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Copyright of Thiasos Monografie is the property of Edizioni Quasar di Severino Tognon s.r.l. and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

The article presents a critical approach to the archaeological complex at Arbanas quarter in the town of Radomir. Its excavator identified the site as important production and trade centre that was built near a sanctuary of Zeus and Hera. After its destruction ca. middle of 3rd c. AD, at the beginning of the 4th c. AD a walled Early Christian martyrial complex was built on the place with two single-apse buildings, subsequently transformed into a monastery. The thorough analysis of the available archaeological information allows to propose a different function of the site. According to it, a sanctuary of Zeus and Hera was established sometimes in the second half of the 1st c. AD. After its demolition by the raids of the Costobocs (170s AD) or the Goths (the middle of the 3rd c. AD) the sanctuary was rebuilt with walled temenos and two apse temples placed in a peristyle courtyard. Two votive altars reused as building material in the nearby villa at Bela voda quarter of Pernik most probably originate from the sanctuary in question. Both are dedicated to Zeus Στοβουστορηνος what was probably the local name under which the two deities were worshipped in the sanctuary at Arbanas. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The article presents a critical approach to the archaeological complex at Arbanas quarter in the town of Radomir. Its excavator identified the site as important production and trade centre that was built near a sanctuary of Zeus and Hera. After its destruction ca. middle of 3rd c. AD, at the beginning of the 4th c. AD a walled Early Christian martyrial complex was built on the place with two single-apse buildings, subsequently transformed into a monastery. The thorough analysis of the available archaeological information allows to propose a different function of the site. According to it, a sanctuary of Zeus and Hera was established sometimes in the second half of the 1st c. AD. After its demolition by the raids of the Costobocs (170s AD) or the Goths (the middle of the 3rd c. AD) the sanctuary was rebuilt with walled temenos and two apse temples placed in a peristyle courtyard. Two votive altars reused as building material in the nearby villa at Bela voda quarter of Pernik most probably originate from the sanctuary in question. Both are dedicated to Zeus Στοβουστορηνος what was probably the local name under which the two deities were worshipped in the sanctuary at Arbanas.

The multi-year project of the Nemea Center for Classical Archaeology (DAGRS), the Excavation and Conservation of the Early Christian Basilica, at the Sanctuary of Zeus in Ancient Nemea, Greece, began in 2022. The west end of the 5thc. CE building was investigated including the narthex and two rooms added later to the building on the north and south sides. We cleared areas that had been excavated in the 1920s, 1960s, and 1980 to reveal the building’s foundation walls, floor surfaces, and other architectural features, including previously unrecorded interior walls of the 4thc. BCE Xenon building from the pagan panhellenic sanctuary. Overlooked small finds, like coins and painted terracottas, were recovered and we began the full study of pottery and related finds from the previous excavations which remain unpublished.The ancient foundations of the Basilica, now accessible in the west part of the building, will be conserved this fall by consolidating the original crumbling mortar and masonry using a special binding agent. The remainder of the building will be reinvestigated and the masonry conserved in the coming seasons.

This article compares the aspects of sacral and divine kingship in the Seleucid Empire and Western Han dynasty. It explores the divine origin of rulers, their role as chief priests, their divinity, and the authority derived from the gods. The article provides a cultural comparison between ancient China and ancient Hellenistic states, discussing the deification of rulers in both empires. It also includes a list of various books and articles related to the topic, offering a comprehensive collection of resources for further research. [Extracted from the article]

This article examines the opening lines of Pindar's Nemean 3, which present an interesting problem from the perspective of genre. Pindar characterizes the poem in question as a ὕμνος (11) to Zeus, contradicting the position that the singular purpose of epinician is the glorification of the victor. According to this view, it is impossible for one poem to be both an epinician to a man and a hymn to a deity. I argue that we can in fact understand Nemean 3 as, at least in part, a hymn to Zeus, since victory odes instantiate praise in relation to multiple audiences. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of Anatolia / Anadolu is the property of Ankara University and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

This paper aims to investigate the reasons why, since the reign of Philip II, the "national" Zeus, venerated on Olympus and Dion and characterized by the oak crown, was abandoned in favor of the Olympian Zeus of Elis, characterized by the olive/oleaster wreath. We notice that while the members of the royal family display, in life and death, an oak wreath as an insignia of their kingship, and at the same time also as a symbol of their highest divinity, the kings themselves issue the image of the panhellenic god with an olive/laurel wreath on their coins. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The ancient city of Pednelissos is located within the borders of Antalya province and it is possible to suggest that it was inhabited at least from the beginning of the Hellenistic Period. There are three figures on the grave stele from Pednelissos. To the left, Hermes dressed in chlamys is leaning against an angular plaster or wall. Also it has kerykeion, talaria and maybe petasos. In this stele, Hermes is found especially as a psychopompos. Hermes, by being depicted smaller than the man who owns the grave stele on his right, also enables the deceased to become a hero. In addition, Hermes keeps his feet crossed like the servants on the grave steles and exhibits a mourning pose for the dead. It is possible to consider Hermes' mourning for the dead as a kind of farewell scene. Hermes may also have assumed a role as the savior and supporter of the deceased person and perhaps his relatives. It can be said that Hermes’ stance was modeled Praxiteles’ Leaning Satyr. The man who owns the stele becomes a hero here, and the origin of the divine stance seen in him must be a Zeus statue of Pheidias. The lion on the stele, on the other hand, symbolizes the stele owner's victory over death and attaining immortality and the power of this person, in addition to its protective feature. The Pednelissos Grave Stele is a frameless grave stele, Attic type or produced in this tradition. The stele may have been made by a local craftsman who knew the Attic-type grave stele tradition in Pednelissos, or by a traveling craftsman who stopped by here. It is also possible, though less likely, that the stele will be traded to order. In addition, it is possible to accept the grave stele as a unique work, in which the variation of the two works belonging to Pheidias and Praxiteles is given successfully. The Pednelissos Grave Stele can be dated to the Late Hellenistic Period, around 150-50 BC.

In the border zone between the Roman provinces of Upper Moesia and Thrace a sanctuary dedicated to Zeus and Hera, defined by the toponymic epithet Souideptēnoi, was discovered on the Belava mountain, near Turres (today’s Pirot). The sanctuary presumably encompassed a temenos, an altar and two smaller temples, oriented east-west, with the entrance on the eastern side. Unfortunately, illegal excavations were conducted on the area of the sanctuary by thieves, who stole the small reliefs offered to the deities venerated in the sanctuary, of which the authors of this paper could obtain the data of 31 fragmented votive plates, most of them inscribed. A variety of iconographic schemas, especially the standing divine couple or Zeus and Hera in quadriga, as well as the combination of three onomastics stocks (Thracian, Greek and Latin) illustrate the diversity of traditions and the cultural interferences at work during imperial times. It can be presumed that the sanctuary dedicated to Zeus and Hera Souideptēnoi existed from the 2nd to the end of the 3rd or the beginning of the 4th century.

Patterns of worship reflect ancient society. By studying the ways in which various deities received their cult, lessons can be learned about the local societies in which the worshippers lived. This paper focuses on what is perhaps the most obvious method to turn any deity into a specifically local one, namely the use of the toponymic epithet. By concentrating on the local perspective of religious life in the Roman Near East, and in particular on the close connection between deity and place (also related to questions of religious topography and the formation of religious identities), the paper aims to address a number of issues that play an important role in current debates about the relationship between localism, regionalism and globalism.

Early Modern pilgrims, travelling by sea from Western and Central Europe to the Holy Land, had to cross a large part of the Mediterranean basin before they reached their destination. Their ships usually made stops at various islands, including the island of Crete, which was under Venetian rule for a wide timespan (1212–1669). Travellers from the Lands of the Bohemian Crown had taken part in the pilgrim-traffic since the Middle Ages, and often left reports for future generations. There are three well-known travelogues written in the Czech language that contain a detailed description of Crete, namely books by Jan Hasištejnský of Lobkowicz (journey in 1493, travelogue in 1505/1509, not printed), Oldřich Prefát of Vlkanov (1546, 1563), and Kryštof Harant of Polžice and Bezdružice (1598, 1608). Their depictions of the island reflect the basic characteristics of their travelogues. Hasištejnský is mainly concerned with contemporary Crete and its not-so-distant past, reporting almost exclusively information gained during his journey. In addition to describing the current state of the island, Prefát highlights its mythological connections, pointing loosely to further reading. Harant’s account is the most complex one. He links his contemporary experience with the corpus of knowledge that was handed down by authorities, both ancient and modern. His citation method may not be perfect, but his list of referenced authors is vast. Cretan memorabilia mentioned by Prefát and Harant include sites associated with the island’s mythological tradition and its remote (“Minoan”) past which received legendary features in later Greek renditions. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of CEDRUS is the property of Mediterranean Civilisations Research Institute and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

In the ancient Greek polytheistic religion, Hera was considered the wife of Zeus and she was worshipped as the goddess of marriage. This paper analyses pre-Olympian references to Hera as an unmarried Great Goddess related to nature and fertility, and it explores from a critical perspective the origins and contents of her cult as Hera Teleia, the "perfect wife." Mythological tales about her fights with Zeus, their conflictive relationship and his continuous love affairs with goddesses and women show us that the divine Greek model for human marriage was far from being a state of marital bliss. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of Arkhaia Anatolika: The Journal of Anatolian Archaeological Studies is the property of Arkhaia Anatolika and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

It is conventionally assumed that conserved pathways evolve slowly with little participation of gene evolution. Nevertheless, it has been recently observed that young genes can take over fundamental functions in essential biological processes, for example, development and reproduction. It is unclear how newly duplicated genes are integrated into ancestral networks and reshape the conserved pathways of important functions. Here, we investigated origination and function of two autosomal genes that evolved recently in Drosophila : Poseidon and Zeus , which were created by RNA-based duplications from the X-linked CAF40 , a subunit of the conserved CCR4–NOT deadenylase complex involved in posttranscriptional and translational regulation. Knockdown and knockout assays show that the two genes quickly evolved critically important functions in viability and male fertility. Moreover, our transcriptome analysis demonstrates that the three genes have a broad and distinct effect in the expression of hundreds of genes, with almost half of the differentially expressed genes being perturbed exclusively by one paralog, but not the others. Co-immunoprecipitation and tethering assays show that the CAF40 paralog Poseidon maintains the ability to interact with the CCR4–NOT deadenylase complex and might act in posttranscriptional mRNA regulation. The rapid gene evolution in the ancient posttranscriptional and translational regulatory system may be driven by evolution of sex chromosomes to compensate for the meiotic X chromosomal inactivation (MXCI) in Drosophila. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

While the Mediterranean civilization reshaped protohistoric communities with the introduction of the coinage, it is fairly interesting in which way the Celts embraced the Classical iconography of Zeus and the compound messages behind it. Initially, they were made for interaction with a Greek or a Roman and not a Celt. The author of this article questions whether the La Tène's wheel motif had penetrated the coin's imagery from the warrior's thought - to whom, the lighting wheel, in combination with other signifiers, could stand as an 'Amalgamation Switcher' for the thunder-deity Taranis and his forgotten lore. For that reason, after examination of available historical and archaeological data, an alternative term for the obverse's bearded figure will be proposed. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of Journal of Mosaic Research is the property of Uludag University, Mosaic Research Center and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

The discovery in 2015 of the great mosaic so called of the Zeus’ Loves in Écija (Sevilla) comes to highlight again the quality of the mosaic heritage of the ancient Astigi, capital of the conventus astigitanus in Baetica. It is a large pavement, which contains several pictures, with geometric motifs, Bacchic themes and scenes from the Zeus Loves cycle, among which the legend of the Rape of Europe stands out, as well as one of the Dioscuri, Leda and the Swan, a satyr pursuing a young maiden, identified as Antiope, and by last the legend of Ganymede. The depiction of Ganymede in Roman mosaics is well documented, in particular the precise instant of the abduction with both already in flight. However the Ganymede’s legend in the Astigi pavement of the Zeus’ Loves found in the Plaza de Armas shows a not usual image. This article deals with the literary sources and possible parallels that would have served as a model for the representation from Astigi. Are analyzed several images in Attic red-figure vases, Roman paintings, reliefs and gems and particularly in two mosaic floors, the Antioch pavement of the so called domus of Buffet Supper and the Italica mosaic of the love stories of Zeus, preserved in the Lebrija Palace-Museum in Seville.

O presente ensaio apresenta a Hermenêutica de Paul Ricoeur, ao mesmo tempo em que aproveita a oportunidade para exercitá-la em um estudo sobre o trágico, centrando-se numa pequena análise da tragédia Prometeu acorrentado, de Ésquilo, a fim de elaborar uma tentativa de etnografia do trágico como experiência da qual não se pode fugir.

In the paper the author analyses Homer's specific representation of justice, primarily from the perspective of his Odyssey. In this epic we can identify an additional dimension of justice, beside the characteristics of equivalence and correlativity and the principle "might makes right" which were mentioned in the previous essay, and that is its implied application in inter-polis relations. In addition, we should add the special position that belongs to Zeus, through whom the Hellenes should comprehend that justice is necessary for the resolution of their conflicts. As the highest representative of justice in general, Zeus punishes those whose acts are not in compliance with justice, which, in the end, tells the Achaeans that they should establish a community founded on justice - the polis.

The aim of the article is to analyze the transference relationship that is established between Zeus and his daughters the Muses, and at the same time how they , as legitimate heirs of the Father, transpose their voice to the poet. We will travel this way through the revision of the Theogony’s Proem looking for the lexical marks that define the characters addressed. These fields are articulated in turn with the function that song, poetry, memory and forgetfulness fulfil in ancient Greek society and that account for a historical time to which the poem is rooted. We will conclude then, with the review of the different types of authority that are reflected in the verses of the poet.

Pre-Christian gods of Armenians, known from the works of ancient Greek and Armenian authors, appear under Iranian and Greek names. But same as other peoples, Armenians had to have their own gods with original names in the earliest times of their history. So could the ancient Armenian literary tradition give us the clues about the forgotten gods of the pre-Iranian and pre-Hellenistic period? And is it possible to deliver a scientific reconstruction of mythological characters of such distant times? The article attempts to restore the name and image of one great god of the earliest Armenian pantheon on the evidence from the early medieval Armenian literature. In the ancient Armenian translation of the Bible, the Mesopotamian god of the afterlife and war, named Nergal, is replaced by Angeł. The same name is cited in two legends from the books of Khorenatsi and Sebeos. This name is interpreted as ‘ugly,’ which seems rather inappropriate for a theonym. However, in the Assyrian myth, Nergal is invisible to the vizier of the goddess of the underworld. Hence the opportunity to etymologize Angeł not as an-geł, i.-e. *ṇ-wel- ‘not having a (good) look,’ i.e., ‘ugly,’ but literally — ‘having no look,’ i.e. ‘invisible’. In Indo-European context, the closest cognate of the Armenian language is Greek, and thus Angeł would correspond well with the Greek name for the underworld and its god Hades: Ἀΐδης, literally, ‘the Unseen’ < *ṇ-wid-. Supreme gods could be the masters of “three worlds” — heaven, earth, and the underworld, and the Greek Hades, known as “Zeus of the underworld,” was thus one of the incarnations of Zeus. In ancient Armenian tradition, these functions would be attributed to Angeł. Notably, the supreme gods of some other ancient states of the region were also conceived to be invisible.

In this article I offer a new interpretation of the puzzling phrase ἀµύµονος Αἰγίσθοιο at Od. 1.29 by focusing on the context of Od. 1.29-31. A closer analysis of the passage within the narrative logic of the proem strongly suggests that Zeus, after the departure of Poseidon, should think of Odysseus. While Zeus' opening speech is to be understood as a covert signal to Athena, Homer's audience is invited to recognize the speech's direct relevance to Odysseus: the narrator deliberately utilizes the apparent incongruity of the phrase 'blameless Aegisthus' to alert the audience to its significance. Not only is the epithet ἀµύµων most frequently attributed to Odysseus in the Odyssean tradition, but also the formulaic combination between Zeus (ἴστω νῦν Ζεύς) and 'blameless Odysseus' (Ὀδυσῆος ἀµύµονος) helps the audience to reflect upon the epic hero's fate and deeds. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Four inscribed votives, introduced in this contribution were found in the Lycaonian city of Savatra and are dated to the Roman Imperial Period. Two of them (No. 1 and 2) were dedicated to Zeus Dalbenos, which is only known from an inscription on the base of the Silvanus statuette preserved in a private collection at Barcelona. The first, which has a bull relief, was the votive of Kadmos, son of C(alpurnius?) Germanicianus. The second was erected by a citizen by the name of Zethos for all of his family. It is concluded here that Zeus Dalbenos was a cult which originated from Phrygia or it was a local cult of Savatra, which seems more preferable. The inscription on the third votive, which was offered to Zeus and the goddess of peace Eirene by a priest by the name of Mareis, records the epithets of Zeus as Keraunios, Astrapton, Syrtios and Bronton. The epithet Syrtios has not been documented to date. The last inscribed altar is a votive of all demos for Ares and the listening deities Areiai. Two epigraphic documents from Savatra attest the local cult of Ares worshipped together with the Areiai. At the end of the article also discussed is the presence of the epigraphic documents relating to the soldiers from Savatra, which provides an indication of the importance of the city's geopolitical position during the Roman Imperial Period. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article reconsiders the much-discussed second divine council at the beginning of Book 5 of the Odyssey (5.1-42). It is demonstrated that this assembly is not a case of successive narration of simultaneous actions, as many scholars have maintained, but that the second council is necessary because Zeus, in order to avoid interdivine conflicts, has not kept his promise to initiate Odysseus' repatriation as announced in the first council. It is further argued that Athene's speech to Zeus (5.7-20), with its minacious tone and its cento-like composition, serves to put pressure on Zeus and to display Athene's intellectual superiority. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

La vida de sor juana inés de la cruz, su pensamiento ligado a la poesía, al encuentro con los mitos. leída por teólogos, por filósofos y poetas, parece haber superado las fronteras del lenguaje, las fronteras de la simple fe; este texto intenta entender la condición mística de su pensamiento.

Macedonian kings kept close bonds with the divine sphere. They considered themselves as Heraklids (and, in consequence, they traced back their lineage to Zeus himself) and the kingship kept noteworthy religious functions. Philip II made wide use of this religious side and it became a key element of his public image and propaganda, both inside and outside the kingdom of Macedonia. It was especially important the relation Philip established with Panhellenic shrines, like Delphi and Olympia, in close connection with his aspiration for hegemony all over Greece. Philip also regarded his coinage as useful political tools and the religious motives engraved are very telling about the king's claims and objectives. Originally published in Ancient Macedonia / Archaia Makedonia VI (Papers Read at the Sixth International Symposium held in Thessaloniki by the Institute of Balkan Studies (Greece): Le Bohec 2002a. Published in Karanos by kind permission of the author and the Institute for Balkan Studies.

In Melanipp. PMG 762 the reading βροτῶν (v. 1) of the MSS can be retained. The god invoked as "lord of the everlasting soul" (v. 2), generally identified with Dionysus-Zagreus, can be rather recognized as the Orphic Zeus. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Heraclitus is widely held to believe in Becaming (universal Flux, Motion, so to speak): whereas Parmenides in Stability (Rest, to use Platonic terminology). If it really were so, how then could we explain the eternal caracter of Heraclitian Logos or the emergence (genesis) of beings as Parmenides describes it in second part of his poem ?In this paper, we are dealing only with Heraclitus, focusing on fragment 32: “One, sole Sage, is unwilling and yet willing to be called by the name of Zeus”. To do so, we first assess some leading commentaries, then we suggest a different interpretation of the same fragment.

Copyright of CEDRUS is the property of Mediterranean Civilisations Research Institute and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

What happens when the Phaeacian ship returns to Scheria in book XIII of the Odyssey has been a vexed question ever since Antiquity. It is clear that Poseidon turns it into stone on Zeus’ advice, but does Zeus advise anything beyond that, and does Poseidon do anything beyond that? In v. 158, where Zeus gives his advice, the text is uncertain: according to the vulgate reading, Zeus approves of Poseidon’s intention to place a mountain on top of (or around) the city, but according to an ancient variant, he advises against it. Modern scholarship is no less divided on the issue (or issues) than the ancients. Considerations from Homeric “theology” have dominated the debate: must the prophecy given to Nausithous, which included the mountain, be fulfi lled, or would it be out of character for Zeus to go along with Poseidon’s ruthless punishment? This paper argues that the conversation between Zeus and Poseidon leading up to v. 158 shows that Poseidon will do what Zeus advises, and that Zeus’ advice in v. 158 must have been “no”. That Poseidon in 162f. petrifi es the ship and then leaves confi rms this. “Theological” and other non-contextual considerations that have been advanced against this reading are scrutinized and found to be unconvincing. If the issue can thus be decided from the context alone, the outcome may in turn inform wider “theological” and other discussions. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of Journal of Mosaic Research is the property of Uludag University, Mosaic Research Center and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

The drama of King Pentheus, ritual adversary and victim of the god Dionysos in Euripides's Bacchae, bears striking resemblance to the drama of the alcoholic-addict in the progression of his or her disease. The chorus of the Bacchae sings of the holy rites and ancient wisdom that could cure the "madness" of Pentheus, in which resonances with the tenets of Alcoholics Anonymous can be found. In a larger context, the Bacchae is also the nightmare of the end of what the Greeks called the Age of Zeus, our present age, characterized by the increasing hemispheric lateralization of our cerebral cortex and the hyperdevelopment and dominance of our left-hemispheric powers of abstract reasoning. This neurological evolution transformed human consciousness and reality according to its logos, rejecting and banishing to the unconscious the mythos of the knowing body: the heart, the gut, and all our embodied, direct, holistic powers of perceiving. This transformation of consciousness is described archetypally in three myths of the god Dionysos's birth. These depict how the god of life was dismembered to become an abstract, deathless Olympian; the soot and ashes of the Titans from which humans were made; and the literal form of the god, that is, wine. In our Western psychohistorical and cultural history, these myths depict the rescue of the idealized, masculine, impenetrable hero/ego from the vicissitudes of mortal life. Over time, the archaic meaning of initiation and of "hero" as initiated human embedded in community and the lineage of ancestors, was lost in the glorification of the ideal Apollonian hero's power to escape the limitations of embodiment by making others (or the unconscious/body) suffer and die for him. This article explores the necessity to re-member the dismembered incarnate god from the shadows of the abandoned body of need and desire for communion. AA offers a template for the acceptance of essential limitation and personal suffering as initiation into experience of the embodied divine in and through community as well as in individual relationship with a greater reality. Such initiatory practices constitute rebirth in a divine self and world, described by Jung as the inauguration of the Age of the Holy Spirit. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

In this paper I'trying to show that there is a relationship between rock art, a site where rock art is placed and the wider landscape, articulated according to the Camunian "mindscape" in Valcamonica, Italy. In particular, I believe rock art may be regarded, making Lødøen's felicitous phrase my own, as a 'consumption of souls' within an animistic understanding of the world. I think the importance of mining copper and iron in relation to petroglyphs in Valcamonica has been underestimated so far, and I have tried to show its strong symbolic relationships. I believe I have made quite clear the symbolical connections between a certain type of landscape, a gulch with a strong hydrocentric focus, thundering noises, mining, metallurgy and deer, thanks to linguistic analysis, which shows how the same kind of landscape and similar mythologies can be found over an extremely wide territory. We do not know what the religious beliefs of the ancient Camunians were, similarities with neighboring populations aside, but linguistic analysis, anthropological as well as archaeological comparison and the study of both local folklore and archaic Aegean beliefs, allows us to hypothesize a more detailed picture of the Camunian thought in the Iron Age. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of Black Sea / Karadeniz is the property of Black Sea / Karadeniz and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Copyright of Adalya is the property of Koc University and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

This paper examines how Aristophanes' Birds attacks the self-proclaimed moralists who led the prosecutions and the humorless piety toward traditional divine cult that they presumed to defend. This reactionary pietism was also a threat to Comedy's many customary freedoms with the seriousness of the gods and its frequent burlesques of civic ritual, which may have even inspired the aristocratic hijinx behind the sacrileges. By constructing a comic plot in which the Olympians appear craven and ineffective, and the rule of Zeus is ultimately overthrown, Aristophanes boldly reasserts against the moralists a comic vision of gods who are all too human. Were the sacrileges of 415 really any worse than what people had seen many times on the comic stage? Central to consideration of the moralistic threat to Comedy is the much-discussed Decree of Syracosios. This paper argues that Syracosios' decree was never meant to punish the sacrilege defendants so much as to punish Comedy as a genre for having inspired disrespect of civic institutions. To Syracosios, the sacrileges were no laughing matter. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]