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Question we try to answer in this paper is the following: what is an appropriate account of civic bonds or civic relation in modern plural liberal societies? The answer we would like to offer is - civic friendship. But what is an appropriate account of civic friendship in societies of diverse and incompatible comprehensive doctrines and conceptions of good? Is it appropriate to explain the relationship between so heterogenous individuals in terms of friendship? Here we propose a reading of Aristotelian civic friendship that is compatible with liberal framework, that however keeps Aristotle’s notions of mutual well- wishing and common good. In our view this can be done within Nussbaum’s version of capability approach where she gives a list of central capabilities. We particularly focus on her capability for affiliation.

In this paper I discuss some problems for epistemic democracy as it is presented and defended by Ivan Cerovac in his book Epistemic Democracy and Political Legitimacy (2020). I discuss three problems I think are present in his discussion about the role of experts in democratic deliberation. The first problem is concerned with what the proper design for the educative role of technical experts is in deliberative democracy. The second problem deals with the question if there is a certain moral duty of justification towards other citizens of our choice of normative experts. This implies that, in the first place, we have a duty to consult opinions of those who know better than us when we are in the process of enacting decisions that have an influence on the lives of other citizens. Finally, I briefly mention the problem of Constitutional or Supreme Court ; namely, are they normative experts or technical experts because this group of experts is not present in Cerovac’s discussion of the role of experts.

This paper brings together discussions on international trade with resources and debates on immigration. Following Wenar’s analysis of resource curse, the aim is to challenge conventional view on immigration, that asserts the right of states to have discretional control over these policies. The right to self- determination and territorial rights are used as a basis for conventional view, and are thus protected in domestic context, while the same rights are violated by unjust “might makes right” trade rule in the international context which causes severe harm to people in these countries and benefits to citizens in affluent countries. This inconsistency in claiming right to self-determination and violating it in case of others presents challenge to moral plausibility of conventional view.

U ovom radu u vezu se dovodi analiza međunarodne trgovine prirodnim resursima, kroz problem “prokletstva resursa” kako ga predstavlja Leif Wenar, te diskusija o imigraciji. Naslanjajući se na problem suučesništva u kršenju ljudskih prava kroz sudjelovanje u nepravednoj trgovini resursima, u pitanje se dovodi konvencionalni pristup imigraciji prema kojem suverene države imaju pravo slobodno regulirati imigraciju u skladu s vlastitim nacionalnim interesima. Mjere politika čiste trgovine, koje se predlažu kao riješenje nepravedne trgovine čija posljedica je ugroženost ljudskih prava narodima iz zemalja izvoznica resursa, te često i održavanje ne- demokratskih režima u tim zemljama, ne uspijevaju dovoljno kratkoročno i efikasno zahvatiti sve pojedince čija su ljudska prava ugrožena kao rezultat nepravedne međunarodne trgovine. Stoga se navedene mjere “eksporta pravednosti” trebaju nadopuniti politikama slobodnije imigracije prema onim kojima su ljudska prava na takav način ugrožena, čime se direktno dovodi u pitanje konvencionalni pristup po pitanju imigracije, te ideja kako suverene države same imaju pravo birati mjere kojima će ispuniti restorativne dužnosti prema onima kojima je njihovo djelovanje naštetilo. Analiza međunarodne trgovine Leifa Wenara otkriva dodatne specifične elemente kojima se konvencionalni pristup može dovesti u pitanje, a koji se temelji na inkonzistentnosti prema pravu na samo-određenje i teritorijalnim pravima na međunarodnoj i lokalnoj razini. Ovakvo povezivanje aspekata ne-idealne, odnosno empirijske i idealne teorije omogućava otvaranje novih segmenata rasprave i smjerova istraživanja, te se sve više koristi u filozofskim raspravama o imigraciji.

Rad otvara neka od pitanja vezana uz odgovornost prema izbjeglicama od interesa filozofima. Pitanja kojih se rad dotiče vezana su uz pitanja definicije izbjeglice, pitanja prirode, sadržaja i utemeljenja naših dužnosti prema izbjeglicama, te problema distribucije odgovornosti među različitim akterima. Drugi se dio teksta bavi problematikom integracije izbjeglice jednom kada je primljena u društvo.

The paper aim to reconsider Aristotle's notion of civic friendship situated in the context of contemporary, plural societies as a model for social and political relationship between citizens. Since the main characteristics of Aristotle’s civic friendship are concern for other’s well-being for the sake of others and some kind of concord in regards to commonly recognized good, such notion appears to be more suitable for communitarianism rather than liberal political theories. Here we propose a reading of Aristotelian civic friendship that is compatible with liberal framework, that however keeps Aristotle’s notions of mutual well-wishing and common good. In our view this can be done within Nussbaum’s version of capability approach where she gives a list of central capabilities. The list establishes what she calls ‘a thick vague theory of good’ that is thick because it gives us a content of human good, but is vague because it leaves up to individuals how they are going to manifest or realize it. Civic friendship in our view thus becomes mutual concern for the development of one’s capabilities, while development of such society is common good. This mutual concern is realised through common political institutions, but also supported by fellow citizens who develop dispositions to act friendly towards their fellow citizens. Such reading of Aristotle’s civic friendship allows that civic friends might differ in their comprehensive doctrines of good and in their visions of ideal society but are motivated with the same goal, i.e. common good: to live in a society that provides for each member to achieve life worth of human dignity and as such serves as a precondition for stability and security to convert capabilities into real functionings in a long term.

Paper questions various concepts of political affiliation claiming that in certain contexts civic friendships demands political engagement out of concern for the well-being of others.

Paper questions normative basis for evaluating CSO's following the crietria given by Jonathan White and Lea Ypi for political parties.

Our aim in this paper is to explore the relationship between an individual person and political community by focusing on well- being understood as human flourishing. More precisely, the question we are interested in is how to fit the interests of others in the pursuit of one's own good, that is, how to reconcile selfish aspiration for one's own good with the others- concern. By person's own good here we understand also a pursuit of her idea of ideal society. It is inevitable that any kind of social cooperation in plural society will end up in some kind of compromise understood as giving up a part of ideal for the sake of others. The theoretical problem which arises is whether these kinds of compromises can realize certain kind of valuable political relation that is worth pursuing? We believe that the solution for this problem can be found in Aristotle's notion of political or civic friendship. Aristotelian notion of civic friendship as we understand it is characterized by the following features: basic concern for others (basic volitional attitude that does not depend on any kind of list of admirable qualities or shared beliefs) ; relational equality (equality of status, absence of hierarchy and marginalization) ; social trust (generalized trust ; based on imperfect information about the behaviour of others where we lack mechanism of assurance) ; practical doing for others (contributing to well-being of others through various social networks and associations). These characteristics should be realized through common political institutions. A society built upon the notion of civic friendship will provide stability and social cohesion which are the values that go far beyond the value of individual well-being motivated only by instrumental rationality. This explains why concern for others becomes an integrative part of our own well-being. We want to claim that such a concept of civic friendship is a normative framework which is not some particular political ideal but itself is a compromise understood as giving up on my own interest for the sake of others. Since it refers to a relation among citizens in a plural community it should not be based on any particular identity such as religion or ethnicity, but on the relations among citizens through shared institutions of political community. Civic friends thus differ in their comprehensive doctrines of good and in their visions of ideal society but are motivated with the same goal: to live in a society that provides for each member to achieve life worth of human dignity and as such serves as a precondition to avoid making rotten compromises.

Capabilities approach proposed by Martha Nussbaum gives a normative framework that provides a promising account of human well-being. Well- being, as a neo-Aristotelian term, is established as a list of human capabilities that capture the essence of a human nature and its potentials. Basic capabilities are: (1) ability to live, (2) physical health, (3) bodily integrity, (4) senses, imagination and thought, (5) emotions, (6) reason, (7) affiliation, (8) other species, (9) play, and (10) environmental control. This potential has to be actualized in regards to individual choices and personal reasons to favour specific ‘functionings’ and value them over some other. However, what seems to be puzzling within this picture is the role of others or community and interests of others for achieving our own well-being. Namely, how should we treat other human beings in order to achieve our own interest, i.e. individual well-being? Our proposal is to put forward idea of ‘civic friendship’ as a central to Nussbaum’s general capability for affiliation. Civic friendship refers to political relation among citizens of plural political community. Since it refers to political relation it cannot be characterized by affection which is characteristic for personal friendship. Also, since it refers to relation among citizens in plural community it should not be based on any particular identity such as religion or ethnicity, but on relation among citizens through shared institutions of political community. Civic friendship is thus characterized by the following features: basic concern for others (public provision of various services that are needed for citizens to realize their capabilities) ; relational equality (standing with others on equal terms which includes respecting conceptions of good that are in contrast to ours and also respecting conceptions of good that do not pass well on market) ; trust (cooperation that avoids stigmatization and marginalization) ; practical doing for others (network of non-state and non-market organizations that help individuals in realizing their capabilities).

In his book In a Better World? Public Reason and Biotechnologies Elvio Baccarini employs public reason argument to justify legitimate use of genetic interventions. According to his argument policies of genetic interventions are legitimate if and only if they (i) correct generally recognized genetic impairments and disabilities ; (ii) add talents without removing other talents ; and (iii) enhance given or added talents without removing any other. In my discussion I find third requirement problematic. But, even if there is suitable public reason answer to this worry I believe that it still has problems connected to justice of such policies if they will be only affordable to higher classes of society. I claim that in these circumstances we have good reasons to ban such interventions. I try to argue that this ban is not the form of levelling down objection ; that these policies will endanger social bases of self-respect and that we have good reasons to believe that if such technologies are available the scope of distributive justice changes to include distribution of talents.

Paper argues that key chracteristics of civic friednship - social trust, practial doing for others, concern for well-being and reciprocity - should be promoted by political institutions and be left to civil society characterized by voluntaristic associations.

In this paper I argue that aristotelian principle should be understood in perfectionistic terms. Also, even though it seems that it didn't survive Rawls' turn to political liberalism it can be found in Rawls's notion of meaningful work which is present throughout whole of his work.

Paper examines relation between welfare state, socvial trust and social inclusion claiming that welfare instiutions should be also concerned not only by providing material goods but also discretionary time and public space.

Tema ovoga završnoga rada je prikaz, osvrt i kritika naturalističke pozicije P. Kropotkina. Kroz ovaj rad naglašeno je koji su motivi bili za izradu Kropotkinova interdisciplinarnog rada te je objašnjeno kako je ono odgovaralo duhu vremena doba u kojem je nastalo. Osvrtom i kritikom njegove teorije, pokazano je koji su njeni mogući nedostatci u današnjim okvirima, no i jednako tako koliko je takav rad bio prijeko potreban kao posljednje njegovo djelo s kojim je trebao okruniti svoje stvaralašvo. Kroz interpretaciju njegove teorije, korišteni su njegovi tekstovi i naglašeno je kako su argumenti za dokazivanje njegove teorije tekli te kako se time teorija s njenom formom i sadržajem gradila.

Recentnija istraživanja o umjetnosti često se susreću s činjenicom da je ulogu umjetnosti u suvremenom društvu teško definirati, iz čega proizlazi cijeli niz problema. Umjetničke kritike i analize, kao i filozofske rasprave o vrijednosti umjetnosti, ovise o ideji da umjetnost ima neku svrhu koju ispunjava. No ako ne znamo što bi umjetnost trebala raditi, kako možemo prosuditi koja umjetnost je dobra? Ako uloga umjetnosti u suvremenom društvu nije jasna, kako možemo znati koja umjetnička djela je uspješno ispunjavaju? Ovaj rad istražuje kako je do ovog problema došlo, analizirajući tri potencijalna uzroka. Prvi je taj da umjetnost više nema jedinstven cilj kao što je to imala u prošlosti. Drugi je taj da sve veće širenje masovne i popularne umjetnosti komplicira pitanje što je dobra umjetnost. Treći je taj da postoje slučajevi u kojima je moguće da je neka umjetnost uspješna, a da ju brojni ljudi istovremeno ne vole.

Ljudska prava su neizostavni temelji za pružanje dostojanstvenog života. Postoji više pristupa koji pokušaju objasniti opravdanje ljudskih prava. John Rawls konstruira ljudska prava iz načela pravednosti dok ih Robert Nozick temelji na prirodnim pravima. Veliki dio današnje politike, a posebno zapadne kulture, promovira ljudska prava za sve. No, sagledamo li povijest, znamo da to nije uvijek bio slučaj. Žene su kontinuirano bile marginalizirani dio društva za koje prava nisu vrijedila. O pravima žena se počelo pričati relativno nedavno. Ubacimo li pojmove – univerzalizam i kulturni relativizam – u kontekst ženskih prava, priča se dodatno problematizira. Martha Nussbaum je unutar svoje teorije spojila univerzalne norme s ljudskim pravima koju naziva teorija na temelju sposobnosti., Human rights are indispensable foundations for the provision of a dignified life. There are numerous approaches that try to explain the justification of human rights. John Rawls argued that human rights are constructed from the principle of justice, while Robert Nozick based them on natural rights. Much of today’s politics, especially pertaining to the Western civilization, advocate for universal human rights. However, if we examine the historic context of this idea, we quickly realize that this wasn't always the case. Women were continuously being marginalized, and equal rights did not apply to them. Discussions about women's rights started relatively recently. If we examine the terms „universalism“ and „cultural relativism“ in a context of women's rights, the matter gets even more complex. Martha Nussbaum combined the universal norms with the human rights, which she called The Capability Approach.

Rad ne sadrži sažetak.

This thesis posits the hypothesis that the formation of a symbiotic relationship between a child and its AI companion can create a realistically applicable, socially acceptable, fine-tuned, moral augmentation aligned with the child’s moral development. The first chapter presents the concept of moral augmentation, introduces the idea of symbiosis, and delineates the proposal’s philosophical and technical differences from existing moral enhancement approaches. The second chapter grounds the discussion of AI capacities on realistic technical possibilities and shows why these machine limitations lead to ethical symbiotic partnerships. The third chapter explicates the necessary ethical requirements for the design of artificial ethical agents and shows how these design requirements constitute ethical means by which the AI companion accomplishes moral augmentation. The fourth chapter expounds on the concept of Human-Artificial Intelligence Symbiosis. The fifth chapter proposes the symbiotic AI companion as the ethical artificial intelligence means towards the accomplishment of moral augmentation. First, the companion paradigm is provided, second, the ethical capacities by which the AI companion aims to achieve moral augmentation with the human child are elucidated, third the question of companion distribution in a democratic society is explored., Ova teza postavlja hipotezu kako stvaranje simbiotskog odnosa između djeteta i njegovog AI suputnika može stvoriti realno primjenjivu, lako prihvatljivu, fino podešenu, moralnu nadogradnju usklađenu s djetetovim moralnim razvojem. Prvo poglavlje predstavlja koncept moralne nadogradnje, uvodi ideju simbioze i ocrtava filozofske i tehničke razlike prijedloga od postojećih pristupa moralnom poboljšanju: temeljne motivacije, konačne ciljeve moralnog poboljšanja i tehnološka sredstva za postizanje tih ciljeva. Drugo poglavlje utemeljuje raspravu o sposobnostima umjetne inteligencije na realističnim tehničkim mogućnostima i razlaže zašto strojna ograničenja dovode do simbiotskog partnerstva. Rasprava se usmjerava na metode strojnog učenja: učenje pod nadzorom, učenje bez nadzora, učenje podrškom. Treće poglavlje objašnjava potrebne etičke zahtjeve u dizajnu umjetnog etičkog agenta i pokazuje kako etički principi konstituiraju etička sredstva pomoću kojih AI suputnik postiže moralnu nadogradnju. Razlaže se i polje etike umjetne inteligencije, te strojna etika i robotska etika. Analizira se osnovne etičke principe umjetne inteligencije: robustnost, poštivanje ljudske autonomije, objašnjivost i strojna pravednost. Ovdje se također pojašnjava struktura etičkih modela koji upravljaju etičkim odlukama umjetnog agenta te se razmatra problem pouzdanosti umjetnih inteligencija i ljudske odgovornosti u etičkim odlukama. Četvrto poglavlje objašnjava koncept simbioze čovjeka i umjetne inteligencije. Prvo, izlažu se razlozi potrebe simbiotskog odnosa. Drugo, definira se simbiotski odnos i predlažu dvije verzije: jaka i slaba. Ilustriraju se simbiotska parterstva i analiziraju vitalne točke koncepta: autonomija, utjelovljenje, strojna ekspertiza, motivacijska potpora, pouzdanost. Peto poglavlje predlaže simbiotskog pratioca umjetne inteligencije kao društveno prihvatljivu etičku umjetnu inteligenciju za postizanje moralne nadogradnje. Prvo, izlaže se paradigma suputnika, pružaju se primjeri i analiziraju osnovne karakteristike – vjernost, transparentnost, fina podešenost, poštivanje moralne autonomije. Drugo, razjašnjavaju se etički kapaciteti kojima AI pratilac želi postići moralnu nadogradnju kod ljudskog djeteta. Oni uključuju etičke modele kojima suputnik donosi valjane etičke savjete, te afektivno računarstvo, metode umjetne inteligencije kojima se prepoznaje, intepretira i simulira ljudske emocije. Ovim metodama suputnik cilja ostvariti moralnu motivaciju i emotivnu stabilnost. Konačno, istražuje se problematika distribucije suputnika u demokratskom društvu. Ovdje pokazujem na koji način distribucija suputnika umjetne inteligencije može pogoršati postojeće asimetrije moći u društvu i ugroziti demokratske procese. Kao moguće rješenje predlažem usvajanje regulatornog pristupa.

The thesis focuses on the epistemic (cognitive) character of democratic institutional practices and the protection of basic liberties in Mill's political thought, using it as a basis for the interpretation of institutional political proposals and moral standards within his theory. Mill addresses various issues and offers proposals that often seem to be motivated by different reasons and lead to diverse, sometimes even incompatible, results. I hold that identifying the epistemic criteria within Mill's proposals can serve as a basis for unifying his political thought. Furthermore, it can help us resolve the tension between political and epistemic values present in contemporary discussions. The thesis analyses several underinvestigated ideas in Mill's political thought. It characterizes Mill as an epistemic democrat and sets his theory in the broader explanatory framework related to the justification of collective decision-making procedures. My work follows Mill's sophisticated argumentation from its roots in utilitarian moral theory to its implications in liberal democracy. This thesis has three parts. In the first part (first, second and third chapter), I discuss and elaborate on the two basic criteria Mill uses to evaluate different forms of government (or different decision-authorization procedures). Furthermore, I analyze Mill's argument for the epistemic value of political disagreement, which establishes Mill as an epistemic liberal and represents a foundation for his future characterization as an epistemic democrat. In the second part (fourth, fifth, sixth and seventh chapter), I fully develop the epistemic interpretation of Mill's political thought, arguing that Mill values democracy for its instrumental epistemic qualities. Additionally, I analyze and evaluate epistemic arguments for various mechanisms Mill introduces to filter the public will, thus protecting decision-authorization and decision-making procedures from incompetence, vehemence and negligence. These filtering mechanisms include public balloting, advocacy as a model of political representation, division of epistemic and political labor between the representative body (the parliament) and expert bodies (legislative commissions and executive government), as well as the limited autonomy and authority of the local government. Finally, I emphasize Mill's epistemic justification of plural voting proposal and his views on the epistemic value of partisanship. In the third part of the thesis (eighth chapter), I address the alleged problem of paternalism and indicate how epistemic interpretation can help us preserve consistency in Mill's political thought. The thesis offers a novel interpretation of Mill's political philosophy and discusses its possible application in the contemporary world, particularly concerning the division of epistemic and political labor between the representative and the executive branch of government and the role of experts in democratic decision-making procedures., Temeljni problem kojim se bavi disertacija jest određenje epistemičkog (spoznajnog) značaja demokratskih institucionalnih praksi i zaštite temeljnih sloboda u Millovoj političkoj misli kao osnove za interpretaciju institucionalnih političkih rješenja i moralnih standarda u njegovoj teoriji. Mill se bavi različitim temama te predlaže rješenja koja ponekad izgledaju kao da su motivirana različitim razlozima i vode do različitih, pa i suprotstavljenih, ishoda. Smatram da određenje epistemičkog kriterija među političkim rješenjima koja nudi može služiti kao osnova za objedinjenje njegove misli. Pored toga, može služiti i za povezivanje Milla s rješenjem napetosti između političkih i epistemičkih vrijednosti koja je prisutna u suvremenim raspravama. Milla se karakterizira kao epistemičkog demokrata te se njegova teorija stavlja u širi okvir opravdanja kolektivnih procedura donošenja odluka. Disertacija slijedi Millovu sofisticiranu argumentaciju od njenih korijena u utilitarističkoj moralnoj teoriji do njenih implikacija u liberalnoj demokraciji. Disertacija je podijeljena u tri dijela. U prvom dijelu (prvo, drugo i treće poglavlje) izlažu se i pojašnjavaju dva temeljna kriterija koja Mill koristi kako bi evaluirao različite oblike vlasti (ili različite procedure autorizacije političkih odluka). Nadalje, analizira se Millov argument za epistemičku vrijednost političkog neslaganja, kojim se Milla predstavlja kao epistemičkog liberala i na osnovi kojeg se temelji buduća karakterizacija Milla kao epistemičkog demokrata. U drugom dijelu (četvrto, peto, šesto i sedmo poglavlje) razvija se epistemička interpretacija Millove političke misli te se utvrđuje kako Mill cijeni demokraciju zbog njezinih instrumentalnih epistemičkih kvaliteta. Nadalje, analiziraju se i evaluiraju epistemički argumenti za razne mehanizme koje Mill uvodi kako bi filtrirao javnu volju, te tako zaštitio procedure donošenja i autorizacije političkih odluka od neznanja, ishitrenosti ili nemara. Ovi mehanizmi uključuju prijedlog javnog glasanja, zastupništvo kao model političkog predstavljanja, podjelu političkog i epistemičkog rada između predstavničkog tijela (parlament) i stručnih tijela (komisije za izradu zakona, izvršna vlast), kao i ograničenu autonomiju i autoritet lokalne vlasti i uprave. Završno, naglašava se Millovo epistemičko opravdanje prijedloga višestrukog prava glasa te njegova razmišljanja o epistemičkoj vrijednosti političkih stranaka. U trećem dijelu disertacije (osmo poglavlje) obrađuje se pretpostavljeni problem paternalizma te se pokazuje kako nam epistemička interpretacija pomaže sačuvati konzistentnost unutar Millove političke misli. Disertacija nudi originalnu interpretaciju Millove političke filozofije te razmatra njene moguće primjene na suvremeni svijet, osobito vezano uz podjelu epistemičkog i političkog rada između predstavničke i izvršne vlasti te uz ulogu stručnjaka u procedurama demokratskog odlučivanja.

Distributivna pravednost, koja uključujuće podjelu društvenih blagodati i tereta društvene kooperacije, važno je pitanje u filozofiji politike. Anarhistički pristup ovoj temi ima tri generalna povijesna pravca: mutualizam, kolektivizam i anarhokomunizam. Ovisno o pristupu, redistribucija se vrši na razini sredstva za proizvodnju, zemlje i dobara. Kasnije će ovi pravci utjecati na budući razvoj anarhističke misli. Za razumijevanje anarhizma, potrebno je shvatiti povijesni kontekst te razmatrati i kritički ispitati koja im je uloga danas. Moderni oblik ideologije nastao je sredinom 19. stoljeća te s njezinim ubrzanim širenjem, počinje se dijeliti na individualni i socijalni anarhizam. Socijalna varijanta (Bakunjin, Kropotkin) ističe važnost kolektivnog udruživanja u postizanju zajedničkih ciljeva te se najčešće svrstava u socijalistički (radnički) pokret, dok individualni anarhizam ostaje samo na razini osobne autonomije (Godwin, Stirner). Anarhizam se na području današnjih hrvatskih zemlja pojavio 1880.-ih i doživljava represalije već pod banovanjem Khuena-Héderváryja (1883.-1903.). U kontinentalnom dijelu, anarhisti tj. „slobodari“ pojavljuju zbog utjecaja austrijskih i mađarskih anarhista na to područje, dok u Istri i Dalmaciji njihov broj rase s čitanjem radikalnih tiskovina i zbog kontakata s talijanskim anarhistima. Anarhisti s područja današnjih hrvatskih zemalja sudjeluju u Španjolskom građanskom ratu (1936.-1939.), a u periodu socijalističke Jugoslavije se malo zna o njima. Od relativno nedavno, u Hrvatskoj su se ponovno pojavile anarhističke političke organizacije.

The thesis examines foundational arguments of design and assessment of social epistemic systems, an area of epistemology which studies epistemic properties of social and institutional arrangements. First chapter presents the historical overview of institutional epistemology, focusing on pragmatism, experimentalism and democracy in the work of John Dewey, ignorance, norms, pluralism and market in the work of Friedrich Hayek, and the contemporary use of simulations in epistemological research. Second chapter condenses the advances in the discipline: (i) comparative standard for the assessment of social epistemic systems is defined; (ii) baseline conditions of the epistemic life of the population are defined; (iii) instrumentalist arguments for normative pluralism and universal inclusion as the primary features of epistemically superior social epistemic systems are derived from the two constraints of design. Third chapter opens a discussion on the index of epistemic progress by which the features would be assessed., Ovaj se rad bavi temeljnim argumentima o dizajnu i procjeni društvenih epistemičkih sustava, dijelu epistemologije koji istražuje epistemička svojstva društvenih i institucijskih uređenja. Prvo poglavlje sadrži povijesni pregled institucijske epistemologije, s fokusom na teme pragmatizma, eksperimentalizma i demokracije kod Johna Deweya, teme neznanja, normi, pluralizma i tržišta kod Friedricha Hayeka, te suvremena istraživanja u disciplini obilježena upotrebom simulacija kao metodološkom inovacijom, kroz rad Scotta Pagea, Michaela Weisberga, Ryana Muldoona, i Kevina Zollmana. Drugo poglavlje sažima napretke u disciplini pregledane u prvom poglavlju i nudi novu formulaciju temeljnih argumenata. Prvo, definira se komparativni standard za procjenu društvenih epistemičkih sustava – nakon pregleda, kritike i odbacivanja „istine“ i „razvoja agenta“, brani se „sposobnost sustava da revidira lažna vjerovanja“ kao komparativni standard. Drugo, definiraju se osnovni uvjeti društvenog epistemičkog sustava kao ograničenja na potencijalni dizajn – agenti su epistemički suboptimalni, vođeni normama, te njihov broj je konačan ali nepoznat. Treće, iz navedena dva ograničenja u dizajnu (komparativnog standarda i osnovnih uvjeta), izvode se instrumentalistički argumenti za normativni pluralizam i univerzalnu inkluziju kao primarna svojstva epistemički superiornog društvenog epistemičkog sustava. Treće poglavlje otvara raspravu o indeksu epistemičkog razvoja kojime bi se navedena svojstva procjenjivala.

U ovom radu raspravlja se o satiri i njezinoj korelaciji sa slobodom govora. Da bi se najbolje shvatila problematika, u radu se prvo obrađuje pitanje slobode govora i što ona obuhvaća. Sloboda govora nije definirana svugdje u svijetu na jednak način i zato se posebno uspoređuje shvaćanje slobode govora u Europi i u SAD-u. Nakon definicije slobode govora i mišljenja, slijedi obrazloženje njezine važnosti pa zatim filozofski i pravni pogled na slobodu govora. Za razvoj ove teme važno je obrazložiti koje su granice slobode govora i koje su odrednice govora mržnje. Nakon toga slijedi usporedba uvrede i govora mržnje koje su kao termini povezani, ali često krivo interpretirani. Središnji dio rada odnosi se na sam pojam satire, njezinu povijest, primjere i povezanost sa parodijom. Završni dio rada donosi primjere satire u svijetu. Primjer South Parka jasno oslikava slobodu govora i položaj satire u Americi, slučaj News Bara i Feral Tribunea taj položaj u Hrvatskoj, a slučaj „Morar protiv Rumunjske“ prikazuje stav i položaj Europskog suda za ljudska prava., In this paper essay the discussion will be focused on satire and its correlation with freedom of speech. In order to understand the main issue better, the beginning of this paper essay will focus on the freedom of speech and what it includes first. Freedom of speech is not defined equally everywhere in the world which is why the understanding of the freedom of speech in Europe and USA will be specially compared. After defining freedom of speech and opinion, next there will be an explanation of its importance, followed by philosophical and legal view on the freedom of speech. To develop this theme, it is important to explain the boundaries of freedom of speech as well as determinants of hate speech. Afterwards, focus will be set on comparison of an insult and hate speech which are correlated as terms, but misinterpreted most of the time. The central part of this paper essay refers to the term of satire alone, its history, examples and connection to parody. Final part of this paper essay will offer examples of satire around the world. Example set on South Park clearly depics freedom of speech and satire position in America, New bar and Feral Tribune case shows that position in Croatia, and Morar against Romania impersonates attitude and position of European Court of Human Rights.

Moralnost je karakteristika čovjeka koja se razvija tijekom cijelog života, ali su mnoga istraživanja pokazala da se primarno razvija u djetinjstvu i adolescenciji. Točan početak razvoja moralnosti je još uvijek predmet istraživanja, ali sve više istraživača dolazi do zaključka da se ona razvija u vrlo ranoj dobi. U ovom radu prikazat ću najdominantnije teorije moralnog razvoja djece. Počet ću od revolucionarnog Piagetovog istraživanja koji je potaknuo velik broj drugih istraživanja u ovoj domeni, a posebno je nadahnuo istraživanje Lawrencea Kohlberga čija je developmentalistička teorija moralnog razvoja temeljenog na stadijima jedna od najdominatnijih. Naime, Kohlberg je osmislio testove koji se temelje na određenim moralnim i logičkim konceptima koje je zadavao djeci te je na taj način mjerio njihovu sposobnost moralnog rasuđivanja. Na temelju tih testova formirao je stadije moralnog razvoja koji su trebali vjerno prikazivati sposobnost djeteta da donosi moralne odluke. Ovoj teoriji posebno se suprotstavljala Carol Gilligan koja je u svojem poznatom radu „In a Different Voice“ nastojala negirati Kohlbergovo kontroverzno istraživanje koje je pokazalo kako se djevojčice u prosjeku nalaze na nižoj razini moralnog razvoja, što je povlačilo da su žene u prosjeku moralno inferiornije od muškaraca. Njezini argumenti ukazali su na to da su Kohlbergovi testovi bazirani na logici, a njoj su skloniji muškarci, te je pokazala kako žene drugačijim načinom razmišljanja dolaze do ispravnih rješenja moralnih dilema. Ukoliko prihvatimo da postoje stadiji moralnog razvoja koji su takvi da djeca postepeno prelaze s jednog stadija na drugi dok ne dosegnu moralnu zrelost, postavlja se pitanje možemo li na neki način utjecati na njihov moralni razvoj te ga pospješiti ili ubrzati. Moralnost je nešto što se u društvu uglavnom uči usputno. Učimo ga u ranoj dobi od roditelja koji nas odgajaju te kasnije indirektno od nastavnika kroz osnovno i srednjoškolsko obrazovanje, ali u školskom kurikulumu ne postoji predmet u kojem bismo djecu učili o moralu, kako biti moralni i slično. U ovom djelu rada proučit ću najvažnije oblike moralne edukacije. Započet ću s tradicionalnim pristupom moralnoj edukaciji kojem je cilj djecu učiti o unaprijed zadanim moralnim pravilima koje je propisalo društvo. Nastavit ću s novijim i promišljenijim oblicima moralne edukacije poput one temeljene na prethodno spomenutoj Kohlbergovoj razvojnoj teoriji koja njeguje sposobnost moralnog rasuđivanja, do teorije Nel Noddings koja smatra kako je cilj moralne edukacije postići da djeca nauče brinuti o drugima. Na samom kraju iznijet ću svoje mišljenje o ovim teorijama te ću dati objašnjenje zašto sam se u domeni moralne edukacije opredijelila za Noddingsinu teoriju baziranu na etici brige., Morality in a human being is a characteristic that continues to develop throughout his or hers entire life, but a lot of studies have shown that it primarily develops in early childhood and adolescence. The exact beginning of development is something that is still being researched, but more and more researchers have come to the conclusion that it starts developing at a very early age. In this paper I will try to display the most dominant theories of moral development in children starting with a revolutionary research paper written by Piaget which instigated a large amount of other studies in this domain, especially the one done by Lawrence Kohlberg. His developmental theory of moral development based on stages is one of the most dominant in the field. Kohlberg has developed tests which were based on particular moral and logical concepts which he then gave to children. The tests were supposed to evaluate their ability to engage in moral reasoning. Based on the test results he formed the aforementioned stages of moral development which were supposed to faithfully display the childs ability to make moral descisions. Carol Gilligan especially opposed this theory in her famous work „In a Different Voice“ where she tried to deny Kohlberg's controversial study which demonstrated that girls in average score lower than boys on the tests that he devised which, in turn, means that they position on lower stages than boys. This also meaned that females are generally morally inferior to males. Her arguments showed that the tests that Kohlberg devised were based on a logic which favoured men and also pointed out that women come to the same, correct solutions to moral dilemmas using a different train of thought. If we accept that stages of moral development exist and that children gradually move from one stage to the other until they reach moral maturity, we have to ask is there a way to affect their moral development and further enhance it or at least speed it up. In todays society, morality is being taught indirectly. We develop it in our early years through our parents which raise us and later on we learn it indirectly through teachers in primary and secondary education but there is no particular subject in the school curriculum where children would learn how to act morally. In this part of the paper I will lay out the most important forms of moral education. I will start with the traditional approach to moral education in which the goal is to teach children how to act according to the moral rules that were already set by the society. I will continue with newer and more thought-out forms of moral education starting with the one based on the aforementioned Kohlberg's developmental theory which cherishes the ability of the child to reason. The second theory is the one developed by Nel Noddings which stands behind the idea that the goal of moral education is to make children care for others. In the very end I will state my opinion about these theories and give an explanation to why I chose Noddings care theory in the domain of moral education which is based on care ethics.

Bilo je potrebno vremena da filozofi počinju uzimati problem okrutnog odnošenja prema životinjama kao problem vrijedan filozofske rasprave i filozofskog promatranja. Objavljivanjem prvog izdanja knjige filozofa Petera Singera Oslobođenje životinja sredinom sedamdesetih godina prošlog stoljeća, koja se smatra tzv. biblijom pokreta za oslobođenje (ili prava ili zaštitu) životinja, a u kojoj se ukazuje na etički princip jednakosti koji se proširuje na životinje te iskorištavanje ne-ljudskih životinja u svrhe ljudskih životinja poput oruđa za istraživanje, hrane, kozmetike, mode i drugog, rasprava o životinjskim pravima postaje opširnija i bogatija. S problemom specizma, uz Singera, ozbiljnije su se bavili i filozofi poput: Toma Regana i Joan Dunayer. Namjera ovog diplomskog rada je napraviti kratki prikaz koji zahvaća problem specizma odnosno diskriminacije na osnovi vrste ili kako to piše Singer: predrasude ili stava u korist interesa članova nečije vlastite vrste, a protiv članova drugih vrsta.1 Središnji zadatak tog prikaza specizma jest pružiti kritički prikaz odnošenja ljudskih životinja prema ne-ljudskim životinjama isključivo zbog vlastite svrhe tako da se najprije slijedi tumačenje specizma Petera Singera, a zatim i tumačenje Toma Regana te Joan Dunayer. Unatoč razlikama u tumačenju specizma, svi navedeni filozofi slažu se oko činjenice da je specizam potrebno izbjeći ili u najmanju ruku reducirati. Najprije će se objasniti sam pojam specizma, a zatim će se ukazati i na njegove posljedice: u eksperimentiranju i u obliku prehrane. Nakon toga, iznijet će se određeni prigovori u kojima se opravdava ili brani specizam. Dakle, rad je tumačen nadovezujući se na tumačenja specizma triju filozofa: Singerovo tumačenje specizma, Reganovo tumačenje specizma te Dunayerino tumačenje specizma, a svako od ovih tumačenja povezat će se zaključkom na kraju rada. Cilj ovoga rada jest ukazati na bespotrebne posljedice specizma, odnosno ljudsko, bespotrebno uzdizanje nad ostalim vrstama zbog svojevrsnog egocentrizma ili stava da je ljudsko postojanje najvažnije. Pitanje koje se onda postavlja jest: kome su ljudi najbitniji? Odgovor je: sebi samima, baš kao što su i životinje važne same sebi, samo što je stav životinja ljudima lakše ignorirati.

Rad ne sadrži sažetak.

Rad ne sadrži sažetak.

Diljem svijeta milijuni stanovnika svakodnevno trguju ukradenim proizvodima. Auti koje voze, mobiteli kojima razgovaraju te nakit i odjeća koju nose, dio su lanca međunarodne trgovine resursima. Svi ti proizvodi nastali su od ukradenih sirovina otetih iz ruku potplaćenih radnika negdje daleko od očiju potrošača. Jedna od važnijih kritika međunarodne trgovine danas jest ta da njeni trenutni zakonski okviri omogućavaju prodaju i daljnju preradu ukradenih sirovina .

Disertacija se bavi pitanjem ljudskih prava radnih migranta u Europskoj uniji na teorijskoj i empirijskoj razini. Na razini suvremene normativne političke teorije rad istraţuje odnos imigranata i zajednice primateljice kroz suprotstavljenost kozmopolitizma i komunitarizma te utvrĎuje jesu li ove političke doktrine potencijalno pomirljive u pristupu ljudskim pravima imigranata bilo na razini njihovog ulaska ili članstva u zajednicama primateljicama. U svom empirijskom dijelu disertacija rasvjetljuje kako se dihotomija kozmopolitizam-komunitarizam odraţava na europsku imigracijsku politiku te moţe li se kroz analizu njezinog dizajna doći do zaključka o mogućnosti pomirenja spomenutih teorijskih pristupa. U tu svrhu metodom tematske analize ispituju se ciljevi i instrumenti, kao i ciljane skupine te načela oblikovanja ove politike u ključnim dokumentima Europskoga vijeća, Europske komisije, Vijeća ministara i Europskog parlamenta. Rad predlaţe modele dizajna europske imigracijske politike i povezuje ih s navedenim teorijskim pristupima u donošenju zaključka o elementima u kojima su oni pomirljivi u pristupu ljudskim pravima radnih migranata., The dissertation deals with human rights of labour immigrants in the European Union at the theoretical and the empirical level. At the level of contemporary normative political theory, the dissertation explores the relationship between immigrants and receiving communities through contraposition of cosmopolitanism and communitarianism and establishes whether these political doctrines can be reconciled in their approach to immigrants‘ human rights either at the level of their admission or membership. In its empirical part, the dissertation throws light on how the dichotomy between cosmopolitanism and communitarianism is reflected in the EU immigration policy and discusses whether the conclusion about their rapprochement may be reached by analysing its design. For that purpose, the methodology of thematic analysis is used in order to examine the objectives and instruments, as well as the target groups and policy principles in the key documents of the European Council, the European Commission, the Council of Ministers and the European Parliament. The dissertation proposes models of EU immigration policy design and connects them to the two theoretical approaches in reaching the conclusion about the elements in which they may be reconciled.

Well-being is a philosophical discussion that deals with the question of what it means to live a good life and this thesis deals with a part of contemporary discussion on well-being. There are two opposing branches of theories – the subjective one that deals with what it means to live a good life from the subject‟s point of view or from the inside, while the objective theories deal with what it means to live a good life according to some objective criteria that are from the outside of the individual. My attempt in this work is to reconcile the two opposing sides by opting for one objective theory and one subjective while arguing that these theories can be complementary, even though they belong to opposite camps. First, I delineate the concept of well-being from other similar concepts in order to clarify what I will be talking about, after which I offer different classifications of theories of well-being and their particular features. Then, I opt for one objective theory, endorsed by Martha Nussbaum, called the capability approach while also offering my own views on it together with its strengths and weaknesses. After that, I outline a theory proposed by Valerie Tiberius called the value fulfillment theory, which is a subjective theory while also taking into account her efforts of making her theory of well-being applicable to everyday situations. Ultimately, I compare the two theories outlining the aspects in which they differ and emphasizing the things they have in common, ending with directions for action and conclusion.

Knjiga predstavlja zbirku razgovora i predavanja "Religija i javnost" na Filozofskom fakultetu Sveučilišta u Rijeci 2014/2015