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The book “Bosniaks Facing the Challenges of Global Political Processes: The Political Maturation of a Nation” provides a synthetic overview of the development of Bosniaks as a nation amidst various historical and societal challenges.

Cyclically for several centuries in Bosnia and Herzegovina, there have been carried out crimes against humanity, serious violations of the Geneve Conventions and violations of the laws and customs of war and other crimes aginst the protected persons and social groups. Crimes are usually committed during armed conflicts. The mass crimes committed in Bosnia and Herzegovina in the previous two centuries were primarily determined by the ideologies of territorial nationalism and the projects for their realisations by the neighbouring Croatia and Serbia. Additionally, in the armed conflict in Bosnia and Herzegovina in the period 1992-1995 numerous crimes against humanity, serious violations of the Geneva Conventios, violations of the laws and costums of war and other crimes against protected objects, in its individual and mass nature, were also committed including the most serious crime that humanity has experienced since its inception- the crime of genocide. The Serbian-Montenegrin aggressor committed numerous forms of crimes against humanity and international law in all occupied towns and cities of the internationally regonised state and and a member of the United Nations (UN). The attacks on the area of the municipality of Rogatica whach are the subject of this research are considered to be the pattern which the aggressor (Federal Republic of Yugoslavia) and its collaborators (Bosnian Serbs) used in order to completely exterminate Bosniaks from the territory of the Republic of Bosnia and Herzegovina which they intended to occupy militarily. The intention and method of committing Serbian crimes in the area of Podrinje, which also included the municipality of Rogatica, during the Greater Serbian aggression in 1992-1995 are the same as the chetnik crimes against the Bosniak population during the World War II. Zepa, the largest of the ten local communities in the municipality of Rogatica, became a small Bosnian enclave during the aggression against the Republic of Bosnia and Herzegovina that resisted the attacks and blows of a far superior enemy until the middle of 1995. Resolution No.824 declaring Zepa a „safe zone” of the United Nations was adopted on May 6, 1993 by the UN Security Council. The aggressor continued the coordinated and systematic „cleansing” of the Bosniak population from that area consciously ignoring the fact that Zepa was declared a „safe zone” by the UN. The attacks on the Bosniaks of Zepa were not of different character compared to the attacks on other areas of the Republic of Bosnia and Herzegovina, especially Podrinje. Attacks on Bosniaks as an ethnic, national, national and religious group as a whole, and therefore those from the area of Zepa, were an integral part of the Greater Serbian ideology, policy and practice of creating the so-called Great Serbia. This research aims to shed light on the importance and status of the UN „safe zone”, the attitude of the international community towards the aggressor and the victims, the aggressor's activities up to the complete occupation of this „safe zone” and the crimes committed against Bosniaks.

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Gyula Germanus or Hajji Julius Abdul-Karim Germanus, Hungarian Muslim Orientalist Professor (1884-1979) was a well-known scholar and popular figure in Hungary from the turn of the century until late seventies. He was an Arabist, teacher, professor, writer, traveller, literary historian as well MP in Hungary (1958-1966) and member of many academies abroad. He converted to Islam in Delhi in 1930, and he was the first Hungarian to make a pilgrimage to Mecca (Hajj) in 1935. In this paper, I would like to describe in more detail his first major trip abroad, which took him to Bosnia and Herzegovina in the summer of 1902. The 17-year-old Germanus, a newly graduated, well-informed, educated, multilingual and already interested in Eastern culture, had a lifetime of experiences on his journey. Based partly on one of his memoirs and partly on a radio play he wrote and found in the Germanus bequest, I will outline in detail a chronicle of his days in Bosnia. First he travelled by train from Budapest to Banja Luka, where he visited the only Trappist monastery in the Balkans, and then he wrote a brief history of the Trappist order in his book. He then travelled with his companions by coach along a wild and scenic road carved into the valley of the Vrbas river towards Jajce. He noted that the Hungarian soldiers who invaded Bosnia and Herzegovina in 1878 had named the province “the land of curved mountains” for a reason. It is in Jajce that he had his greatest and most astonishing adventure, when he walked into a café in the evening, where he was greeted with great affection by the regular Bosniaks, especially after it turns out that he speaks Turkish. So he spends the evening in good company and is amply entertained. This first impression of the kindness and hospitality of the Muslim people of the East will stayed with him for the rest of his life. Jajca was followed by a journey by narrow-gauge railway to Sarajevo, the capital of Bosnia. In addition to describing the city and its sights, Germanus also reported that he had made a new and very dear friend, the intelligent Ahmed Mustafa, a shariat law student. After meeting him, they talked about the Islamic religion, the Quran, shariat and visited the bazaar. Afterwards they had dinner and Germanus invited his new friend to visit Hungary, who accompanied him to Grazová and then to Raguza. They also discovered Raguza together and said goodbye to each other. From there Germanus travelled to Cattaro, then to Cetinje in Montenegro, where he had interesting and instructive adventures, and after a long and difficult ordeal, including two days of starvation, he arrived in Fiume, where he was helped by an acquaintance of his father’s, and was able to travel home in peace. In the conclusion, I will explain that six years after Germanus’ visit, the Austro-Hungarian Empire annexed Bosnia and Herzegovina to the Empire, and tensions between the peoples of the Balkans escalated, leading to the Sarajevo assassination attempt on 28 June 1914, which soon afterwards led to the outbreak of the First World War. Germanus never forgot his first trip and the positive experiences he had here. He had sympathy for the Bosniaks and helped them in Hungary when veteran soldiers and officers stranded in Hungary after the First World War founded an Islamic religious community in 1931 under the leadership of former Military Imam Husein Hilmi Durić . Germanus, who was already a Muslim, supported them, mobilised his network of contacts for them and took on the role of secretary-general of the so-called “Gül Baba Cultural Committee”. I believe that the teenager Germanus’ personality development was greatly influenced by his trip in 1902 and the friendly, welcoming atmosphere that surrounded him.

During the 1980s of 20th century, socialist Yugoslavia faced various social problems, which disintegrated the fragile tissue of Tito's state-political legacy. In the early 1990s, when the unstoppable phase of dissolution of this country began, national-chauvinist quasi-elites surfaced, with the aim of realizing their great-nation ambitions in a period of general unrest. Although in this whirlwind of social events the possibility of military intervention by the JNA was used as an indispensable threat factor, the behind-the-scenes political agreements of republican leaders were often much more effective in achieving certain goals. Sometimes conducted in public, and sometimes secretly, such negotiations violated the authority of state bodies and made their existence meaningless. In this context, one can certainly observe the most famous separate negotiations from the beginning of the 1990s on the territory of the disintegrating Yugoslavia, conducted between Slobodan Milosevic and Franjo Tudjman. Although due to the lack of transcripts we have no insight into the details of these talks, many close associates of the Serbian and Croatian presidents, as well as participants in various political sessions, clearly indicate the presence of a high degree of mutual agreement on the division of Bosnia and Herzegovina. However, today, three decades after Karadjordjev and Tikves, there is a reasonable suspicion that it was just a double political game of Slobodan Milosevic, who entered into such talks with Croatian President Franjo Tudjman, not to divide Bosnia and Herzegovina with him but to confront him with the Bosniaks and thus weaken the front against Serbian hegemony in Yugoslavia. In this paper, the author sought to shed light on these events through statements by Tudjman and Milosevic, and addresses by their close associates and participants in numerous political talks, and thus help to take a more relevant view of Bosnia and Herzegovina's positioning in Serbian and Croatian politics in the early 1990s. year of the 20th century.

The Republic of North Macedonia and Bosnia and Herzegovina are friendly countries that have no outstanding issues and have been continuously improving their cooperation in all spheres of socio-political life and the economy on both bilateral and multilateral levels since their independence in 1993 to the present (2022). The ties and cooperation between these two states and their citizens have deep historical roots. The territory of present-day Bosnia and Herzegovina and the Republic of North Macedonia has been part of the same state entities for more than five centuries, in various, but also very similar positive or negative contexts and processes. This has allowed for not only cooperation but also understanding and mutual support among the people of North Macedonia (Macedonians, Bosniaks, as well as Albanians, Turks, and others) and the people of Bosnia and Herzegovina. Certainly, the Bosniaks in North Macedonia are the most significant factor in connecting the two states. Unlike Macedonians and other people of North Macedonian origin in Bosnia and Herzegovina, who are in smaller numbers and have a very short continuity from the time of the former Yugoslavia, the Bosniaks are part of Macedonia's distant past, as well as its contemporary Macedonian reality. Without them, no process or Macedonian story would be complete. Therefore, in addition to a chronological overview of the establishment and development of bilateral relations between the two countries since their independence, this paper will also focus on the position of Bosniaks in North Macedonia and Macedonians in Bosnia and Herzegovina after independence. Although there are very important historical processes before independence, I believe it is more important to pay attention to the current moment, which is the goal of this academic conference.

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The political organization of Bosniaks dates back to the beginning of the twentieth century, more precisely in 1906, when a group of Bosniak intellectuals formed the first political party called the Muslim People's Organization. As a result of the global political upheavals that affected most of Europe, certain decisions of international officials (primarily the Congress of Berlin in 1878) from the end of the nineteenth century complicated the position of Bosnia and Herzegovina, as well as the Bosniaks. Realizing that through political activism they can defend their own interests in the newly emerging constellation of relations, Bosniak dignitaries led by Ali-beg Firdus and other dignitaries began a demanding political struggle. The scope of Bosniak politics at that time was extremely limited, as were the political organizations and representatives of Bosniaks in the years after, in contrast to the end of the twentieth century when politically organized Bosniaks managed to restore their national name Bosniak, the Bosnian language, but also democratically fight for an independent Bosnia and Herzegovina. Namely, during the twentieth century, the political development of Bosniaks can be traced, which at the beginning of the nineties experienced a kind of culmination in the context of the achieved results. In that process, two years can be considered extremely important in the context of the political organization of Bosniaks in the period of the beginning of the dissolution of Yugoslavia. and those are definitely 1990 and 1991. The first year (1990) is important because of the officialization of political pluralism in the country at that time, while during 1991 processes took place that would not only change the everyday life of Bosniaks, but also the whole of Yugoslavia. The Bosniaks saw the introduction of democratic principles into daily life in Yugoslavia as an opportunity for renewed political organization, which was imposed as a logical sequence of the circumstances of a nation in the post-communist period. The formation of the first Bosniak political party during the nineties - the Party of Democratic Action - SDA, started the Bosniak struggle for equality, but also the preservation of the position of Bosnia and Herzegovina within Yugoslavia, and later as an independent state. The aim of the paper is to present the way of the initial political organization of Bosniaks due to the new political reality in Yugoslavia, with a focus on Bosnia and Herzegovina and Sandžak, with an overview of organizing throughout the Bosniak diaspora. In historiography, the role of the Bosniak diaspora in the context of the original political organization during the nineties has often been unfairly neglected. The Bosniak diaspora carefully followed all events in Yugoslavia, and tried to be a part of them in all available ways. The beginning of political organizing among Bosniaks in Bosnia and Herzegovina and Sandžak was followed with great attention, and Bosniak political activists from Bosnia and Herzegovina and Sanjak often went together on tours throughout the diaspora, with the aim of including Bosniaks outside their homeland in important processes that then took place in Yugoslavia. The political struggle of Bosniaks in Sanjak, about which the Bosnian public knows very little, took place almost parallel to the one in Bosnia and Herzegovina. The political representatives of Bosniaks from Sanjak experienced various forms of segregation by the Great Serbian regime from Belgrade, as evidenced by various official documents and other sources, which were used in the preparation of this work. According to the above, there is a need to research such a topic, which has the task of encouraging other authors to investigate this period in more detail. In the context of the methodology of the work, it is worth noting that the work will primarily contain the thematic and chronological methods, with the use of other methods for which the need arises, for the purpose of improving the quality of the work. The paper before you is not the final letter on the mentioned topic, but an attempt to answer some important and unavoidable questions from the beginning of the nineties of the last century, in the context of the political history of Bosniaks.

The main aim of this article is to examine the construction of a religiously ideal Muslim woman as presented in two sources documenting Bosnian Muslim (Bosniak) customs. The concept of a religiously ideal Muslim woman adopted in this article is based on recent theoretical studies in mainstream Sunnism, which can be arranged into three thematic areas: (i) the nature of female sexuality; (ii) gender segregation and veiling; and (iii) husband-wife dynamics and corresponding gender roles and norms. This article argues that the concept of a religiously ideal Bosnian Muslim woman in the two selected sources strongly reflects the ideal presented in mainstream Sunnism, which are premised upon beliefs that women embody an aggressive socio-morally corrupting sexuality, that upholding strict segregation and veiling is vital, and that husbands hold the locus of authority and control over their wives. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

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Copyright of Filozofija i Drustvo is the property of University of Belgrade, Institute for Philosophy & Social Theory and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

This paper puts forward the question of the correlation between the religiosity of Bosniaks and their identity, which has gone through numerous phases through the centuries-long process of evolution of ethnonational collective consciousness and very often reflexively influenced the content and manifestation of the phenomenon of religiosity. From a contemporary sociological perspective, through methodologically based research, it was necessary to redefine the phenomenon of the religiosity of Bosniaks and determine its real impact on identity construction. During the research, it was determined that Islam is not a key and dominant identity basis for Bosniaks, but is selectively accepted through the traditional aspect, subjected to the process of adaptation, and used (instrumentalized) only as a cohesive and identifying tool, provided Bosniaks with the substratum of collectivity and crucial specificity of their identity.

National fragmentation of Slavic Muslims in the Montenegrin area of the Sandžak region into Bosniaks and national Muslims was recorded in the last two population censuses in Montenegro, with minor differences in the two sets of results. Therefore, the following question emerges: what are the social and political factors, prevalent in the Montenegrin area of the Sandžak region, that drive national self-identification of Slavic Muslims in this region either towards Bosniakism (national Bosniaks) or national Muslimhood (national Muslims). In the Montenegrin sociopolitical discourse in the relevant period, the social constructs "Bosniak" and "Muslim" have been shaped so that the first ethnonym implies stronger national ties and the tendency to complete one's national identity through identification with Slavic Muslims outside of Montenegro, while the second ethnonym is closer to Montenegrin state patriotism and the intra-Montenegrin state framework. Empirical material from relevant censuses shows that the tendency of Slavic Muslims in Montenegro to embrace national Bosniakism is not driven by actions of political elites, the proximity and influence of Bosnia, or the ethnic/pre-Islamic origin of this part of the Montenegrin population, but rather by the homogeneity of the population at the municipal level: national Bosniakism is more pronounced in confessionally homogeneous Muslim communities than in those municipalities where Slavic Muslims and Christians live side by side. This finding is interpreted from the perspective of symbolic interactionism: in the confessionally heterogeneous Montenegrin-Sandžak municipalities, we have witnessed self-censorship of Slavic Muslims in terms of their national self-designation, as a result of the need to preserve the positive perceptions held by their Christian fellow citizens. In confessionally homogeneous Muslim municipalities, this factor did not have a major impact, resulting in a significantly large-scale acceptance of national Bosniakism than in those local administrations in the Montenegrin part of the Sandžak region where Slavic Muslims live with the Christian population. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper traces the development of the Orthodox Church institutions in Serbia and Bosnia-Herzegovina during the de-Ottomanization process of Southeastern Europe in the 19th and early 20th centuries. I focus on the Muslim population's responses, primarily by institutions and intellectuals, to events that followed the autonomy of the Belgrade Metropolitanate gained in 1831. The Orthodoxy's increasing influence and the declining influence of Islam on social trends and the formation of political ideas and approaches are also detected. The 'Eastern question' still has significant protagonists in the Balkans, so these relations have their geopolitical implications. Given the holistic approach, attention is paid to this relationship in the wider Balkan and even global context due to clear links in social movements during the de-Ottomanization of the Balkans, beyond Bosniak-Serb relations. The analysis also includes the consequences of certain religious and popular teachings within these universal missions on the ideological and cultural conflicts. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Numerous „long-term“ historical processes transcend local frameworks and regional boundaries. This also refers to the complex issue of the de-Ottomanization of the Balkans, the „border of the worlds“, whose political geography has been subjected to radical changes, bringing significant ethnic changes and displacements. Its multi-ethnic and religious color disrupted calculations with imposed and simple categorizations. Migrations radically changed the demographic map of the ethnically mixed, unstable area of the Balkans - a „zone of friction“ in which major political events and wars took place, where the phenomenon of migration, migration, exodus, resettlement, displacement and settlement was permanently expressed. All nations have separate stories and dates in their memory, they remember different events and dates from their own perspective, apostrophize different roles, perpetuate monuments, experience different causes and consequences. The history of any nation is indeed the history of a long-lasting process. Knowledge of the world/European past is important for a more comprehensive understanding of complex processes, comparisons and placing national and regional histories in a broader context that provides more meaningful answers. The Ottoman history of the Balkans requires rational reconstructions, complex and asymmetric images of the past, inclusion of nuanced historical phenomena, critical and reasoned reinterpretation, freedom from pseudo-mythical and pseudo-historical networks and tensions. What exists of it constitutes a selective, compartmentalized history. A number of researchers continue to treat the past of the Balkans from a narrowly national starting point, ignoring the history and achievements of other ethnic groups and the multinational societies and states to which they once belonged. In the dominant Christian Balkan narratives, an almost static negative image of the Ottomans, devoid of positive attributes, persisted. The history of the Balkans is not complete, nor can it be interpreted without studying and appreciating the fate of the Muslims, whose brutal persecution from that area began at the end of the 17th century. That history is mostly presented while minimizing and marginalizing the Muslim component. The fate of Bosniaks should therefore not be observed in isolation, but also in a wider regional framework, in the context of the fate of other Muslim communities in the Balkans. The dramatic events of 1875-1878, the de-Ottomanization processes that preceded them, the decisions of the Berlin Congress in 1878, as well as the accompanying territorial demarcations, greatly changed the mosaic geopolitical, religious and ethnic picture of the Balkans, especially the number and territorial distribution of the Muslim population. Expulsions and emigration of Muslims affected the tectonic changes of the ethnic-religious structure. The emigration of Bosniaks from Bosnia and Herzegovina, initiated in 1878, is an integral part of the continuous process of widespread emigration of Muslims from the Balkans. It represents a massive and long emigrant movement caused by the action of a number of political, social, economic and other important factors. The emigration of Bosniaks, as well as other Muslims of different ethnic and linguistic origins from the Balkans to various parts of the Ottoman Empire, had a number of consequences that were manifested in all levels of their life courses. After 1878, a considerable number of emigrants from BiH came, in several stages, to Sandžak, one of the emigrant centers in the Balkan part of the Ottoman Empire, itself exposed to numerous problems and temptations. After the Balkan Wars (1912-1913), a strong wave of emigration and persecution of Muslims from the new, confiscated Balkan Ottoman provinces affected the Bosniak population in Sandžak, as well as the Muhajirs there from Bosnia and Herzegovina, towards the distant Anatolian regions of the Ottoman Empire. Breakthrough events must be shown from the positions of all the protagonists, as well as from the perspective of ordinary people.

During 1991, the security services of Bosnia and Herzegovina began to monitor the telephone conversations of high-ranking officials of the Serbian Democratic Party (SDS). These recorded conversations reveal part of the truth to the preparations for the war and the genocide that followed. Intercepted conversations also show the connections that Serbian officials in Bosnia and Herzegovina had with Belgrade, that is, with Slobodan Milošević and other officials of the Yugoslav leadership. These conversations were recorded until the beginning of the aggression, that is, until they left the territory of the Republic of Bosnia and Herzegovina in March and April 1992, by persons whose phones were tapped. This paper will deal with conversations that were recorded in the period from May 1991 to March 1992. One of the most common topics of these conversations was the issue of Islam, that is, the thematization of terms such as „Islamic Republic“, „Islamic Declaration“, „Islamic way of life“, „Islamic fundamentalism“, etc. The paper shows how the Serbian political elite used this terminology to instill fear in public opinion, but to a certain extent they also believed that an increased birth rate would lead to the establishment of a Muslim-majority state. For the purposes of writing this paper, research was done on primary sources, i.e. transcripts of intercepted conversations. The transcripts were used as evidence by the Prosecutor's Office of the Hague Tribunal during the trial of high-ranking Serbian officials. In addition to the research, sorting and analysis of the transcripts, this paper will also identify the most prominent participants in the conversation of the Serbian leadership. Also, given the aforementioned specificity of telephone conversations through their private nature, it is possible to dissect important topics in the conversations, which are often not military and political, and will contribute to finding additional answers. This makes these conversations even more important because they show a more intimate side of the genocidal strategist. Participants such as high-ranking officials Slobodan Milošević, Radovan Karadžić, Biljana Plavšić, Nikola Koljević, Momčilo Krajišnik, Dobrica Čosić and others, shows what and how those at the top thought in their private telephone conversations in those days in 1991 and 1992. On the other hand, through the conversations, one can see how well the SDS leadership managed the situation on the ground. Low-ranking figures who performed various political and social tasks such as Todor Dutin, director of the SRNA, Rajko Dukić, president of the SDS Executive Committee and a local strongman in Milići appear in the conversations; Vojo Kuprešanin, member of the Main Board of SDS and a key man in Krajina; Vitomir Žepinić, Deputy Minister of Internal Affairs of Bosnia and Herzegovina; Radoslav Brđanin, head of the Autonomous Region of Krajina, Zvonko Bajagić, a prominent member of the SDS in Vlasenica, Gojko Đogo, writer and essayist, a close friend of Karadžić, Momčilo Momo Mandić, Deputy Minister of Internal Affairs of Bosnia and Herzegovina and later wartime Minister of Justice of the so-called „Republic Serbian“,; Trifko Komad, head of Radovan Karadžić's Cabinet and member of the SDS Main Board and many others. Also, what is important to mention is the visible 'radicalization' of the participants in the talks. As the political situation on the ground worsened, hate speech and threats became more frequent and serious. This paper aims to further approach this important topic of intercepted conversations and to popularize its greater use in scientific research works. With the advancement of technology and means of communication, the primary sources for research are slowly shifting and taking on a new look. Thus, this paper also tries to analyze these intercepted conversations to give some insight into the complexity of understanding the genocidal intentions of the Bosnian Serb leadership.

In addition to human losses, the Second World War caused great damage to the economy of Bosnia and Herzegovina, especially to the industry that was exposed to severe destruction and damage. The situation was similar in the Bosnian Podrinje, and in the whole of northeastern Bosnia, where many residential buildings were destroyed. The Communist Party was not active in northeastern Bosnia, leaving room for its political and ideological opponents. More or less „Chetnik and Ustasha groups“ were moving around the surrounding forests, attacking the local population, harassing and looting them. The period of peace and stability from 1945 to 1991 enabled, among other things, the strong economic, educational, cultural and demographic development of Bosnia and Herzegovina. After the end of the Second World War, Bosnia and Herzegovina had an area of 51,121 km2. According to the 1948 census, 2,565,277 people lived in the area. There were 1,237,381 males and 1,327,896 females. There were 498,294 households. According to the 1948 census, there were 1,136,116 Serbs (44.29%), 788,384 Bosniaks (30.73%), 614,142 Croats (23.94%), 4,338 Slovenes (0.17%), and 675 Macedonians (0.03%), Montenegrins 3,094 (0.12%), other Slavs 12,947 (0.50%), non-Slavs 5,338 (0.21%) and unknown 193 (0.007%). In 1948, the Bosnian Podrinje consisted of eight districts (counties): Bijeljina, Foča, Goražde, Rogatica, Srebrenica, Višegrad, Vlasenica and Zvornik. At that time, Bratunac was in the Srebrenica County, and Čajniče was in the Goražde County. In this area lived 326,930 inhabitants. There were 123,798 Bosniaks (37.87%), 199,232 Serbs (60.94%), 2,938 Croats (0.90%), 78 Slovenes (0.02%), 41 Macedonians (0.01%), and 194 Montenegrins. 0.06%), other Slavs 144 (0.04%), non-Slavs 194 (0.06%) and unknown 21 (0.006%). In 1948, Bosniaks made up the majority of the population in the counties of Goražde and Zvornik, and Serbs in the counties of Bijeljina, Foča, Rogatica, Srebrenica, Višegrad and Vlasenica. According to the 1991 census, there were 4,377,033 inhabitants in Bosnia and Herzegovina. The most numerous people were Bosniaks, of whom there were 1,902,956 or 43.50%. There were 1,366,104 Serbs or 31.21%, 760,852 Croats or 17.38%, 242,682 Yugoslavs or 5.54%, the other 104,439 or 2.38%. According to the 1991 census, there were 412,729 inhabitants in the Bosnian Podrinje area, which is 10,136 or 2.52% more than in 1981. In the ethnic structure of the population, the most numerous were Bosniaks, who numbered 223,955 (54.26%). There were 170,402 Serbs (41.29%), 1,312 Croats (0.32%), 8,451 Yugoslavs (2.05%) and 8,960 others (2.17%). In the period from 1948 to 1991, the population of Bosnia and Herzegovina increased from 2,565,277 to 4,377,033, which is an increase of 1,811,756 persons (70.62%). The number of Bosniaks increased from 788,384 to 1,902,956 persons, which is an increase of 1,114,572 persons (141.37%). Serbs recorded an increase from 1,136,116 to 1,366,104 persons, an increase of 229,988 persons (20.24%), and Croats from 614,142 to 760,852 persons, an increase of 146,710 persons (23.89%). The number of others increased from 26,585 to 347,121 people, which is an increase of 320,536 people (1205.70%). In 1948, Bosniaks made up 30.73% of the total population of Bosnia and Herzegovina, Serbs 44.29%, Croats 23.94% and Others 1.04%. In 1991, Bosniaks accounted for 43.50%, Serbs 31.21%, Croats 17.38% and Others 7.93% of the total population of Bosnia and Herzegovina. In the area of the Bosnian Podrinje, the number of inhabitants, in the period 1948-1991. year, increased from 326,930 to 412,729, which is an increase of 85,799 people (26.24%). Bosniaks had an increase from 123,798 to 223,965 persons, which is an increase of 100,167 persons (80.90%). Serbs recorded a decrease from 199,322 to 170,402 persons, which is a decrease of 29,396 persons (14.51%), and Croats from 2,938 to 1,312 persons, which is a decrease of 1,626 persons (55.66%). The number of Others increased from 672 to 17,411 persons, which is an increase of 16,739 persons (2490.92%). In 1948, Bosniaks made up 37.87% of the total population of the Bosnian Podrinje, Serbs 60.94%, Croats 0.90% and Others 0.21%. In 1991, Bosniaks made up 54.26%, Serbs 41.29%, Croats 0.32% and Others 0.40% of the total population of the Bosnian Podrinje. During the socialist period, the number of Bosniaks in the total population of the Bosnian Podrinje continuously increased due to stable natural growth, peace, developed economy, health and the fact that a significant number of Bosniaks „hid“ in Yugoslavs and other groups. At the same time, the number of Serbs and Croats in the total population of this area was decreasing. This was, first of all, due to the departure of Serbs and Croats to neighboring Serbia, ie Croatia for employment or education.

The focal point of this paper stands on the polyvalent nature of secularity which is detected through itsvarious forms and practical application as well as through ideological instrumentalization resulting inextreme derivatives. There is the specific influence of secular ideas and practices on the Bosniak socialcontext, which has been marked during historical development by different phases of the relationshipbetween religion and the state, dating back from the middle of the 20th century consequently leading tohighly difficult and complex changes within the Bosniak existence. These changes were primarily aimedat a completely new perception of the notion itself and a considerably decreased application of religiousstandards. Those standards have sustained under the pressure of secular moralities hence transformedinto the pattern that has transitioned to antidotes briefly described by the phrase "fluctuating religiosity".It was these compromise solutions that enabled the "soft" transformation of Islamic legal norms intoreligious-moral norms (as a milder and more acceptable form of normative determination). Thisconversion of the Islamic spirit, practice, and worldviews of Bosniaks retain the amassing consequenceson a significant contingent of identity categories. The whole process is being critically assessed throughsociological analysis in this paper. Taking into account the Bosniak path through modernity, whichbegins in the late 19th century; secularization represented a serious Rubicon that needed to be bridged,and within the framework of new understandings of religiosity to build a necessary and adequate framefor the preservation of religious and ethnonational identity. On the example of Bosniak practice whichhas found a middle ground between nominally irreconcilable secular laws and religious imperatives, ageneral conclusion can be drawn about the existence of a probable sociological model of harmonizationof different antagonisms in the relationship between the state and religion that affirm ideas such asseparation with cooperation, overlapping consensus or neutrality with respect, guaranteeing fundamentalfreedoms and human rights and within them; inter alia, the preservation of religious sovereignty, identityand practice, which opens the door to convergent perspectives in a global context.

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During the 1980s, socialist Yugoslavia was hit by various social problems, which disintegrated the fragile tissue of Tito's state-political legacy. In the early 1990s, when the unstoppable phase of dissolution of this country began, national-chauvinist pretensions resolved to realize their old great-power ambitions in a period of general disruption surfaced. Although in this whirlwind of social turmoil the method of military force was used as the dominant and indispensable factor, behind the scenes political arrangements were very often much more effective in realizing certain goals. Sometimes conducted in public, and sometimes secretly, such negotiations were most often a typical expression of grand national aspirations. In this context, one can certainly observe one of the most famous separate negotiations in the 1990s on the soil of the disintegrating Yugoslavia, conducted between Slobodan Milosevic and Franjo Tuđman. Although these talks have not been published to date, many close associates of the Serbian and Croatian presidents, as well as participants in various political sessions, clearly indicate the presence of a high degree of their mutual agreement on the division of Bosnia and Herzegovina. In this paper, the author tried to shed light on the separate Serbo-Croatian efforts to divide the territory of Bosnia and Herzegovina through the statements of Tuđman and Milosevic, and the speeches of their close associates and participants in numerous political talks.

Complex socio-historical processes and turning epochs, as well as numerous segments that are an integral part of people's lives, are the subject of interdisciplinary studies. War is one of the most dramatic, most complex social phenomena. In addition to armed operations, there are a number of other dimensions related to war, starting from psychological, legal, sociological, social, economic, cultural to others. Critical and multiple perspectives contribute to the completion of images of politics, wars and their relations. The disintegrations of the ideological paradigm and the Socialist Federal Republic of Yugoslavia were accompanied by the (re)construction of new national identities, the outbreak and duration of „wars“ of different memories, the reshaping of consciousness and the re-examination of history, especially those related to World War II. The history of that war in Yugoslavia was undoubtedly the history of several wars which were stacked on top of each other. The main issue with Bosniaks in that war is a multiperspectival topic that requires a multidimensional and deideologized presentation of the position and the position of all involved actors. Numerous issues related to that war, the complex position of Bosniaks in Bosnia and Herzegovina and Sandžak, the emergence of civic responsibility, Bosniak protection of the vulnerable Serb Orthodox population, humanity and assistance, beyond post-war ideological premises and „official truths“ remained more or less marginalized, although they seek more objective and complete answers from multiple angles, for the sake of a more complete view of the past. What is called „local“ or „regional history“, as evidenced by diverse experiences, indicates the multidimensionality of the past, its features and specifics in a certain area. The Second World War in Sandžak could not be understood more objectively outside the broader Yugoslav context. This is also special for the history of Novi Pazar, the largest city in Sandžak which was the subject of many different political plans and conceptions. The history of this city has several sections. After the withdrawal of German forces from Novi Pazar, the Chetniks tried to conquer this city for three times in the fall of 1941. However, thanks to the dedicated defense and the help of Albanian armed groups from Kosovo, Bosniaks managed to defend themselves and Novi Pazar. Even in such a dramatic situation, numerous examples of humanity, solidarity and assistance of Bosniaks to the intimidated Serb urban population have been recorded. In the most difficult days of the war, when Novi Pazar was exposed to Chetnik attacks, a significant part of Bosniaks took actions to prevent anarchy, to save Serbs from terror and revenge. The task of science is to constantly discover forgotten and unknown parts of the past, to re-examine previous knowledge. Everything that happened has a whole range of perspectives. It is necessary to have a multidimensional understanding of the causes and course of events, circuits and time limits, to explain narrowed alternatives. Any reduction of historical totality to only one dimension is problematic. Every nation, every state, in a way, write their „histories“, remember different personalities, events, dates, emphasize various roles, perpetuates monuments, emphatize with different causes and consequences. Contemporary abuses of the interpretation of the war past, one-sided approaches, fierce prejucides and quasi-historical analyzes in the service of the politics damage interethic relations and lead to further growth of tensions and distancing between nations and states in their region.

How difficult it is to introduce democratic institutional arrangements in a territory that had mainly experience with authoritarian government is illustrated by the case of Bosnia-Herzegovina (BH). The Dayton Peace Accord of 1995 established the (Office of the) High Representative (OHR) to help the new republic of BH develop into a democracy. After more than 25 years, one cannot but conclude that the creation of democratic institutions has not worked for lack of collaboration between the three most important ethnic groups. At best, BH is a controlled democracy, held together by OHR. The development of this office is analyzed in terms of a neo-institutional framework. We argue that the republic survives so far on the basis of negative legitimacy (accepting the OHR as the binding institutional arrangement). This also suggests that neither developments in a past long gone nor more recent developments (i.e., ‘strong’ path-dependency) prohibit a development toward positive legitimacy (i.e., ‘lean’ path-dependency). The case of BH also illustrates that democracy is hard, if not impossible, to establish when people are internally divided and where (some) domestic and international actors exploit these divisions in the international arena. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The relationship between identity and national consciousness is one of the important issues, not only, of the sociology of identity but of the overall opinion of the social sciences. This scientific question has been insufficiently researched in the sociological thought of Bosnia and Herzegovina, and with this paper we are trying to actualize it. Aware of theoretical-methodological and conceptual-logical difficulties related to the research problem, we considered that in the first part of the paper we make some theoretical-methodological notes on the problems in studying this phenomenon, in order to, above all, eliminate conceptual-logical dilemmas. The use of terms and their meaning in sociology and other social sciences is a very important theoretical and methodological issue. The question justifiably arises whether we can adequately name and explain some of the “character traits” of the contemporary national identity of the Bosniak nation that we want to talk about in this paper with classical, generally accepted terms, identity, consciousness, self-awareness, shame or shame, self-shame. Another important theoretical issue of the relationship between identity and consciousness in our case, the relationship between the national consciousness of Bosniaks and their overall socio-historical identity is the dialectical relationship between individual and collective consciousness, ie. the extent to which the national consciousness of an individual or a particular national group, political, cultural, educational, age, etc., is contrary to generally accepted national values and norms. One of the important factors of national consciousness is the culture of remembrance. What does it look like for Bosniaks? More specifically, in this paper we problematize the influence of “prejudicial historiography” on the development of the culture of memory in the direction of oblivion or memory. What to remember, and why to remember. Memory is part of our identity. The phrase, not to deal with the past but to turn to the future, is impossible. How to project the future and not analyze the past. On the basis of what, what social facts? Why the world remembers the crimes of the Nazis, why the memory of the Holocaust and the suffering of the Jews is being renewed. Which is why Bosniaks would not remember and renew the memory of the genocides committed against them. Due to the Bosniak memory of genocide, it is possible that the perpetrators of genocide are celebrated as national heroes and their atrocities as a national liberation struggle. Why is the history of literature and art, political history and all other histories studied in all nations and nations. Why don't European kingdoms give up their own, queens and kings, princesses and princes. These and other theoretical-methodological questions have served us to use comparative analysis to show specific forms of self-esteem among Bosniaks today. The concrete socio-historical examples we cite fully confirm our hypothesis. Here are a few of these examples. Our eastern neighbors invented their epic hero Marko Kraljevic (Ottoman vassal and soldier, killed as a “Turkish” soldier in the fight against Christian soldiers in Bulgaria) who killed the fictional Musa Kesedzija, invented victory on the field of Kosovo, and Bosniaks forgot the real Bosniak epic heroes , brothers Mujo and Halil Hrnjic, Tala od Orašac, Mustaj-beg Lički and others, who defended Bosniaks from persecution and ethnic cleansing in the Bosnian Krajina. Dozens of schools in Bosnia and Herzegovina have been named after the Serbian language reformer, the Serb Vuk Stefanović Karađić (1787-1864), who was born in the village of Tršić near Loznica, Republic of Serbia. Uskufije (1601 / 1602.-?), Born in Dobrinja near Tuzla. Two important guslars and narrators of epic folk songs, Filip Višnjić (1767-1834) and Avdo Medjedović (1875-1953), are unequally present in the memory and symbolic content of the national groups to which they belong, even if the difference in quality is on the side of the almost forgotten. Avdo Medjedovic, the “Balkan Homer”, is known at Harvard University, but very little is known in Bosnia and Herzegovina. And while we learned everything about the murderer Gavril Princip, enlightened by the “logic of an idea” (Hannah Arendt) symbolizing him as a “national hero”, we knew nothing, nor should we have known, about Muhamed Hadžijamaković, a Bosnian patriot and legal soldier, he did not kill a single pregnant woman , a fighter in the Bosnian Army who fought against the Austro-Hungarian occupation of Bosnia and Herzegovina in 1878. When it comes to World War II and the fight against fascism are full of hero stories. For one example, we will take Srebrenica, the place of genocidal suffering of Bosniaks. Before the war against Bosnian society and the state 1992-1995. in Srebrenica, the elementary school was called Mihajlo Bjelakovic, a partisan, born in Vidrići near Sokolac. Died in Srebrenica in 1944. The high school in Srebrenica was named Midhat Hacam, a partisan born in the vicinity of Vares. It is not a problem that these two educational institutions were named after two anti-fascists, whose individual work is not known except that they died. None of them were from Srebrenica. That's not a problem either. Then what is it. In the collective memory of Bosniaks. Until recently, the name of the two Srebrenica benefactors and heroes who saved 3,500 Srebrenica Serbs from the Ustasha massacre in 1942, who were imprisoned by the Ustashas in the camp, has not been recorded. These are Ali (Jusuf) efendi Klančević (1888-1952) and his son Nazif Klančević (1910-1975). Nothing was said about them as anti-fascists, most likely that Alija eff. Klančević was an imam-hodža, his work is valued according to Andrić's “logic” as a work that cannot “be the subject of our work” In charity, humanitarian work, but also courage, sacrifice, direct participation in the fight for defense, the strongest Bosniaks do not lag behind Bosniaks, but just like Bosniaks, they are not symbolically represented in the public space of Bosnia and Herzegovina. We had the opportunity to learn about the partisan Marija Bursać and many others, but why the name Ifaket-hanuma Tuzlić-Salihagić (1908-1942), the daughter of Bakir-beg Tulić, was forgotten. In order to feed the muhadjers from eastern Bosnia, Ifaket-hanum, despite the warning not to go for food to Bosanska Dubica, she left. She bravely stood in front of the Ustashas who arrested her and took her to Jasenovac. She was tortured in the camp and eventually died in the greatest agony, watered and fried with hot oil. Nothing was known about that victim of Ustasha crimes. Is it because she is the daughter of Bakir-beg Tuzlić. Bey's children were not desirable in public as benefactors because they were “remnants of rotten feudalism”, belonging to the “sphere of another culture”. In this paper, we have mentioned other, concrete, examples of Bosniak monasticism, from the symbolic content of the entire public space to naming children.

Before the aggression, Bosniaks, Serbs, Croats, Yugoslavs and Others lived together in Vlasenica. According to the 1991 census, there were 33,942 inhabitants in Vlasenica: 18,727 Bosniaks (55.17%), 14,359 Serbs (42.30%), 39 Croats (0.11%), 340 Yugoslavs (1.00%) and 477 Others (1.24%). At the same time, in the town of Vlasenica lived 7,909 inhabitants: 4,800 Bosniaks (60.69%), 2,743 Serbs (34.68), 26 Croats (0.33%), 242 Yugoslavs (3.06%) and 98 Others. 1.24%). The population of the Municipality lived in the town of Vlasenica and 90 other settlements. Vlasenica, as a strategically important city in the plans and goals of the aggressors, has been the target of attacks since 1991. Aggression and war crimes against Bosniaks were planned, prepared and organized against this Bosnian town. Camps for Bosniaks were organized in Vlasenica, civilians were killed and then “buried” in mass graves, mass and systematic rapes and other forms of sexual violence were committed, the Bosniak elite was targeted and persecuted, civilians were expelled and deported en masse, and cultural goods and property and demolished religious buildings. After the war, he began returning to Vlasenica. However, this area has long been an area of precarious living for Bosniak returnees. Thus, on July 11, 2001, a 16-year-old girl, Meliha Durić, was killed in Vlasenica. This crime has not been solved. In the Bosnian entity of RS, the Bosnian language is denied. Teaching in the Bosnian language is prohibited, and the language is called the non-existent Bosniak language. This discriminates against students who want their language to be called Bosnian. The situation with employment in public administration is not good. Returnees are mainly engaged in agriculture and animal husbandry, but there is a problem with the placement of surplus products. In 2013, a census was conducted in Bosnia and Herzegovina. It was the first census after the war and aggression. In the municipality of Vlasenica, a significant part of which belonged to the municipality of Milici, there were 11,467 inhabitants: 3,763 Bosniaks, 7,589 Serbs, 31 Croats, 22 persons who did not declare their ethnicity, 15 Others, 14 without answers. The town of Vlasenica had 6,715 inhabitants, which is 1,194 fewer than in 1991. There were 967 or 3,633 fewer Bosniaks than in 1991. There were 5,679 or 2,936 more Serbs than in 1991. The municipality of Vlasenica had, in the total population, 33.82% Bosniaks, which is 21.35% less than in 1991, and 66.18% Serbs, which is 23.88% more than in 1991. In the town of Vlasenica, there were 14.40% Bosniaks and 84.50% Serbs in the total population. There were 46.29% less Bosniaks and 49.89% more Serbs. The population of Vlasenica lived in 36 settlements of the municipality, which is 55 settlements less than in 1991. The causes of such changes in the ethnic structure of the population of Vlasenica can be traced to the aggression against the Republic of Bosnia and Herzegovina, ethnic cleansing and genocide against Bosniaks. Certainly, other causes of the decrease in the number of Bosniaks in Vlasenica should not be neglected, such as the security situation, economic situation, education, road and other infrastructure, etc. The formation of the municipality of Milići significantly affected the reduction of the population of Vlasenica. Milići has 11,441 inhabitants: Serbs 7,180 or 62.76%, Bosniaks 4,199 or 36.70% of the total population. The population of Milić lives in 51 settlements.

In this study, we examined how Bosniak collective memory affects the pro-cess of formation of transnational social spaces and how identity is repre-sented in spaces. In this process, the Yıldırım Neighbourhood, which deve-loped with migrations as a research area and identified with its Bosniak identity, was preferred. Qualitative research methods were used in the study. Using the snowball sampling technique, in-depth interviews and focus group interviews were conducted. The findings were analyzed using the descriptive analysis method. The study understood that Bosniak immig-rants transformed Yıldırım Neighbourhood from farmland into a transnati-onal social space. While this area was shaped by the socio-cultural practi-ces of Bosniaks, it was named by equipping it with symbols of its identity, thus providing continuity of identity in some way. As a result, the spaces produced were effective in developing a bond of belonging to the two co-untries.

This paper addresses the following ąuestions: 1) what is the national language, 2) what is the relation between national language and standard language, and 3) how and to what extent is the national style associated with the national language and standard language. According to the author, there are two basie types of national styles - literary (standard) and non-literary (nonstandard). Each national style characterizes two national markings - the expressive and functional stylistic. In the main part o f the analysis the basie expressive functional stylistic differences between the national styles of Śtokavian peoples (Serbs, Croats, Bosniaks and Montenegrins) are demonstrated.

The paper analyzes the novel of symbolic titles: Others nests, A gate without a key, Bones and crows, Barren Turkish, White asians, integrated in the roman-fleuve Replacements (2000). The key starting point of this confessional chronicle’s chronotope are the decisions in Berlin with tragic consequences for the Bosniaks who were given the burden of “Turkish guilt” and whose name, national and cultural identity, homeland, state and existence were called into question.The novels represent a literary testimony about a period of historical processes and epochal changes in the Balkans, deeply entrenched within the layered and complex contexts of Bosniak culture and history.With authentic artistic speech, the representation and interpretation of historical dramas and traumas, Bašić awakened the identity and constituted the unwritten history of Sanjak-Montenegrin Bosniaks.

The dramatic currents of the history of the 19th and 20th centuries in the Balkans cannot be seen in a more comprehensive way, separate from the wider European / world context, geopolitical order, influence and consequences of the interesting logics of superpowers, models of de-Ottomanization and Balkanization. At the end of the 19th and the beginning of the 20th century, the Ottoman Empire was in a difficult position, pressured by numerous internal problems, exposed to external political pressures, conditions and wars. Crises and Ottoman military defeats in the Balkan Wars (1912-1913) and the "Great War" (1914-1918), along with the processes of de-Ottomanization and fragmentation of the territories in which they lived and the growth of divisions, disrupted the self-confidence of Muslims. Expulsions and mass exoduses of entire populations, especially Muslims, culminated in the Balkan wars. Bosniaks, as well as Muslims in the rest of "Ottoman Europe", found themselves in the ranks of several armies in the "Great War". Many Muslims from the Balkans, who arrived in the vast territory of the Empire in earlier times as refugees, also fought in the units of the Ottoman army. In that war it was defeated. On its remnants, a new state of Turkey (1923) was created after the Greco-Ottoman war (1919-1922).

Copyright of Social Sciences & Humanities Studies / Društvene i Humanističke Studije (DHS) is the property of Faculty of Humanities & Social Sciences, University of Tuzla and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

The paper presents the celebration of religious holidays in the Bosniak community on the territory of Novi Pazar, by giving an insight into their meanings, as well as by giving a brief presentation of the celebrations primarily from the period of socialism, up to the present days. Research on the celebrations of religious holidays in the region of Novi Pazar is based on utterances of interlocutors from this area, then on archival material and literature dealing with this subject. The aim of this paper is to present the genesis of religious holidays in the Bosniak community in Novi Pazar, viewed in the context of understanding the relationship between secular laws and religious issues, and to analyze changes in the ways they are celebrated over the past decades.

The adhan (‘the call to ritual prayer’) originated in Mecca in the seventh century, when it was, by order and instruction of the prophet Muhammad, for the first time, in an exceptionally lovely voice, melodiously performed by Bilal ibn Rebbah, also known as Bilal the Ethiopian. Over time, it became the symbol of testifying to the belief that there is only one god, Allah, and that Muhammad his prophet calls to Islam, as a sign of establishing power over a newly-conquered territory. With the spreading of Islam, the practice of salat, and thus the adhan, has been performed today, in addition to the salat, it is also performed when ritually naming newborns. In the areas which are dominantly inhabited by the Bosniaks in Serbia it still continues to be performed from the beginning of the 15th century. Viewed from the aspect of music, during the performance of an adhan we note the prevalence of various melodious patterns, depending on whether the Turkish or Arabic religious school predominates. The aim of this paper is to point at the importance and role of the adhan in the culture of Bosniaks, and thus argue for its inclusion in the school curricula for music education teaching in elementary and high schools. For this purpose, I use the existing scholarship on this topic recordings of interlocutors, ethnomusicological recordings of performances, as well as the analysis of curricula. I hope that this research will provide a contribute to expanding knowledge of the role of adhan among Bosniaks and understanding this form of Islamic spiritual music.

Muslims began to arrive in the area of Sisak and Kordun in a larger number only in the sixties of the twentieth century. Most of them came to Sisak from the West Bosnian municipalities of Bosanski Novi, Bosanska Krupa, Cazin, Velika Kladusa, Prijedor, Bosanska Dubica, while they came to Kordun mainly from the areas of Velika Kladusa and Cazin. Displacement into an urban center like Sisak in a labor camp in Capraga was a completely different character since settling in the rural zone between the Black Stream and Katinovec in the north and the Masina in the south (more than 50 kilometers distance). Sisak-based workers from western Bosnia came to Sisak for employment, while the Greater Cold and Cazin Muslims settled in Kordun mainly due to overpopulation in the zones in which they lived. The life rhythms of each other differed greatly. Metallurgical workers had permanent incomes, lived in specially built buildings mixed with other workers to those who had other religions and nationalities. The standard of living for all the workers in Caprago was much more equal, and despite religious and national differences, immigrant children entered national and religious mixed marriages. In contrast, the Cordon Muslims lived in very closed communities that remained religious and nationally homogeneous. This group, scattered in ten villages and hamlets at a distance and several kilometers from each other, lived mainly from agriculture and livestock, and individuals worked in Slovenia, Austria and Germany while their families lived in Kordun villages. Most of the Muslims who worked abroad were able to earn enough money to build houses not far from their home villages in a given period and thus maintain ties with friends and relatives and have the opportunity to create their own economy. Being engaged in farming and livestock farming, these Muslims lived, according to their own perception, in a fertile land from the land in the Cazin region. There is another big difference between Sisacki and Kordun Muslims. For the last war (1991-1995), the Kordun Muslims experienced an exodus, most often in their native places in western Bosnia, and they mobilized into various armies (from the Army of Bosnia and Herzegovina, through the 'grandmother' to the army of the Republic of Srpska Krajina and the Croatian Army ). Some of them, due to circumstances in which they found themselves during the war in several armies, and those who escaped or were expelled in 1991 captured the stolen, destroyed and burnt property when they returned after Operation Storm in 1995. By contrast, the Muslims of Sisak and its surroundings were very often Croatian volunteers and participated in the defense of their places of residence (eg Mošćenica) and other settlements in Banija and Croatia. Due to their religious and national affiliation, some of them had problems in the Croatian Army, and many did not exercise their rights as Croatian defender in the post-war period. After the war, the Kordun community increased by influx of new Muslims and high natural increase, while the Sisak community largely stagnated stagnated, and has recently been somewhat reduced due to the complete collapse of Sisak Ironworks, or the departure of younger persons abroad to work.

Reis Ibrahim effendi Fejić was a man of great intellect, a brave and daring intellectual, a man who unselfishly advocated for public interests, an outstanding scholar of spirituality and tradition in Bosnia and Herzegovina. He was a good philologist and polyglot. He was fluent in Arabic, Turkish and Persian, and he also used German. He was also engaged in publishing, working with many religious and state magazines and newspapers. He was a major supporter of reforms in religious and religious-educational life led by Reis-ul-Ulema Mehmed Džemaludin Čaušević. During the Second World War he committed himself to the National Liberation Movement, actively participating and bravely raising his voice against the crimes and persecution of innocent people no matter what religion or nation they belonged to. Five members of his family even gave their lives in the fight against fascism and for the liberation of the country. He held the Reis-ul-Ulema position in the period between 1947 and 1957, when he retired having reached a ripe old age. Despite the complex historical circumstances after the Second World War, Reis-ul-Ulema Ibrahim effendi Fejić carried out a series of activities aimed at improving the organisational, infrastructural, educational, cultural and religious circumstances within the Islamic community. With regard to emerging opportunities, marked by the narrowing of religious rights and freedoms, Reis Fejić invested a lot of energy and knowledge to preserve the basic functions of the community. Furthermore, he stood out as a tolerant man in his work, who worked on building good-neighbourly relations with other religious communities and preventing revanchism in the post-war period.

The past and present are inseparable, "holding hands". Breakthrough epochs always influence re-thinking of the perpetrator. Everything that happened has more perspective. The dramatic flows of the 19th and 20th centuries in the Balkans, even in Bosnia and Herzegovina, can not be universally perceived as separate from the wider European / global context, geopolitical order, influence and consequences of extreme interest logic, deosmanization and balkanization models. Long-term processes outperform different time periods and spatial boundaries. In them appearances, mental circles and ideologies are slowly changing. This also applies to the content of the relief sections of the "Eastern Question" and its sleeves, whose controversial paradigms, along with policy and instrumentalized science, transcend the boundaries of the centuries and continents. The view that Muslims are "aliens" in Europe is part of a mentality known and under his mask. What is known to the foreign public, especially in the "Western world", is known about the "Ottoman Balkans" and Muslims, Bosnia and Herzegovina, Bosniaks, which presents serious doctrine, but also what produces quasi-narratives and tendentious publications has never been insignificant. Each historiography is a product of one's own time, whose interests often determine not only questions that, especially influential scientists, set a complex past, but also answers, resisting its different perceptions. Prejudices and negative stereotypes, whose powerful social crisis generators and wars, immune to counter-arguments arising from opposing experiences and knowledge, articulate and uncritically articulate into historiographical interpretations. The truth to which it strives is a "whole" is not in one place and in the historiography of one nation, it requires a multiperspectival narrative.

The paper provides a brief overview of the significance and role of religious intelligence of Bosniaks in the field of affirmation of written texts in the Austro-Hungarian period. An overview of this kind of activity of Bosniak religious intelligence in the Austro-Hungarian period offers us a clearer picture of one important dimension in the process of development of the Bosniak people and challenges of adaptation to the new circumstances in a very turbulent transition period. The "heralds" of the new era, when speaking of the written words of Bosniaks at the turn of the 19th and 20th centuries, played a significant enlightening role that the previous historical science did not emphasize sufficiently.

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Culinary culture is a tradition of food and beverage in the cooking and consumption process of food in different societies and it is all of the traditions consisting of beliefs and practices developed within this scope. It is one of the most important constituents in cultural heritage and it is a cultural richness that reflects the characteristics of the geography in which societies lived throughout history. Bosniaks, most of whom live in Bosnia-Herzegovina, are a society that continued their life under Ottoman rule for many years. The Bosniaks have established their settlement in different regions of Turkey by coming through immigration. This interaction has brought together many civilizations with Turkish peoples and provided the feature of being one of the nation’s holding an important place these civilizations. In this study, the characteristics of cuisine culture, which have an important role in reflecting the cultural identity of Bosniaks, have been tried to be revealed through an exploratory research. In this context, special days and meals prepared on these days, traditional dishes and cultural interactions of Turkish cuisine have been addressed. A semi-structured interview form which is one of the qualitative research methods was used in the study. According to the findings of the research, it was observed that an important part of Bosniaks living in Turkey tried to sustain rituals and meals which are belong their culinary culture, however these meals were being forgotten by the new generations. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

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This paper deals with the basic characteristics and opportunities in Europe and Bosnia and Herzegovina during the first two years after the end of the First World War. There were major political upheavals in these years, the emergence of new states, conflicts of different concepts and ideologies. Bosnia and Herzegovina was openly confronted for the first time with Yugoslav monarchist centralism and the Greater Serbia national programme. The paper also discusses the position of Bosniaks in Bosnia and Herzegovina, who were continuously subjected to robberies, persecutions and murders, during the years immediately following the First World War

The anthropogeographical development of the settlement in the area of Sućeskaa was similar to the corresponding development in other settlements of the municipality of Srebrenica and under the influence of general socio-economic and political circumstances that marked the territory of Bosnia and Herzegovina and the municipality of Srebrenica in the late 19th and 20th centuries. Certain socio-geographical features of the development of the Sućeska region can be traced through statistical data obtained by the official censuses of the B&H population from 1879 to 1991 and 2013 respectively. Changes in the overall population movement and changes in the biological, economic and educational structure of the population were carried out in accordance with appropriate processes in the Srebrenica municipality. Significant changes in the economic and educational structure of the population have occurred in the last two decades of the 20th century. However, the normal demographic development of Sućeske's area was interrupted by brutal aggression against an independent state of Bosnia and Herzegovina and a genocide in which a large number of Bosniaks from this region were killed. Almost 25 years after the Dayton Peace Agreement in the Sućeska region, about 20% of the total number of pre-war people live, and these are mostly older women, while the rest of Sucescani is displaced in the municipalities of the Federation of Bosnia and Herzegovina and the world.

On the territory of today's Republic of Macedonia, people of different nations, religions and cultures live for centuries. Different states and administrations, but also peoples who have always strived for a prosperous state in which everyone would have complete freedom, simply equal opportunities, rights and obligations. With this ideology, the generations of Macedonian citizens were born and died. In the period between the two world wars living in the Vardar part of Macedonia in the Kingdom of Yugoslavia was not easy. In the conditions when the authorities do not recognize the existence of Macedonians, but also Bosniaks, who, except in the territory of historical Bosnia, live in all parts of the Kingdom of Yugoslavia, the struggle for freedom and equality of all peoples living in it is intensified even more. This struggle for the preservation and building of a national identity had a revolutionary socio-economic character, as it sought to abolish class domination over most of the population. The bearer of this struggle was the Communist Party of Yugoslavia (CPY). In this movement, Macedonians and Bosnians saw a chance to realize their aspirations to build a state in which they would be equal to other nations of former Yugoslavia. In the Vardar region of Macedonia, the bearers of this ideology and the revolutionary movement alongside the Macedonians were also Bosniaks. One of the first and most important Macedonian revolutionaries was a Bosniak Alija Avdovic. It starts its activity from the earliest days of the organized communist movement in Vardar Macedonia. Better to say, one of the founders of the movement, when in the spring of 1933, the Provincial Committee (PK) of the CPY for Macedonia is formed. Believing that Yugoslavia is possible only as a community of equal peoples, but also as a community in which there is no class domination, Alija Avdovic is actively working on raising awareness and creating revolutionary cells that will enable the realization of this idea. Why he was driven, convicted, and imprisoned. But nothing has crushed him in this fight. In the onslaught of fascism when the Kingdom of Yugoslavia was occupied, and the movement grew into a unified armed resistance to the freedom of the future common state of equal peoples, its work was gaining in intensity. The new fascist authorities have tried to arrest and destroy all the more significant revolutionaries. In August 1941, he was arrested and then shot by a young life, but whose work and ideas were extended to live and partially realized in the anti-fascist struggle and the creation of a new Yugoslav state.

The past and the present are inseparable, one interprets the other. Many "long-lasting" processes go beyond local frameworks and regional borders. This also applies to the complex "Eastern question", as well as the problem of the deosmanization of the Balkans, whose political geography in the 19th and 20th centuries was exposed to radical overlaps. Wars and persecutions are important factors in the history of Balkan Muslims. In the seventies of the XIX century, they constituted half of the population in the Ottoman part of the Balkans. With war devastation, a considerable part was killed or expelled to Anadolia between 1870 and 1890. The emergent "Turkish islands" in the Balkans after 1878 were increasingly narrowed, or disappeared due to the displacement of Muslims. Multiethnic and religious color of the Balkans disturbed accounts with simple categorizations. The term "balkanization" signified, after the Balkan wars of 1912-1913, "not only the fragmentation of large and powerful political units, but became synonymous with returning tribal, backward, primitive, and barbaric." The Balkanization of "Ottoman Europe" and the violent changes in its ethnic-religious structure led to discontinuity, the erosion of history, as well as fragmentation of the minds of the remaining Muslims and their afflicted communities, the lack of knowledge of the interconnectedness of their fates. The emigration of Bosniaks and other Muslims of different ethnic and linguistic backgrounds from the Balkans to various parts of the Ottoman Empire, and then to Turkey, during the XIX and XX centuries, had a number of consequences.

The difficult position of Bosniaks Sandžak at the beginning of the 20th century has caused the uprising of individuals from the authorities and their association with comites (rebels). According to historical sources, the most famous Sandzak rebel was Jusuf Mehonjić, a native of Šahović (village Grančarevo), which Zaimović, in one of his work, called the Bosniak's Wilhelm Tell. He is mentioned in numerous epic poems called the so-called rebel opus that we find in the collections of oral literature of Bosniaks Sandžak, and from them the knowledge of his intellectual and physical potential, as well as the character of the protector of the disadvantaged and endangered Bosniaks. However, when it comes to ethnomusicological collections, we find that there is not a single song about this historical personality in them. The aim of this work is to preserve the musical tradition of Sandzak Bosniaks by finding and ethnomusicologic recording of lyrical poems about Jusuf Mehonjic, as well as pointing to the possibility of their nurturing through the education system in teaching in the Bosnian language in Serbia. The work and the work of Jusuf Mehonjić were examined in the paper by theoretical analysis of historical and literary sources. At the same time, the Finnish method recorded the only lyrical song about him, which we found by exploring the live musical tradition of the Sandzak Bosniaks. This is the song of Moj sokole pogledaj niz polje. This work should contribute to preserving the musical tradition of the Sandzak Bosniaks and getting to know Jusuf Mehonjic - a significant figure in the history of Sandzak.

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