and contextual-structural and cultural factors, after controlling for grandparent, parent, and child characteristics using nationally representative data from the Survey of Health, Ageing and Retirement in Europe.Results. Even controlling for cross-national differences in demographic and socio-economic distributions, contextual-structural factors play an important role in explaining grandparental childcare variations in Europe. In particular, higher levels of intensive grandparental childcare are found in countries with low labor force participation among younger and older women, and low formal childcare provision, where mothers in paid work largely rely on grandparental support on an almost daily basis.Discussion. Encouraging older women to remain in paid work is likely to have an impact on grandchild care which in turn may affect mothers’ employment, particularly in Southern European countries where there is little formal childcare.