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Deze bijdrage gaat over de veranderende patronen van armoede op het platteland en bij boeren in de periode 1950-2000. Na een algemene inleiding wordt ingegaan op het begrip armoede. In dit gedeelte schetsen we verschillende soorten armoede, aan de hand van de metaforen over kapitaal van Bourdieu (1977), en wijzen we op een vierde vorm van kapitaal die voor boeren van belang is: het ecologische kapitaal. Dan volgt een beschrijving van de armoede op het platteland in de late jaren veertig en de jaren vijftig. Dit gebeurt door de situatie van welvaart en armoede te plaatsen tegen de achtergrond van oorspronkelijke landschaps- en nederzettingstypen. Daarna volgt een case-study over veranderingen en ontwikkelingen in een Fries dorp (Ureterp) met meerdere landschappen. Het volgende deel is een samenvatting van de resultaten van recente onderzoeken naar armoede bij agrarische gezinsbedrijven. In het slotdeel wordt de huidige aan de landbouw gerelateerde armoede op het platteland vergeleken met die van een halve eeuw terug

Met hoger opgeleide ondernemers en een meer mkb-achtige aanpak heeft het gezinsbedrijf toekomst. "Het onderscheid tussen operationeel werk en managementtaken groeit."

Ons Boerenland is een aangepaste en geactualiseerde boekuitgave van het eerder uitgegeven verzamelwerk in 35 afleveringen (uitgave in samenwerking met de Stichting Historisch Boerderij-Onderzoek (SHBO)). Dit lijvig boekwerk is tevens voorzien van een zakenregister. Van arenlezen, via bakhuis, crisisvarkenswet, duivelsknol, eiermijn, Flipje Tiel tot stolp, trekossen, vlasteelt, wereldcrisis tot zuivelfabriek

De toenemende omvang van agrarische bedrijven vergroot de kans dat meerdere huishoudingen van een bedrijf afhankelijk zijn. Het traditionele eenmansbedrijf wordt dan ook steeds vaker vervangen door complexere eigendomsstructuren. Het karakter van het agrarische gezinsbedrijf, waar de zaken aan de keukentafel worden besproken, blijft echter in de meeste gevallen bestaan

Ons Boerenland is een aangepaste en geactualiseerde boekuitgave van het eerder uitgegeven verzamelwerk in 35 afleveringen (uitgave in samenwerking met de Stichting Historisch Boerderij-Onderzoek (SHBO)). Dit lijvig boekwerk is tevens voorzien van een zakenregister. Van arenlezen, via bakhuis, crisisvarkenswet, duivelsknol, eiermijn, Flipje Tiel tot stolp, trekossen, vlasteelt, wereldcrisis tot zuivelfabriek

The research was carried out among banana-farming households in the districts of Masaka and Kabarole in Uganda. A gendered livelihood approach was used. The research focused on the identification of critical factors that need to be taken into consideration in the development of relevant policies for HIV/AIDS-affected agriculture-based households or those that are at risk. The book shows that HIV/AIDS causes significant negative effects on the lives of those affected and their resources due to HIV/AIDS-related labour loss and asset-eroding effects and disinvestment in production and child education. While in the overwhelming majority of the affected cases the effects of AIDS are negative and lead to increased impoverishment and vulnerability, for some households HIV/AIDS-related effects are manageable. It is concluded that a household’s socio-economic status and demographic characteristics influence the magnitude of HIV/AIDS-related impacts experienced and capacity to cope. The study also highlights some historically specific social practices, policies, and ideologies that continue to maintain or reproduce distinct forms of inequality, with certain social groups being marginalized and others being privileged. Unless these are redressed, they will continue to aggravate people’s vulnerability regardless of the type of shock that they are exposed to or experience.

The research was carried out among banana-farming households in the districts of Masaka and Kabarole in Uganda. A gendered livelihood approach was used. The research focused on the identification of critical factors that need to be taken into consideration in the development of relevant policies for HIV/AIDS-affected agriculture-based households or those that are at risk. The book shows that HIV/AIDS causes significant negative effects on the lives of those affected and their resources due to HIV/AIDS-related labour loss and asset-eroding effects and disinvestment in production and child education. While in the overwhelming majority of the affected cases the effects of AIDS are negative and lead to increased impoverishment and vulnerability, for some households HIV/AIDS-related effects are manageable. It is concluded that a household’s socio-economic status and demographic characteristics influence the magnitude of HIV/AIDS-related impacts experienced and capacity to cope. The study also highlights some historically specific social practices, policies, and ideologies that continue to maintain or reproduce distinct forms of inequality, with certain social groups being marginalized and others being privileged. Unless these are redressed, they will continue to aggravate people’s vulnerability regardless of the type of shock that they are exposed to or experience.

Agricultural technology is known to be a catalyst for agricultural development and rural poverty reduction through increases in food production and/or reduction in production costs. Various government policy and strategic documents emphasize the important role of the agricultural sector as the leading driver for development in Kenya. The recently launched Economic Recovery Strategy for Wealth and Employment Creation (ERS Republic of Kenya 2003) identifies the adoption of appropriate agricultural technologies and practices as one of the imperative themes that will generate the surplus needed to feed the increasing population and to propel economic growth. However, the role of agricultural technology in poverty reduction is currently being played out in an increasingly multifaceted environment, featuring the growing complexity of farming rural households' livelihood strategies and the effects of HIV/AIDS on household assets and livelihood strategies. The current challenge facing agricultural research in countries threatened by HIV/AIDS is to develop technologies that meet the evolving challenges of HIV/AIDS-affected farming households without compromising productivity and sustainability of their livelihoods.This study investigated the suitability of the tissue-cultured banana technology in rural farming households in Central Kenya in the context of HIV/AIDS. The study adopts a livelihood approach and provides detailed information on farming household assets and livelihood strategies. It examines the effects of HIV/AIDS on household assets and compares the consequent livelihood strategies undertaken in HIV/AIDS-affected and non-affected farming households. The study evaluates in detail banana farming as one of the livelihood strategies and assesses the significance of the tissue-cultured banana technology for the livelihood of the farming households. The effects of HIV/AIDS on the local extension services and how this influences the adoption of tissue cultured-banana technology adoption is investigated. A gender perspective of access to assets, HIV/AIDS impacts, livelihood activities and outcomes is integrated. The sample population was selected on the basis of use or non-use of the tissue-cultured banana among banana farming households. Within each of these samples, both HIV/AIDS-affected and non-affected households were selected. The data used in the analysis were collected through a mixed-method approach incorporating quantitative and qualitative data. The quantitative data was collected through a formal survey whereas qualitative data was collected through in-depth interviews, focus group discussions and key informant interviews. The study was conducted in Maragua district, which is a banana-growing region in Central Kenya where the tissue-cultured banana has been introduced. The study elaborates the following research questions:1. How do assets available to farming households influence their livelihood options, activities and outcomes?2. What are the impacts of HIV/AIDS on farming households' assets and consequently livelihood options, activities and outcomes?3. What is the role of the tissue-cultured banana in the livelihood activities and outcomes of farming households?Because farming households differ in their asset endowment, they undertake differing livelihood strategies and respond differently to both shocks and development interventions. To capture this heterogeneity, by means of factor and cluster analysis, a typology according to resource endowment was constructed yielding three types of farming households: low-, medium- and high-resource endowment farming households using factor and cluster analysis. The classification was based on households' asset endowment in terms of human capital (age, sex, education level of the household head and household size); natural capital (size of land); financial capital (savings and access to credit); physical capital (livestock, farm equipment and personal household item value); and social capital (membership in community organization).The low resource endowment category is composed of a high proportion of elderly (65+) female-headed households with a low level of education of the household head and a high demographic dependency ratio. Households in this category have small pieces of land inherited from their parents, and half of them have no title deeds for the land. The households have no access to formal credit and no savings. They have low physical capital in terms of livestock, farm equipment and household items. They are producing mainly for own consumption and earn extra income by selling their own labour in agricultural activities.The medium resource endowment group is composed almost entirely of male-headed households who have relative high education level. They have large pieces of land (on average>0.8 ha) with title deeds, have some savings and access to both formal and informal credit. They have more livestock, farm equipment and personal household items than the type one households. They mostly produce for own consumption and also for the market. They also earn extra income through formal and non-formal employment and are engaged in trading, service provision. They receive remittances from migrant household members.The high resource endowment farming households have of educated male household heads with large land size which is registered with title deeds. They have access to informal credit but do not have savings. They have the highest livestock and farm equipment value. The majority of households in this group do not take on other income diversification activities and are mostly engaged in production of banana for the market and maize and beans for home consumption. They have the largest proportion of migrants and receive more remittances than the other two categories of households.Generally, there is a high level of social capital in the study area as indicated by the large number of households involved in community organizations. The community groups existing in the area are: farming groups, rotating savings-and-credit associations (ROSCAs), burial societies, village committees, clan-based groups, religious groups and HIV/AIDS-associated groups. In general, households in medium and high resource endowment categories have higher number of household members engaged in groups than in the low resource endowment category. However, these groups may not necessarily lead to economic prosperity as most of them are homogenous and hardly connected to outside resources.Despite the differences in assets endowment among the farming households, no significant differences were observed in their incidence of HIV/AIDS. However, differences were observed in asset endowment and household characteristics between HIV/AIDS-affected and non-affected farming households. Comparing affected and non- affected farming households showed that HIV/AIDS-affected households are mostly female-headed, have a significantly higher dependency ratio, and experience a greater shortage of labour despite their larger household size. Land sale, a commonly quoted strategy for household labour loss related to HIV/AIDS is rare in the study area. This is possibly due to cultural beliefs associated with land which deter the sale of ancestral land. Lack of transferability rights (as more than half of the households in sample population have no title deeds to their land) could also be a deterrence factor of land sale. Affected households have adopted various labour coping strategies such as labour re-allocation, hiring labour and bringing in relatives. Some affected households have stopped growing labour-intensive vegetable crops while some have altogether abandoned their land. To cater for the high direct and indirect costs, HIV/AIDS-affected households have various sources of income. These include borrowing from informal sources (ROSCAS, relatives and extended family members) and they also receive remittances from migrant household members. Membership in ROSCAS is crucial as it enables households to access informal credit. In addition to farming, HIV/AIDS-affected households have diversified income sources in the form of rent from land and they engage in labour migration.The adoption of tissue-cultured banana is positively related to financial and physical capitals. The high and medium resource endowment households that have financial capital in form of savings and access to credit are more likely to grow tissue-cultured banana. This is primarily because of the high cost of the tissue-cultured plantlets. Furthermore, the results suggest that affected households are most likely not to adopt the tissue-cultured banana technology. Thus, for the technology to benefit resource-poor farming households who constitute the majority of the sample population, efforts must be made to increase their access to financial capital or lower the cost of tissue-cultured plantlets.Increased farm output resulting from technology adoption is expected to result in various outcomes such as increased household food security, increased income through the sale of extra produce, and reinvestment into household activities. Both HIV/AIDS-affected and non-affected households growing tissue-cultured banana reported an increase in banana production, income and food, which they attributed to the adoption of the technology. However, HIV/AIDS-affected reported higher increases in production, income and food supply as a result of growing tissue-cultured banana.Although the area extension services have not directly suffered the attrition caused by HIV/AIDS, they are lacking skills, finances and human capacity in providing appropriate services to farming households and in particular the HIV/AIDS-affected households. Not only will more extension workers be needed, but contents of extension services also need to change in order to be responsive to the AIDS epidemic. Extension services need to cater to the knowledge needs of women, the elderly and the young.Female-headed households were found to be disadvantaged in several ways. The majority of them are in the low resource endowment farming household category. Firstly, female household heads have significantly lower education level than male-headed households. Secondly, their financial capital base is also low because they have no savings and their access to informal credit provided by community organisation is limited, having few household members engaged in these groups. In addition, female-headed households have significantly lower physical capital in terms of household assets which they could sell and get cash in times of crisis. Slightly over half of the female-headed households are HIV/AIDS-affected. These households have a significantly higher dependency ratio and a higher incidence of labour shortage than non-affected households despite their larger size. Renting out of land a strategy undertaken by HIV/AIDS-affected households is not common in female-headed households due to lack of transferability rights. Some of the household members have therefore opted to migrate to urban areas in search of employment, a strategy that further puts the households at risk of HIV/AIDS.In conclusion, policy-makers and development agents targeting agricultural technology development for food security and poverty reduction should take into account the diversity of farming households. Farming household capabilities, assets and activities should play a major role in shaping policy on agricultural technology development. Labour-saving technologies may indeed be appropriate for many households, especially female-headed HIV/AID-affected households that lack cash for hiring labour. However, agricultural research should focus on developing low risk technologies in terms of financial requirement that can assure farming household food security, as well as cash income to pay for school fees and basic necessities.

In dit boekje worden de belangrijkste meerwaarden van zorg beschreven. Onder meerwaarden wordt verstaan de voordelen die zorgboerderijen opleveren voor verschillende partijen en sectoren in de samenleving zoals cliënten, het boerengezin, het platteland en de zorgsector. Gekeken is op welke terreinen zorglandbouw aanvullend kan zijn

This thesis analyzes the effects of market liberalization and deregulation in the grain marketing channel on farm households in three villages in a less favored area inChina, taking into account the effects of market access. Market access is defined as the distance between the village that farm households reside in and the closest consumer markets. It is measured by the costs that private traders make to transport rice from the village to their buyers. The marketing channel models used in this study are extensions of simple models of competition, i.e. monopsony, Cournot, quantity leadership, price leadership, and perfect competition. To account for other factors than rice market liberalization and deregulation affecting village rice exports a nonseparable household CGE (Computable General Equilibrium) model is developed. The model accounts for non-separability of household decision making and for imperfect competition in the village rice export market (rice purchase market). Data used in this study are collected through personal interviews conducted in the study areas by the SERENA ( S trengthening E nvironmental and R esource E conomics atN anjingA griculturalUniversity) and RESPONSE ( Re gional Food S ecurity Po licies for N atural Resource Management and S ustainable E conomies) projects. This thesis shows thatChina's government has gradually liberalized and deregulated its grain market and relieved the fiscal budget from subsidizing the SGTCs (State Grain Trading Companies). Competition between the private traders and the SGTCs has become more intensive in the rice purchase market in 2000-03. State grain policies favored the SGTCs, which created an unfair competition environment for private traders. The pressure for further reforms to create a fair competition environment remains. Rice producers benefit from market liberalization and deregulation. How much they benefit depends on the degree of market imperfections before market liberalization and deregulation and the degree of market access. It is found the degree of competition in the rice purchase market is already intense in 2000. The effects of market liberalization and deregulation on farm households are less when taking into account the production of other farm products and off-farm employment.

This thesis analyzes the effects of market liberalization and deregulation in the grain marketing channel on farm households in three villages in a less favored area inChina, taking into account the effects of market access. Market access is defined as the distance between the village that farm households reside in and the closest consumer markets. It is measured by the costs that private traders make to transport rice from the village to their buyers. The marketing channel models used in this study are extensions of simple models of competition, i.e. monopsony, Cournot, quantity leadership, price leadership, and perfect competition. To account for other factors than rice market liberalization and deregulation affecting village rice exports a nonseparable household CGE (Computable General Equilibrium) model is developed. The model accounts for non-separability of household decision making and for imperfect competition in the village rice export market (rice purchase market). Data used in this study are collected through personal interviews conducted in the study areas by the SERENA ( S trengthening E nvironmental and R esource E conomics atN anjingA griculturalUniversity) and RESPONSE ( Re gional Food S ecurity Po licies for N atural Resource Management and S ustainable E conomies) projects. This thesis shows thatChina's government has gradually liberalized and deregulated its grain market and relieved the fiscal budget from subsidizing the SGTCs (State Grain Trading Companies). Competition between the private traders and the SGTCs has become more intensive in the rice purchase market in 2000-03. State grain policies favored the SGTCs, which created an unfair competition environment for private traders. The pressure for further reforms to create a fair competition environment remains. Rice producers benefit from market liberalization and deregulation. How much they benefit depends on the degree of market imperfections before market liberalization and deregulation and the degree of market access. It is found the degree of competition in the rice purchase market is already intense in 2000. The effects of market liberalization and deregulation on farm households are less when taking into account the production of other farm products and off-farm employment.

Agricultural technology is known to be a catalyst for agricultural development and rural poverty reduction through increases in food production and/or reduction in production costs. Various government policy and strategic documents emphasize the important role of the agricultural sector as the leading driver for development in Kenya. The recently launched Economic Recovery Strategy for Wealth and Employment Creation (ERS Republic of Kenya 2003) identifies the adoption of appropriate agricultural technologies and practices as one of the imperative themes that will generate the surplus needed to feed the increasing population and to propel economic growth. However, the role of agricultural technology in poverty reduction is currently being played out in an increasingly multifaceted environment, featuring the growing complexity of farming rural households' livelihood strategies and the effects of HIV/AIDS on household assets and livelihood strategies. The current challenge facing agricultural research in countries threatened by HIV/AIDS is to develop technologies that meet the evolving challenges of HIV/AIDS-affected farming households without compromising productivity and sustainability of their livelihoods.This study investigated the suitability of the tissue-cultured banana technology in rural farming households in Central Kenya in the context of HIV/AIDS. The study adopts a livelihood approach and provides detailed information on farming household assets and livelihood strategies. It examines the effects of HIV/AIDS on household assets and compares the consequent livelihood strategies undertaken in HIV/AIDS-affected and non-affected farming households. The study evaluates in detail banana farming as one of the livelihood strategies and assesses the significance of the tissue-cultured banana technology for the livelihood of the farming households. The effects of HIV/AIDS on the local extension services and how this influences the adoption of tissue cultured-banana technology adoption is investigated. A gender perspective of access to assets, HIV/AIDS impacts, livelihood activities and outcomes is integrated. The sample population was selected on the basis of use or non-use of the tissue-cultured banana among banana farming households. Within each of these samples, both HIV/AIDS-affected and non-affected households were selected. The data used in the analysis were collected through a mixed-method approach incorporating quantitative and qualitative data. The quantitative data was collected through a formal survey whereas qualitative data was collected through in-depth interviews, focus group discussions and key informant interviews. The study was conducted in Maragua district, which is a banana-growing region in Central Kenya where the tissue-cultured banana has been introduced. The study elaborates the following research questions:1. How do assets available to farming households influence their livelihood options, activities and outcomes?2. What are the impacts of HIV/AIDS on farming households' assets and consequently livelihood options, activities and outcomes?3. What is the role of the tissue-cultured banana in the livelihood activities and outcomes of farming households?Because farming households differ in their asset endowment, they undertake differing livelihood strategies and respond differently to both shocks and development interventions. To capture this heterogeneity, by means of factor and cluster analysis, a typology according to resource endowment was constructed yielding three types of farming households: low-, medium- and high-resource endowment farming households using factor and cluster analysis. The classification was based on households' asset endowment in terms of human capital (age, sex, education level of the household head and household size); natural capital (size of land); financial capital (savings and access to credit); physical capital (livestock, farm equipment and personal household item value); and social capital (membership in community organization).The low resource endowment category is composed of a high proportion of elderly (65+) female-headed households with a low level of education of the household head and a high demographic dependency ratio. Households in this category have small pieces of land inherited from their parents, and half of them have no title deeds for the land. The households have no access to formal credit and no savings. They have low physical capital in terms of livestock, farm equipment and household items. They are producing mainly for own consumption and earn extra income by selling their own labour in agricultural activities.The medium resource endowment group is composed almost entirely of male-headed households who have relative high education level. They have large pieces of land (on average>0.8 ha) with title deeds, have some savings and access to both formal and informal credit. They have more livestock, farm equipment and personal household items than the type one households. They mostly produce for own consumption and also for the market. They also earn extra income through formal and non-formal employment and are engaged in trading, service provision. They receive remittances from migrant household members.The high resource endowment farming households have of educated male household heads with large land size which is registered with title deeds. They have access to informal credit but do not have savings. They have the highest livestock and farm equipment value. The majority of households in this group do not take on other income diversification activities and are mostly engaged in production of banana for the market and maize and beans for home consumption. They have the largest proportion of migrants and receive more remittances than the other two categories of households.Generally, there is a high level of social capital in the study area as indicated by the large number of households involved in community organizations. The community groups existing in the area are: farming groups, rotating savings-and-credit associations (ROSCAs), burial societies, village committees, clan-based groups, religious groups and HIV/AIDS-associated groups. In general, households in medium and high resource endowment categories have higher number of household members engaged in groups than in the low resource endowment category. However, these groups may not necessarily lead to economic prosperity as most of them are homogenous and hardly connected to outside resources.Despite the differences in assets endowment among the farming households, no significant differences were observed in their incidence of HIV/AIDS. However, differences were observed in asset endowment and household characteristics between HIV/AIDS-affected and non-affected farming households. Comparing affected and non- affected farming households showed that HIV/AIDS-affected households are mostly female-headed, have a significantly higher dependency ratio, and experience a greater shortage of labour despite their larger household size. Land sale, a commonly quoted strategy for household labour loss related to HIV/AIDS is rare in the study area. This is possibly due to cultural beliefs associated with land which deter the sale of ancestral land. Lack of transferability rights (as more than half of the households in sample population have no title deeds to their land) could also be a deterrence factor of land sale. Affected households have adopted various labour coping strategies such as labour re-allocation, hiring labour and bringing in relatives. Some affected households have stopped growing labour-intensive vegetable crops while some have altogether abandoned their land. To cater for the high direct and indirect costs, HIV/AIDS-affected households have various sources of income. These include borrowing from informal sources (ROSCAS, relatives and extended family members) and they also receive remittances from migrant household members. Membership in ROSCAS is crucial as it enables households to access informal credit. In addition to farming, HIV/AIDS-affected households have diversified income sources in the form of rent from land and they engage in labour migration.The adoption of tissue-cultured banana is positively related to financial and physical capitals. The high and medium resource endowment households that have financial capital in form of savings and access to credit are more likely to grow tissue-cultured banana. This is primarily because of the high cost of the tissue-cultured plantlets. Furthermore, the results suggest that affected households are most likely not to adopt the tissue-cultured banana technology. Thus, for the technology to benefit resource-poor farming households who constitute the majority of the sample population, efforts must be made to increase their access to financial capital or lower the cost of tissue-cultured plantlets.Increased farm output resulting from technology adoption is expected to result in various outcomes such as increased household food security, increased income through the sale of extra produce, and reinvestment into household activities. Both HIV/AIDS-affected and non-affected households growing tissue-cultured banana reported an increase in banana production, income and food, which they attributed to the adoption of the technology. However, HIV/AIDS-affected reported higher increases in production, income and food supply as a result of growing tissue-cultured banana.Although the area extension services have not directly suffered the attrition caused by HIV/AIDS, they are lacking skills, finances and human capacity in providing appropriate services to farming households and in particular the HIV/AIDS-affected households. Not only will more extension workers be needed, but contents of extension services also need to change in order to be responsive to the AIDS epidemic. Extension services need to cater to the knowledge needs of women, the elderly and the young.Female-headed households were found to be disadvantaged in several ways. The majority of them are in the low resource endowment farming household category. Firstly, female household heads have significantly lower education level than male-headed households. Secondly, their financial capital base is also low because they have no savings and their access to informal credit provided by community organisation is limited, having few household members engaged in these groups. In addition, female-headed households have significantly lower physical capital in terms of household assets which they could sell and get cash in times of crisis. Slightly over half of the female-headed households are HIV/AIDS-affected. These households have a significantly higher dependency ratio and a higher incidence of labour shortage than non-affected households despite their larger size. Renting out of land a strategy undertaken by HIV/AIDS-affected households is not common in female-headed households due to lack of transferability rights. Some of the household members have therefore opted to migrate to urban areas in search of employment, a strategy that further puts the households at risk of HIV/AIDS.In conclusion, policy-makers and development agents targeting agricultural technology development for food security and poverty reduction should take into account the diversity of farming households. Farming household capabilities, assets and activities should play a major role in shaping policy on agricultural technology development. Labour-saving technologies may indeed be appropriate for many households, especially female-headed HIV/AID-affected households that lack cash for hiring labour. However, agricultural research should focus on developing low risk technologies in terms of financial requirement that can assure farming household food security, as well as cash income to pay for school fees and basic necessities.

In Kerinci, on theislandofSumatrainIndonesia, different categories of collective property co-exist with different types of individual property. In this thesis, thedevelopment of two categories of collective property arestudied: the inherited property of ricelands and the common property of the village territory. The main question that this study seeks to answer is how towards the end of the 20 th century individual and collective forms of property interact in Kerinci in the context of commercial agriculture and in view of the need to produce foodcrops for family self-sufficiency.In Kerinci the standard mode of exploitation of inherited rice fields is gilir ganti or time-sharing. In essence, this means that heirs and co-owners of an inherited estate do not grant each other permanent, but only temporary rights of exploitation to rice fields. Time-shares to use the plots are distributed among each other instead of the plots in their entirety. In Kerinci such an individual time-share to use a certain plot of land to grow rice is called a giliran . A giliran always lasts for one year and runs from September to September. The time interval between the years that an individual heir is allowed to take his or her turn to one or more plots of the inherited estate is determined by the total amount of plots that make up the estate as well as by the total number of heirs. When there are many heirs and only a few plots of sawah , individual heirs will have to wait several years before they can take their turn, but when sawah are abundant the interval between the turns may be brief. For the next generation of heirs, the inherited giliran are equally distributed among the heirs in another set of time-shares.Since inheritance in Hiang is a post mortem affair, the actual owners of the time-shares always belong to the oldest living generation. Long before actual inheritance, the giliran and other fields of the properties to beinherited,are therefore often already used by the children and grandchildren of the owner. An arrangement between giliran -owners and giliran -users practised most widely in this respect is a type of sharecropping by which costs and yields are split evenly ( bagi dua ). As time-share owners tend to anticipate the future, they often arrange for a settlement with their (grand)childrenthat mimics the model of time-sharing and that creates a shadow system of rotation on the level of use. In addition, private arrangements between brothers and sisters occur on the level of giliran -owners. When, for instance, a brother is relatively well-off, it is not unusual for him to grant temporarily the use of his giliran to a sister, albeit without altering his inheritance position and that of his children. Borrowing a giliran is a strategy to bridge or to shorten the interval between two time-shares of poorer siblings. When all brothers and sisters need their giliran for survival they can deviate privately from the giliran schedule by pooling and sharing their giliran with one or two other siblings. In this way, production costs and rice yields are distributed more evenly over time. If the logic of the inheritance of giliran were continued indefinitely, Kerinci farmers would after three or four generations end up with giliran that have been used for 30 or 40 years. In practice, however, giliran of such a long duration do not exist in Kerinci. In Hiang the running time of giliran differs between three and six years, while the most common running time is three years. This is a consequence of the practice of selling and buying giliran within the circle of close relatives. The widespread practice of selling and buying giliran is one of the cornerstones of the system of gilir ganti , since it prevents time-shares from becoming too fragmented over generations. There are several ways to transfer giliran between heirs. They can decide, for example, to sell giliran inherited from father or mother to one or all of their parents' offspring. They can also decide that only one of the children will replace father or mother, and that only he or she will inherit the entire giliran . In that case, other heirs will have to be compensated either in money or through the exchange of other inherited assets. The most common strategy to transfer giliran among heirs, however, is for brothers and sisters holding together new inherited property to buy and sell each other's giliran in due course, which results in a gradual reduction of heirs and giliran holders. Furthermore, it must be noted that rice fields belonging to the individual property of the deceased father or mother may also enter the system of gilir ganti should the heirs so decide. Following the inflow of individual fields in the inherited estate, new time-shares may be created next to the inherited giliran of each generation. Following this mix of old and new giliran and due to the practice of selling and buying time-shares, the inherited properties in Kerinci that are exploited in the gilir ganti mode, are typically of an ad hoc nature as they are centredaroundclusters of sibling groups of one generation. In terms of property flows, then, the property of a certain generation is only related to the inherited estates of previous generations by the less economically valuable, but sometimes ideologically and strategically highly appreciated 'old' giliran .The social effects of the continuation of inherited property estates and the exploitation system of time-sharing are twofold. First, inherited estates provide for a social security and livelihood system within families. Second, since most farming families in Kerinci are still owners and users of giliran in the gilir ganti system, most families also still have access to rice production. The overall effect of gilir ganti in Kerinci is that many families stay in rice cultivation as - part-time - owners of rice fields. As participants in the system of gilir ganti these families also have relatively easy access to sharecropping and other labour relations that provide for alternative means to grow rice when there is no giliran to be used. From this perspective gilir ganti is the single most important social institution of food security in Kerinci. Further, it can be argued that the continuation of gilir ganti in Kerinci does not hamper but, instead, facilitates the commercial management of agriculture. After all, growing rice in a regime of time-shares and commercial production do not exclude each other. On the contrary, by keeping more farming families in rice cultivation through gilir ganti , these families are able to take more commercial risks in the producton of tree crops.The second category of collective property, the common property of the village territory, is characterized by a very different historical trajectory in Kerinci. In some villages in Kerinci, such as Hiang, the traditional village lands are still covered with forests. In most villages, however, theseforesthave already been transformed into dry fields ( ladang ) and orchards ( kebun ). This does not imply that there is a shortage of forests in Kerinci as approximately 60% of the territory of the Kerinci district still consists of forests. These forests surround the agrarianvalleyofKerinciand nowadays they are all part ofKerinciSeblatNational Park.In Hiang a forest of 800 ha.isstill located on village territory. This forest has become common property of the National Park and thevillageofHiangin 1993 and since then it is called a hutan adat ('customary law forest'). As a result of this transformation the villagers of Hiang now'own'theforest along with the National Park. In practice, this means that villagers have lost the right of individual exploitation of a forest plot ( arah ajun ) and that former individual property rights of ladang in the hutan adat are transformed into use-rights only. At the same time, however, all villagers are allowed to gather forest products for their own use. For their loss of autonomy the villagers have been compensated with infrastructural works. Whether this co-management of the Hiang forest has so far been profitable for the villagers is difficult to assess. However, the transformation of the forests on the tanah ulayat into hutan adat has definitely changed the destination of the forest from an agricultural exploitation reserve into a conservationarea,and from a common property resource of villagers to a common property regime of co-management with the aim of nature conservation.

In Kerinci, on theislandofSumatrainIndonesia, different categories of collective property co-exist with different types of individual property. In this thesis, thedevelopment of two categories of collective property arestudied: the inherited property of ricelands and the common property of the village territory. The main question that this study seeks to answer is how towards the end of the 20 th century individual and collective forms of property interact in Kerinci in the context of commercial agriculture and in view of the need to produce foodcrops for family self-sufficiency.In Kerinci the standard mode of exploitation of inherited rice fields is gilir ganti or time-sharing. In essence, this means that heirs and co-owners of an inherited estate do not grant each other permanent, but only temporary rights of exploitation to rice fields. Time-shares to use the plots are distributed among each other instead of the plots in their entirety. In Kerinci such an individual time-share to use a certain plot of land to grow rice is called a giliran . A giliran always lasts for one year and runs from September to September. The time interval between the years that an individual heir is allowed to take his or her turn to one or more plots of the inherited estate is determined by the total amount of plots that make up the estate as well as by the total number of heirs. When there are many heirs and only a few plots of sawah , individual heirs will have to wait several years before they can take their turn, but when sawah are abundant the interval between the turns may be brief. For the next generation of heirs, the inherited giliran are equally distributed among the heirs in another set of time-shares.Since inheritance in Hiang is a post mortem affair, the actual owners of the time-shares always belong to the oldest living generation. Long before actual inheritance, the giliran and other fields of the properties to beinherited,are therefore often already used by the children and grandchildren of the owner. An arrangement between giliran -owners and giliran -users practised most widely in this respect is a type of sharecropping by which costs and yields are split evenly ( bagi dua ). As time-share owners tend to anticipate the future, they often arrange for a settlement with their (grand)childrenthat mimics the model of time-sharing and that creates a shadow system of rotation on the level of use. In addition, private arrangements between brothers and sisters occur on the level of giliran -owners. When, for instance, a brother is relatively well-off, it is not unusual for him to grant temporarily the use of his giliran to a sister, albeit without altering his inheritance position and that of his children. Borrowing a giliran is a strategy to bridge or to shorten the interval between two time-shares of poorer siblings. When all brothers and sisters need their giliran for survival they can deviate privately from the giliran schedule by pooling and sharing their giliran with one or two other siblings. In this way, production costs and rice yields are distributed more evenly over time. If the logic of the inheritance of giliran were continued indefinitely, Kerinci farmers would after three or four generations end up with giliran that have been used for 30 or 40 years. In practice, however, giliran of such a long duration do not exist in Kerinci. In Hiang the running time of giliran differs between three and six years, while the most common running time is three years. This is a consequence of the practice of selling and buying giliran within the circle of close relatives. The widespread practice of selling and buying giliran is one of the cornerstones of the system of gilir ganti , since it prevents time-shares from becoming too fragmented over generations. There are several ways to transfer giliran between heirs. They can decide, for example, to sell giliran inherited from father or mother to one or all of their parents' offspring. They can also decide that only one of the children will replace father or mother, and that only he or she will inherit the entire giliran . In that case, other heirs will have to be compensated either in money or through the exchange of other inherited assets. The most common strategy to transfer giliran among heirs, however, is for brothers and sisters holding together new inherited property to buy and sell each other's giliran in due course, which results in a gradual reduction of heirs and giliran holders. Furthermore, it must be noted that rice fields belonging to the individual property of the deceased father or mother may also enter the system of gilir ganti should the heirs so decide. Following the inflow of individual fields in the inherited estate, new time-shares may be created next to the inherited giliran of each generation. Following this mix of old and new giliran and due to the practice of selling and buying time-shares, the inherited properties in Kerinci that are exploited in the gilir ganti mode, are typically of an ad hoc nature as they are centredaroundclusters of sibling groups of one generation. In terms of property flows, then, the property of a certain generation is only related to the inherited estates of previous generations by the less economically valuable, but sometimes ideologically and strategically highly appreciated 'old' giliran .The social effects of the continuation of inherited property estates and the exploitation system of time-sharing are twofold. First, inherited estates provide for a social security and livelihood system within families. Second, since most farming families in Kerinci are still owners and users of giliran in the gilir ganti system, most families also still have access to rice production. The overall effect of gilir ganti in Kerinci is that many families stay in rice cultivation as - part-time - owners of rice fields. As participants in the system of gilir ganti these families also have relatively easy access to sharecropping and other labour relations that provide for alternative means to grow rice when there is no giliran to be used. From this perspective gilir ganti is the single most important social institution of food security in Kerinci. Further, it can be argued that the continuation of gilir ganti in Kerinci does not hamper but, instead, facilitates the commercial management of agriculture. After all, growing rice in a regime of time-shares and commercial production do not exclude each other. On the contrary, by keeping more farming families in rice cultivation through gilir ganti , these families are able to take more commercial risks in the producton of tree crops.The second category of collective property, the common property of the village territory, is characterized by a very different historical trajectory in Kerinci. In some villages in Kerinci, such as Hiang, the traditional village lands are still covered with forests. In most villages, however, theseforesthave already been transformed into dry fields ( ladang ) and orchards ( kebun ). This does not imply that there is a shortage of forests in Kerinci as approximately 60% of the territory of the Kerinci district still consists of forests. These forests surround the agrarianvalleyofKerinciand nowadays they are all part ofKerinciSeblatNational Park.In Hiang a forest of 800 ha.isstill located on village territory. This forest has become common property of the National Park and thevillageofHiangin 1993 and since then it is called a hutan adat ('customary law forest'). As a result of this transformation the villagers of Hiang now'own'theforest along with the National Park. In practice, this means that villagers have lost the right of individual exploitation of a forest plot ( arah ajun ) and that former individual property rights of ladang in the hutan adat are transformed into use-rights only. At the same time, however, all villagers are allowed to gather forest products for their own use. For their loss of autonomy the villagers have been compensated with infrastructural works. Whether this co-management of the Hiang forest has so far been profitable for the villagers is difficult to assess. However, the transformation of the forests on the tanah ulayat into hutan adat has definitely changed the destination of the forest from an agricultural exploitation reserve into a conservationarea,and from a common property resource of villagers to a common property regime of co-management with the aim of nature conservation.

De serie (in samenwerking met SHBO Arnhem gepubliceerd) richt zich met name op de laatste anderhalve eeuw. Het geeft via thema's een beeld van de agrarische geschiedenis. Elk deel is rijjkelijk voorzien met illustraties van schilderijen, posters, foto's etc. Ook komt binnen elk thema iemand uit de hedendaagse praktijk aan het woord. Apart is er aandacht voor de eerste wereldoorlog

This book explores the gender effects of the current transformation of agriculture and rural life. It presents a comparative perspective on key research themes of rural gender relations, with each section beginning with a comprehensive overview. Five themes are addressed: (1) developments in rural gender theory and research methodology; (2) changes in farm households; (3) patterns of rural migration; (4) the impact of national and international policies; (5) and the construction of gender identities as a result of rural changes. This book will be of interest to advanced students and researchers of rural sociology, agrarian change, rural geography and gender studies. The book has 23 chapters and a subject index.

De serie (in samenwerking met SHBO Arnhem gepubliceerd) richt zich met name op de laatste anderhalve eeuw. Het geeft via thema's een beeld van de agrarische geschiedenis. Elk deel is rijjkelijk voorzien met illustraties van schilderijen, posters, foto's etc. Ook komt binnen elk thema iemand uit de hedendaagse praktijk aan het woord. Apart is er aandacht voor de eerste wereldoorlog

This book explores the gender effects of the current transformation of agriculture and rural life. It presents a comparative perspective on key research themes of rural gender relations, with each section beginning with a comprehensive overview. Five themes are addressed: (1) developments in rural gender theory and research methodology; (2) changes in farm households; (3) patterns of rural migration; (4) the impact of national and international policies; (5) and the construction of gender identities as a result of rural changes. This book will be of interest to advanced students and researchers of rural sociology, agrarian change, rural geography and gender studies. The book has 23 chapters and a subject index.

Property conflicts have an enormous impact on relations between the members of farm households and their families. Given the long duration, frequency and intensity of these conflicts an investigation of how they arise and how they affect the daily lives of, and relationships between, landholders is certainly warranted. Conflicts over land visibly manifest themselves in destroyed fences, stolen crops, poisoned dogs, horses that are set free, bloody machetazos, hails of stones between children and murder. But there are also less visible symptoms of potential conflicts over property. Inside the walls of the farm household, hidden from public view, people discuss the consequences of migration or education on inheritance rights; they mull over the advantages and disadvantages of a land sale; they argue about the division of labour and they silently develop strategies to control income or products. These discussions and strategies generate and express conflicting views on how property rights should be distributed and who is entitled to obtain a particular right to property.Through detailed studies of land conflicts in the Santa Bárbara district, the ambiguities of the legal framework, and practices in the court of justice, this book explores the question: What is it about law and norms that enables them to generate conflicts about property rights to land? Land rights do not by definition consist of legally recognised full ownership, hence instead, we research who claims to have what right to the land. The book is an effort to test the usefulness of the notion of 'stacked laws and norms' for a better understanding of the constellation of land rights and the emergence of conflicts.Law experts and policymakers in Honduras tend to start from a 'law is reality' point of view, i.e. the goals of the law are achieved in practice by implementing the law. Starting from this perspective means that they find it difficult to deal with the unintended outcomes of the law, which they usually attribute to the law not being enforced, people having the wrong mentality or old-fashioned, customary practices. In the eyes of law experts and policymakers, property rights to land are an apparent 'disorder', a 'disorder' that plays an important role in the emergence of conflicts that has to be solved by implementing new laws.I used the notion of stacked laws and norms to visualise the processes that create the apparent 'disorder' of land rights. This book has described three processes of law and norms stacking in property rights arrangements: in state law, in practices of land rights transfer from the state to landholders, and in inheritance practices. Firstly, state law stipulations regarding land rights are not consistent or coherent, and its meaning confuses landholders, but also lawyers, judges, and policymakers. Agrarian laws have continuously been changed, replaced, amended and re-amended, which creates ambiguity in their message and makes it unlikely that the meaning and practical implications of these changes have been clearly passed on to the involved people and agencies. Moreover, the relationship between Civil Code and agrarian law notions of property is ambiguous. Agrarian law stipulations incorporate Civil Code constructions as possession, occupation or adverse acquisition. There is no unanimous stand among law experts and policymakers about the validity of Civil Code property notions versus agrarian law stipulations in Honduras.The process of stacking in state law becomes more clear by looking at practices of land rights transfer practices between the state and landholders in the village of El Zapote. The actual laws and legal articles are only one side of state regulation; the other side is that state agencies and officials interpret the law and create implementation rules during state interventions. Hence, metaphorically speaking, on top of the stacked legal regulations, they stack their own interpretations of the rules, which are adapted to the specific situation. Landholders, on the other side of the spectrum, interpret and adapt the parts of the law that they know or come in touch with, and they add their own norms to it as well. The different norms in the complex of stacked norms and laws do not completely merge and they do not become clearly demarcated hybrids. The renewed complexes of norms consist of the different elements that have been added in time and that can be distinguished and used by the involved landholders, national state agents and the municipality, or that may also be forgotten and disappear in the end. It is thus not a static situation; the process of stacking is continuous and will change the constellation of the complex.With regard to inheritance, the book shows that people are actively involved in making, changing and adding new norms through their dialogues and endeavours, while striving for certain goals at certain moments. The result is a complex of stacked norms, different elements of which the actors in inheritance practices (landholding parentsandtheir offspring) use in their strategies to obtain what they want. They are aware of the existence of different norms and they seek to legitimise the norm that best suits their own aims. The whole process of stacking inheritance norms contrasts with stacking in reference to land rights, in which people do not deliberately try to develop new norms.By using the notion of stacked laws and norms for describing norms about property and the land rights derived from it, I am able to describe the historical changes of these norms better. By deconstructing the empirical process of the stacking of norms as regard property rights to land, it has become clear that land rights arrangements are not 'customary', referring to a separate legal system that has developed in opposition to, and disconnected from, state law. It has taught us that landholders' notions of property coincide with civil code concepts of ownership and possession and that the rights that others consider as local or customary are derivatives of old Civil Code property concepts.'Stacking' in this book is not just a notion to explore an empirical situation of disorder. Its main value as an analytical concept is that it clarifies how 'plurality' of norms come into being, as well as the structure of this plurality and the elements it consists of. In the complex of laws and norms, divergent legal concepts and interpretations and re-interpretations of these concepts are assembled and serve as a basis for rights and claims to land, whereby in time, new elements and interpretations are continuously added to the complex while other elements disappear from it. Sometimes one element is more important, and sometimes another. Furthermore, the notion of 'stacking' makes clear that the constellation of norms surrounding land rights is constantly changing; it is a never-ending process. This process does not create a disordered pluralism, an untidy and random heap of norms without any sense or logic, but it leads to a certain stacked structure in which the separate elements have not merged into a kind of fluid constellation. Its stacked character implies that social actors may be able to recognise the different elements and to use them for their own purposes. They distinguish between different elements and exchange them, reinterpret them or discard them.State interventions in El Zapote have affected landholders' ability to maintain the idea that local property concepts are 'law'. Landholders have learnt from the clashes between their own norms and those of the state that the force of their own stacked constellation of property norms is limited. Although legitimate in their eyes, their own norms lacked validity vis-à-vis the state. The difference in how the state and landholders define property rights has distorted their relationship. The state itself, as the institution that defines and protects private property through its laws and legal system, has become an actor in land conflicts. Civil Code property notions are losing strength; the legitimacy of local property concepts has been seriously undermined and landholders have thus become even more insecure about their property rights.

Onderzoek naar de psycho-sociale gevolgen van de mond- en klauwzeer epidemie. Interviews bij melkveebedrijven (mannen en vrouwen) in de geruimde gebieden, de toezichtgebieden en het vrije gebied tijdens de MKZ crisis

Property conflicts have an enormous impact on relations between the members of farm households and their families. Given the long duration, frequency and intensity of these conflicts an investigation of how they arise and how they affect the daily lives of, and relationships between, landholders is certainly warranted. Conflicts over land visibly manifest themselves in destroyed fences, stolen crops, poisoned dogs, horses that are set free, bloody machetazos, hails of stones between children and murder. But there are also less visible symptoms of potential conflicts over property. Inside the walls of the farm household, hidden from public view, people discuss the consequences of migration or education on inheritance rights; they mull over the advantages and disadvantages of a land sale; they argue about the division of labour and they silently develop strategies to control income or products. These discussions and strategies generate and express conflicting views on how property rights should be distributed and who is entitled to obtain a particular right to property.Through detailed studies of land conflicts in the Santa Bárbara district, the ambiguities of the legal framework, and practices in the court of justice, this book explores the question: What is it about law and norms that enables them to generate conflicts about property rights to land? Land rights do not by definition consist of legally recognised full ownership, hence instead, we research who claims to have what right to the land. The book is an effort to test the usefulness of the notion of 'stacked laws and norms' for a better understanding of the constellation of land rights and the emergence of conflicts.Law experts and policymakers in Honduras tend to start from a 'law is reality' point of view, i.e. the goals of the law are achieved in practice by implementing the law. Starting from this perspective means that they find it difficult to deal with the unintended outcomes of the law, which they usually attribute to the law not being enforced, people having the wrong mentality or old-fashioned, customary practices. In the eyes of law experts and policymakers, property rights to land are an apparent 'disorder', a 'disorder' that plays an important role in the emergence of conflicts that has to be solved by implementing new laws.I used the notion of stacked laws and norms to visualise the processes that create the apparent 'disorder' of land rights. This book has described three processes of law and norms stacking in property rights arrangements: in state law, in practices of land rights transfer from the state to landholders, and in inheritance practices. Firstly, state law stipulations regarding land rights are not consistent or coherent, and its meaning confuses landholders, but also lawyers, judges, and policymakers. Agrarian laws have continuously been changed, replaced, amended and re-amended, which creates ambiguity in their message and makes it unlikely that the meaning and practical implications of these changes have been clearly passed on to the involved people and agencies. Moreover, the relationship between Civil Code and agrarian law notions of property is ambiguous. Agrarian law stipulations incorporate Civil Code constructions as possession, occupation or adverse acquisition. There is no unanimous stand among law experts and policymakers about the validity of Civil Code property notions versus agrarian law stipulations in Honduras.The process of stacking in state law becomes more clear by looking at practices of land rights transfer practices between the state and landholders in the village of El Zapote. The actual laws and legal articles are only one side of state regulation; the other side is that state agencies and officials interpret the law and create implementation rules during state interventions. Hence, metaphorically speaking, on top of the stacked legal regulations, they stack their own interpretations of the rules, which are adapted to the specific situation. Landholders, on the other side of the spectrum, interpret and adapt the parts of the law that they know or come in touch with, and they add their own norms to it as well. The different norms in the complex of stacked norms and laws do not completely merge and they do not become clearly demarcated hybrids. The renewed complexes of norms consist of the different elements that have been added in time and that can be distinguished and used by the involved landholders, national state agents and the municipality, or that may also be forgotten and disappear in the end. It is thus not a static situation; the process of stacking is continuous and will change the constellation of the complex.With regard to inheritance, the book shows that people are actively involved in making, changing and adding new norms through their dialogues and endeavours, while striving for certain goals at certain moments. The result is a complex of stacked norms, different elements of which the actors in inheritance practices (landholding parentsandtheir offspring) use in their strategies to obtain what they want. They are aware of the existence of different norms and they seek to legitimise the norm that best suits their own aims. The whole process of stacking inheritance norms contrasts with stacking in reference to land rights, in which people do not deliberately try to develop new norms.By using the notion of stacked laws and norms for describing norms about property and the land rights derived from it, I am able to describe the historical changes of these norms better. By deconstructing the empirical process of the stacking of norms as regard property rights to land, it has become clear that land rights arrangements are not 'customary', referring to a separate legal system that has developed in opposition to, and disconnected from, state law. It has taught us that landholders' notions of property coincide with civil code concepts of ownership and possession and that the rights that others consider as local or customary are derivatives of old Civil Code property concepts.'Stacking' in this book is not just a notion to explore an empirical situation of disorder. Its main value as an analytical concept is that it clarifies how 'plurality' of norms come into being, as well as the structure of this plurality and the elements it consists of. In the complex of laws and norms, divergent legal concepts and interpretations and re-interpretations of these concepts are assembled and serve as a basis for rights and claims to land, whereby in time, new elements and interpretations are continuously added to the complex while other elements disappear from it. Sometimes one element is more important, and sometimes another. Furthermore, the notion of 'stacking' makes clear that the constellation of norms surrounding land rights is constantly changing; it is a never-ending process. This process does not create a disordered pluralism, an untidy and random heap of norms without any sense or logic, but it leads to a certain stacked structure in which the separate elements have not merged into a kind of fluid constellation. Its stacked character implies that social actors may be able to recognise the different elements and to use them for their own purposes. They distinguish between different elements and exchange them, reinterpret them or discard them.State interventions in El Zapote have affected landholders' ability to maintain the idea that local property concepts are 'law'. Landholders have learnt from the clashes between their own norms and those of the state that the force of their own stacked constellation of property norms is limited. Although legitimate in their eyes, their own norms lacked validity vis-à-vis the state. The difference in how the state and landholders define property rights has distorted their relationship. The state itself, as the institution that defines and protects private property through its laws and legal system, has become an actor in land conflicts. Civil Code property notions are losing strength; the legitimacy of local property concepts has been seriously undermined and landholders have thus become even more insecure about their property rights.

The majority of the poor South Africans are to be found in rural areas. Their location is characterised by combinations of difficult situations that contribute to their vulnerability and poverty. Some of the common problems are hilly topography, poor soils, low and erratic rainfall, poor infrastructure to name a few. Often the rural poor lack financial and physical assets and resources to generate their livelihoods. Vulnerability and poverty among households is endemic in rural KwaZulu-Natal. Therefore the livelihood approach was used to provide an explicit focus on what matters to rural households. Research was conducted into the significance of the household in rural livelihood security. The livelihood approach was appropriate for generating knowledge and practical recommendations to enhance the design and implementation of programmes and projects that support rural livelihood security.Since the establishment of the democratic government in 1994, the national agricultural and rural development policies for addressing the problems of poverty and vulnerability have been put in place. However, their implementation is problematic mainly due to lack of adequate assets and resources. In addition the context of historical deprivation mainly caused by the apartheid regime and now the epidemic of HIV/AIDS aggravates the situation of rural people. Theoretically, socio-economic policies and extension should focus on reducing vulnerability and eradicating poverty in order to maintain rural livelihood security. But this does not happen because the extension delivery services still use traditional top-down and gender-bias methods of technology transfer of agricultural and rural development knowledge. Consequently, extension services fail to reach the majority of the rural households with relevant information to enhance rural livelihoods.Out of nine South African provinces, KwaZulu-Natal is one of the three with the lowest human development index. Rural households in KwaZulu-Natal have been reported as very poor, particularly the female-headed households. The main problems in rural areas of this province are illiteracy, unemployment, poor infrastructure, lack of resources of agricultural production, such as land, capital, credit, appropriate technology, inputs, training, extension and markets. As a result, food insecurity is one of the major problems because households do not produce enough food to last until the next harvest. They also lack adequate cash income to buy food to enhance nutritional security. In rural areas of KwaZulu-Natal, very few dwellers produce agricultural commodities for sale. Generally, women are involved in food production for subsistence and sale of excess produce because they lack appropriate storage facilities and skills to preserve food. Because of difficulties associated with farming, households often pursue more than one different non-agricultural activities to earn cash income. Sources of income often include agriculture, rural migrant remittances, wage employment, informal trading, state old age pension and welfare grants.Lack of data on household livelihood security at district level was identified as a problem in implementing agricultural and rural development policies. Thus this study used the household as a unit of analysis in exploring rural livelihoods because it was found to be a neglected basic institution with which the extension services, the private sector, non-governmental organisations, community-based organisations could collaborate to implement agricultural and rural development policies to reduce vulnerability and eradicate poverty. The household was regarded as important because it has the main function to develop and reproduce human capital for economic growth and development at macro level. A focus on livelihoods was considered appropriate in understanding households in their environment, the importance of assets and resources, diversified portfolios of activities, institutions, extension services and the outcomes they pursued.The main problem of the study was to determine the role of the rural household in achieving livelihood security and the appropriateness of extension services in supporting and enhancing that role. Based on the objectives of the study, the study aimed at answering six research questions. The first question was on how the rural household structure and processes related to rural livelihood security. Second, the appropriateness of the concept of household in examining rural livelihood security was explored. Third, the importance of gender and indigenous knowledge systems to the agricultural extension services in support of rural livelihood security was investigated. Fourth, the research examined the role of agricultural extension in enhancing rural livelihood security. Fifth, the importance of indigenous knowledge systems to agricultural extension services in support of rural livelihood security was explored. Lastly, the study investigated how agricultural extension services staff approached issues of gender and indigenous knowledge.This study used a combination of quantitative and qualitative research methods because they complement each other. The descriptive survey was undertaken to quantify data, whereas qualitative methods were used to collect data from key informants, focus group discussions and case studies. For comparative purposes, field research was carried out in two districts, Ubombo and Umthunzini, in the North East Region of the KwaZulu-Natal Department of Agriculture and Environmental Affairs. Ubombo is situated in a remote rural area where the general service provision for basic needs such as clean water supplies, sanitation, education, health, roads and telecommunication is very poor. Unemployment and illiteracy rates are very high. Umthunzini is also a rural area with poor socio-economic indicators but it is situated near the industrial centres that have an influence on the economy of the district through provision of employment opportunities.The socio-economic data of the study area indicate a high level of livelihood insecurity in the study area. Ubombo district was found to be more disadvantaged than Umthunzini, particularly regarding the literacy levels, employment opportunities and service provision. The context for generating household assets and resources was found to present different opportunities and challenges for the two districts. Households in Ubombo do not have adequate access to job opportunities hence the unemployment rate was high. There are also fewer opportunities to diversify income sources in Ubombo. Consequently, households depend very much on the natural resource base for food, health remedies and materials for making handicrafts for income-generation without much attention to sustainability issues.Households in the study area have a high number of dependants, particularly children and potentially economically active unemployed people. However, the average household size and dependency ratio is higher in Ubombo than Umthunzini. Limited household income is improved by old age pension and disability grants. Gender and generational division of labour is important for livelihood strategies of households. Marital status and gender were found to be major determinants of one's access to communal land and freedom of movement to engage in diverse livelihood income-generating activities. Furthermore, social networks are essential for livelihood generation. Women play a major role in reproductive, productive and community managing activities. Children often help women with accomplishing some of their responsibilities. Men have more authority than women. Some men are engaged in wage employment. It is the men who have control over the large livestock and who are involved in local community politics at tribal authority level. Livelihood strategies include employment, migration, remittances, food and cash crop production, animal husbandry, small enterprises, claiming against the state for old age pension and welfare grants and natural resource materials gathering for food and income-generation. Although access to service provision is better in Umthunzini than Ubombo, it is inadequate in both areas.We found that the concept of household in examining rural livelihood security in the study area was problematic due to flexible boundaries between households of related members. This situation is made complex by rural-urban migration patterns, polygamous marriages and kinship ties. The household was found to be an important agency of enhancing socio-economic development. Although the household was a useful operational definition for the study, we discovered that the homestead is more appropriate as a unit of analysis in exploring rural livelihood security and household food security. Therefore the household or the homestead should be regarded as a critical micro-level institution with which extension services and other rural development institutions could collaborate to improve livelihood security.Gender was found to be critical in the household structure and processes that relate to rural livelihood security. Our results indicate unequal gender relations at household level. To a large extent, household headship determines the access of the household to assets and resources, division of labour, decision-making, authority, power and livelihood strategies. Female-headed households tend to diversify their activities to earn income in cash and in kind. Gender was identified as an important factor in using indigenous knowledge in enhancing livelihood security. Both men and women were found to possess indigenous knowledge. However, women's knowledge is utilised more than men's in enhancing rural livelihood security. Women's indigenous knowledge is essential for ensuring household food security, maternal health and child-care and income-generation through production of handicrafts. Their knowledge is also valuable in food production and post-harvest processes. Men utilise their indigenous knowledge in hunting game, large animal husbandry, woodcarving and traditional medicines. The extension services does not give adequate attention to sustainable use of natural resources by rural household. The people's indigenous knowledge is not taken into consideration in planning and implementation of agriculture and rural development programmes. Because the context of the rural households is not analysed by the extension services and the value of local knowledge not appreciated, the introduction of the new technologies fails. The end-users of the extension services are regarded as passive beneficiaries of the service, and in turn they tend to accept the traditional approaches.The role of agricultural extension in enhancing rural livelihood security was found to be important for rural households. However, the extension services do not reach the majority of rural households because of a number of limitations. These include poor infrastructure, lack of transport, staff shortage and limited capacity to implement relevant policies. It was also found that there was a severe shortage of women trained in agriculture. The male extension agents do not have training that equips them to work with rural women. Meanwhile the home economics agents are not trained to approach rural development from a holistic perspective rather than the traditional approaches to support women's reproductive roles. The extension services do not have effective linkages with other institutions involved in rural livelihood security. One of the most essential challenges for the extension services is to develop alternative and flexible extension approaches that are in line with the promotion of participatory processes as outlined in the policies. Due to the poor infrastructure and lack of human capacity, the extension services are unable to adopt the use of those information and communication technologies that offer new ways of communicating and exchanging information and knowledge.Indigenous knowledge is important to agricultural extension services because it encompasses the skills, experiences and insights of local people applied to maintain their livelihood security. This study found that indigenous knowledge plays an important role in decision-making pertaining to food and nutrition security, agriculture, health care, income-generation and natural resource management. Rural households, particularly in Ubombo, showed to be very dependent on indigenous knowledge for their livelihood. However, the conventional agricultural extension approaches tend to overlook the potential and the significance of indigenous knowledge in improving rural livelihood security. Thus the extension agents do not fully recognise and appreciate indigenous knowledge in their interaction with the rural communities.We found that the extension staff is aware of policies to mainstream gender in agriculture and rural development but does not have the methodology on how to integrate gender into extension services. Therefore extension services do not address many priority needs of rural women and men in the study area. Both male and female extension agents need training in gender roles, natural resource conservation, HIV/AIDS impact on agriculture and rural development and other emerging issues that need to be addressed.In conclusion the thesis considers that some of the indicators of household livelihood security that are found in the literature, such as income, have limited applicability for the context of rural households in KwaZulu-Natal. Hence, relevant indicators should be determined in consultation with the rural households in a given location. Furthermore, we found that the concept of household has a Western bias that makes it problematic as a unit of analysis in rural Southern Africa. Here, the concept of homestead rather than household seems to be the appropriate research unit for exploring rural livelihood security at micro level. The general assumption that female-headed households are more vulnerable than male-headed households was proven to be of limited validity in a context of shared community poverty and vulnerability. In view of the findings of this thesis, the household, whether or not in the form of the homestead, is the significant entry point for enhancing rural livelihood security. It should be given more attention in promoting economic growth, social development and eradication of vulnerability and poverty.

The majority of the poor South Africans are to be found in rural areas. Their location is characterised by combinations of difficult situations that contribute to their vulnerability and poverty. Some of the common problems are hilly topography, poor soils, low and erratic rainfall, poor infrastructure to name a few. Often the rural poor lack financial and physical assets and resources to generate their livelihoods. Vulnerability and poverty among households is endemic in rural KwaZulu-Natal. Therefore the livelihood approach was used to provide an explicit focus on what matters to rural households. Research was conducted into the significance of the household in rural livelihood security. The livelihood approach was appropriate for generating knowledge and practical recommendations to enhance the design and implementation of programmes and projects that support rural livelihood security.Since the establishment of the democratic government in 1994, the national agricultural and rural development policies for addressing the problems of poverty and vulnerability have been put in place. However, their implementation is problematic mainly due to lack of adequate assets and resources. In addition the context of historical deprivation mainly caused by the apartheid regime and now the epidemic of HIV/AIDS aggravates the situation of rural people. Theoretically, socio-economic policies and extension should focus on reducing vulnerability and eradicating poverty in order to maintain rural livelihood security. But this does not happen because the extension delivery services still use traditional top-down and gender-bias methods of technology transfer of agricultural and rural development knowledge. Consequently, extension services fail to reach the majority of the rural households with relevant information to enhance rural livelihoods.Out of nine South African provinces, KwaZulu-Natal is one of the three with the lowest human development index. Rural households in KwaZulu-Natal have been reported as very poor, particularly the female-headed households. The main problems in rural areas of this province are illiteracy, unemployment, poor infrastructure, lack of resources of agricultural production, such as land, capital, credit, appropriate technology, inputs, training, extension and markets. As a result, food insecurity is one of the major problems because households do not produce enough food to last until the next harvest. They also lack adequate cash income to buy food to enhance nutritional security. In rural areas of KwaZulu-Natal, very few dwellers produce agricultural commodities for sale. Generally, women are involved in food production for subsistence and sale of excess produce because they lack appropriate storage facilities and skills to preserve food. Because of difficulties associated with farming, households often pursue more than one different non-agricultural activities to earn cash income. Sources of income often include agriculture, rural migrant remittances, wage employment, informal trading, state old age pension and welfare grants.Lack of data on household livelihood security at district level was identified as a problem in implementing agricultural and rural development policies. Thus this study used the household as a unit of analysis in exploring rural livelihoods because it was found to be a neglected basic institution with which the extension services, the private sector, non-governmental organisations, community-based organisations could collaborate to implement agricultural and rural development policies to reduce vulnerability and eradicate poverty. The household was regarded as important because it has the main function to develop and reproduce human capital for economic growth and development at macro level. A focus on livelihoods was considered appropriate in understanding households in their environment, the importance of assets and resources, diversified portfolios of activities, institutions, extension services and the outcomes they pursued.The main problem of the study was to determine the role of the rural household in achieving livelihood security and the appropriateness of extension services in supporting and enhancing that role. Based on the objectives of the study, the study aimed at answering six research questions. The first question was on how the rural household structure and processes related to rural livelihood security. Second, the appropriateness of the concept of household in examining rural livelihood security was explored. Third, the importance of gender and indigenous knowledge systems to the agricultural extension services in support of rural livelihood security was investigated. Fourth, the research examined the role of agricultural extension in enhancing rural livelihood security. Fifth, the importance of indigenous knowledge systems to agricultural extension services in support of rural livelihood security was explored. Lastly, the study investigated how agricultural extension services staff approached issues of gender and indigenous knowledge.This study used a combination of quantitative and qualitative research methods because they complement each other. The descriptive survey was undertaken to quantify data, whereas qualitative methods were used to collect data from key informants, focus group discussions and case studies. For comparative purposes, field research was carried out in two districts, Ubombo and Umthunzini, in the North East Region of the KwaZulu-Natal Department of Agriculture and Environmental Affairs. Ubombo is situated in a remote rural area where the general service provision for basic needs such as clean water supplies, sanitation, education, health, roads and telecommunication is very poor. Unemployment and illiteracy rates are very high. Umthunzini is also a rural area with poor socio-economic indicators but it is situated near the industrial centres that have an influence on the economy of the district through provision of employment opportunities.The socio-economic data of the study area indicate a high level of livelihood insecurity in the study area. Ubombo district was found to be more disadvantaged than Umthunzini, particularly regarding the literacy levels, employment opportunities and service provision. The context for generating household assets and resources was found to present different opportunities and challenges for the two districts. Households in Ubombo do not have adequate access to job opportunities hence the unemployment rate was high. There are also fewer opportunities to diversify income sources in Ubombo. Consequently, households depend very much on the natural resource base for food, health remedies and materials for making handicrafts for income-generation without much attention to sustainability issues.Households in the study area have a high number of dependants, particularly children and potentially economically active unemployed people. However, the average household size and dependency ratio is higher in Ubombo than Umthunzini. Limited household income is improved by old age pension and disability grants. Gender and generational division of labour is important for livelihood strategies of households. Marital status and gender were found to be major determinants of one's access to communal land and freedom of movement to engage in diverse livelihood income-generating activities. Furthermore, social networks are essential for livelihood generation. Women play a major role in reproductive, productive and community managing activities. Children often help women with accomplishing some of their responsibilities. Men have more authority than women. Some men are engaged in wage employment. It is the men who have control over the large livestock and who are involved in local community politics at tribal authority level. Livelihood strategies include employment, migration, remittances, food and cash crop production, animal husbandry, small enterprises, claiming against the state for old age pension and welfare grants and natural resource materials gathering for food and income-generation. Although access to service provision is better in Umthunzini than Ubombo, it is inadequate in both areas.We found that the concept of household in examining rural livelihood security in the study area was problematic due to flexible boundaries between households of related members. This situation is made complex by rural-urban migration patterns, polygamous marriages and kinship ties. The household was found to be an important agency of enhancing socio-economic development. Although the household was a useful operational definition for the study, we discovered that the homestead is more appropriate as a unit of analysis in exploring rural livelihood security and household food security. Therefore the household or the homestead should be regarded as a critical micro-level institution with which extension services and other rural development institutions could collaborate to improve livelihood security.Gender was found to be critical in the household structure and processes that relate to rural livelihood security. Our results indicate unequal gender relations at household level. To a large extent, household headship determines the access of the household to assets and resources, division of labour, decision-making, authority, power and livelihood strategies. Female-headed households tend to diversify their activities to earn income in cash and in kind. Gender was identified as an important factor in using indigenous knowledge in enhancing livelihood security. Both men and women were found to possess indigenous knowledge. However, women's knowledge is utilised more than men's in enhancing rural livelihood security. Women's indigenous knowledge is essential for ensuring household food security, maternal health and child-care and income-generation through production of handicrafts. Their knowledge is also valuable in food production and post-harvest processes. Men utilise their indigenous knowledge in hunting game, large animal husbandry, woodcarving and traditional medicines. The extension services does not give adequate attention to sustainable use of natural resources by rural household. The people's indigenous knowledge is not taken into consideration in planning and implementation of agriculture and rural development programmes. Because the context of the rural households is not analysed by the extension services and the value of local knowledge not appreciated, the introduction of the new technologies fails. The end-users of the extension services are regarded as passive beneficiaries of the service, and in turn they tend to accept the traditional approaches.The role of agricultural extension in enhancing rural livelihood security was found to be important for rural households. However, the extension services do not reach the majority of rural households because of a number of limitations. These include poor infrastructure, lack of transport, staff shortage and limited capacity to implement relevant policies. It was also found that there was a severe shortage of women trained in agriculture. The male extension agents do not have training that equips them to work with rural women. Meanwhile the home economics agents are not trained to approach rural development from a holistic perspective rather than the traditional approaches to support women's reproductive roles. The extension services do not have effective linkages with other institutions involved in rural livelihood security. One of the most essential challenges for the extension services is to develop alternative and flexible extension approaches that are in line with the promotion of participatory processes as outlined in the policies. Due to the poor infrastructure and lack of human capacity, the extension services are unable to adopt the use of those information and communication technologies that offer new ways of communicating and exchanging information and knowledge.Indigenous knowledge is important to agricultural extension services because it encompasses the skills, experiences and insights of local people applied to maintain their livelihood security. This study found that indigenous knowledge plays an important role in decision-making pertaining to food and nutrition security, agriculture, health care, income-generation and natural resource management. Rural households, particularly in Ubombo, showed to be very dependent on indigenous knowledge for their livelihood. However, the conventional agricultural extension approaches tend to overlook the potential and the significance of indigenous knowledge in improving rural livelihood security. Thus the extension agents do not fully recognise and appreciate indigenous knowledge in their interaction with the rural communities.We found that the extension staff is aware of policies to mainstream gender in agriculture and rural development but does not have the methodology on how to integrate gender into extension services. Therefore extension services do not address many priority needs of rural women and men in the study area. Both male and female extension agents need training in gender roles, natural resource conservation, HIV/AIDS impact on agriculture and rural development and other emerging issues that need to be addressed.In conclusion the thesis considers that some of the indicators of household livelihood security that are found in the literature, such as income, have limited applicability for the context of rural households in KwaZulu-Natal. Hence, relevant indicators should be determined in consultation with the rural households in a given location. Furthermore, we found that the concept of household has a Western bias that makes it problematic as a unit of analysis in rural Southern Africa. Here, the concept of homestead rather than household seems to be the appropriate research unit for exploring rural livelihood security at micro level. The general assumption that female-headed households are more vulnerable than male-headed households was proven to be of limited validity in a context of shared community poverty and vulnerability. In view of the findings of this thesis, the household, whether or not in the form of the homestead, is the significant entry point for enhancing rural livelihood security. It should be given more attention in promoting economic growth, social development and eradication of vulnerability and poverty.

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Deze bijdrage gaat over de veranderende patronen van armoede op het platteland en bij boeren in de periode 1950-2000. Na een algemene inleiding wordt ingegaan op het begrip armoede. In dit gedeelte schetsen we verschillende soorten armoede, aan de hand van de metaforen over kapitaal van Bourdieu (1977), en wijzen we op een vierde vorm van kapitaal die voor boeren van belang is: het ecologische kapitaal. Dan volgt een beschrijving van de armoede op het platteland in de late jaren veertig en de jaren vijftig. Dit gebeurt door de situatie van welvaart en armoede te plaatsen tegen de achtergrond van oorspronkelijke landschaps- en nederzettingstypen. Daarna volgt een case-study over veranderingen en ontwikkelingen in een Fries dorp (Ureterp) met meerdere landschappen. Het volgende deel is een samenvatting van de resultaten van recente onderzoeken naar armoede bij agrarische gezinsbedrijven. In het slotdeel wordt de huidige aan de landbouw gerelateerde armoede op het platteland vergeleken met die van een halve eeuw terug

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