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Central and Eastern European countries (CEE), compared to common law countries but also other civil law countries of Europe, are known for a strikingly high representation of women within judiciaries. This, however, does not mean that equality has been achieved, as women judges do not reach leadership positions at the same rate as their male peers. Taking the Czech Republic as a case study, this contribution explores the barriers women judges face within a CEE judiciary and analyses their reflections on their positions. The interviews with women judges show that while they are well aware of what is holding them back, most of them do not perceive the structurally unequal position of men and women in Czech society and in the judiciary as a problem and accept the consequences as being part of women's destiny. This means that the system currently lacks bottom-up incentives and pressure for change. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper aims to unfold how peripheral reindustrialisation in Central and Eastern Europe (CEE) produced multiple marginalities in local spaces. Relying on a cultural political economic (CPE) approach, we analyse how the imaginary of reindustrialisation encompassed the discourses on development and the strategies and practices of powerful agents of economic restructuring in an old mining town of Hungary, which entailed new dimensions and depths of poverty. By discussing the changing labour, housing, and environmental conditions of the local poor, we relate structural changes to the changing conditions of social reproduction and local history, and highlight how the new economic trajectory produced marginalised spaces within a dynamic region. In this way, we also extend CPE‐guided research more to the realms of social reproduction and ethnic social relations to get a more fine‐grained understanding of inequalities rooted in peripheral industrialisation and scrutinise prevailing narratives of economic development in CEE. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Some Kind of Liberating Effect is a documentary dedicated to research freedom in the academic study of religion in Central and Eastern Europe. This essay examines the techniques used to develop a script and a screenplay. It will show how the documentary integrates screenwriting with the question of freedom of research in this academic field and region. First, the essay presents the raw footage filmed between 2022 and 2023, then the screenwriting techniques used for plotting a story. Finally, it discusses the shift from the history of the academic field to storytelling, particularly with regard to the frame story included in the film. In conclusion, it presents some remarks concerning the interdisciplinary and intersectoral approaches between religious studies and the film industry implemented in the documentary. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The aim of this article is to examine the main changes in spatial planning systems in Central and Eastern European (CEE) countries after the end of communism in 1989, and to relate these changes to the main challenges facing spatial planning in these countries. The authors used the following countries as case studies: Bulgaria, Estonia, Hungary, Latvia, Lithuania, Poland, Romania, Slovakia and Ukraine. They analysed the framework conditions, such as the main spatial planning instruments and the main planning legislation. They then looked at the rationale behind each country’s planning legislation and examined the legal status before implementation. This allowed them to identify the main directions of significant legal changes in each country. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Purpose: To describe temporal trends in inpatient care use for adult mental disorders in Czechia from 1994 until 2015. Methods: Data from the nationwide register of inpatient care use and yearly census data were used to calculate (a) yearly admissions rates, (b) median length of stay, and (c) standardized inpatient-years for adult mental disorders (ICD-10 codes F0-F6] or G30). Segmented regressions were used to analyze age- and sex-specific temporal trends. Results: Admission rates were increasing in adults (average annual percent change = 0.51; 95% confidence interval = 0.16 to 0.86 for females and 1.01; 0.63 to 1.40 for males) and adolescents and emerging adults (3.27; 2.57 to 3.97 for females and 2.98; 2.08 to 3.88 for males), whereas in seniors, the trend was stable (1.22; -0.31 to 2.73 for females and 1.35; -0.30 to 2.98 for males). The median length of stay for studied mental disorders decreased across all age and sex strata except for a stable trend in male adolescents and emerging adults (-0.96; -2.02 to 0.10). Standardized inpatient-years were decreasing in adults of both sexes (-0.85; -1.42 to -0.28 for females and -0.87; -1.19 to -0.56 for males), increasing in female adolescents and emerging adults (0.95; 0.42 to 1.47), and stable in the remaining strata. Conclusion: Psychiatric hospital admissions were increasing or stable coupled with considerable reductions in median length of stay, suggesting that inpatient episodes for adult mental disorders have become more frequent and shorter over time. The overall psychiatric inpatient care use was decreasing or stable in adults and seniors, potentially implying a gradual shift away from hospital-based care. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of Revista UNISCI is the property of Unidad de Investigaciones Sobre Seguridad y Cooperacion International (UNISCI) and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

What is the effect of minority co-ethnic employment on income? While the business organizations literature argues diversity allows for knowledge accumulation, optimal labour allocation, and efficient interactions, absent is any consideration of language – e.g. language competency or language ideology. We argue when co-ethnic minorities work together, this shared language allows for bounded trust to develop; it also ensures there are preference similarities – factors that can increase firm productivity and individual wages. Using survey data of minority Hungarians in three Central and Eastern European countries (Romania, Slovakia, and Serbia), we find (1) diversity has no positive effect on income; and in fact, (2) co-ethnic employment increases wages in Southern Slovakia and Vojvodina. Additionally, we confirm that co-ethnic employment is not happening simply because of demographics. Instead, with one exception, the proportion of Hungarians in the workplace is significantly higher than in the areas where these jobs are located – suggesting a strategic behaviour by minority Hungarians. The implication is not that we endorse homogeneous workplaces per se, but that we remain cognizant of how asymmetric linguistic competencies and the underlying linguistic ideologies can shape power hierarchies – thereby limiting the benefits of diversity. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article is a discipline-defining agenda. It addresses the oversight of Geographies of race in Central and Eastern Europe (CEE) and explores geography’s potential contributions to the unfolding debates around race, decolonisation, and whiteness. Geographies of race remain unmarked and therefore unchallenged within the field of geography in CEE. Consequently, geographers typically consider CEE as peripheral to the global racial discourses and possibly post-racial. By drawing on sociological, migration, historical, and anthropological approaches, particularly in Poland, the article emphasises the importance of geography in discussions around race, decolonisation, and whiteness. It considers the appeal of geographies of race to this “peripheral location” to demonstrate a shift in racial and colonial discourses. By bridging interdisciplinary approaches and challenging prevailing discourses, the article aims to broaden the scope of the geographies of race and foster a more inclusive and global understanding of race and colonisation. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The North-South divide forms the central axis along which scholars study the contemporary global order. Yet many countries fall in-between the cracks of a world divided into core and periphery. This paper develops a structural account to understand the position of countries in this space of in-betweenness. The focus is on Central and Eastern Europe. I draw on already existing scholarship on liminalities, the varieties of capitalism and transition studies to argue that a liminal identity of in-betweenness goes hand-in-glove with a domestic logic of transitioning, as the state seeks to move somewhere else. Furthermore transitioning dynamics position the state in the semi-periphery, as the transition to the civilizational core requires capital and know-how from abroad. The resulting semi-peripheral position further underlines the liminal identity. The paper uses this apparatus to understand why CEE countries are typically climate change laggards within the EU. Their continuing liminal identity results in frustration over and resistance against the schooling tendencies of Brussels and Western European capitals. The dynamics of a sense of imposition of climate change mitigation policies stem from CEE's liminal positioning as apprentices, but the reasons for the perceived alienness of such policies are located in domestic societal dynamics, and CEE countries' economic structure. The specific political structures of communism and the communist transition have strengthened particularistic personal ties of friendship and family between individuals and the localities they live in, while simultaneously weakening general and abstract conceptions of the public good. Accordingly initiatives for preserving specific localities can be strong, but conceptions of protecting an abstract, global climate, are not well developed. Additionally, the material costs of protecting the climate are higher in post-communist economies due to their comparative advantage in resource and labour intensive industries, their reliance on foreign capital, and a lack of domestic innovations. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The European Union's Recovery and Resilience Facility is an unprecedented investment opportunity for economic modernisation. However, while the supranational European Commission assumes considerable influence over the design of national Recovery and Resilience Plans (RRPs), there is substantial diversity among RRPs. This paper analyses the interaction between national governments and the Commission in the coordinative RRP design process. We argue that national policy preferences, rooted in the partisan profiles of governing coalitions, ultimately explain variation in RRP content. We analyse the policymaking process in three semi-peripheral economies in Central and Eastern Europe (CEE) – Estonia, Romania, and Slovakia. CEE countries are especially suitable because as expected rule-takers, they function as least likely cases for the relevance of government agency, i.e., national partisanship. Through elite interviews, we trace various elements of each RRP to specific positions of governing coalitions and, with national variation, the Commission's ability to impose its own policy preferences. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

It is now generally accepted that the global order is shifting, but the literature is divided on how. Consequently, it is not surprising that there is a lack of strong scholarship on the characteristics of the order from a Central and Eastern European (CEE) perspective. Therefore, this article aims to explore the future of the Liberal World Order (LWO) from this perspective through the lens of mainstream theories. The article looks at the geopolitical dynamics of the region and the evolving strategic perceptions of the LWO. It examines how CEE, traditionally seen as the frontier of the LWO (EU and NATO), is navigating the complexities of the current global political landscape in the light of the changing order. The second part of the article specifically analyses the security perceptions of CEE governments. The article seeks to contribute to the understanding of the future trajectory of the LWO, the potential implications for global peace and security, and the interplay of realism and liberalism in shaping our understanding of this trajectory from the CEE perspective.

Objective: The main purpose of the research is to show that the Central and Eastern European (CEE) market is an essential component of the global stock market. It displays similar patterns to developed countries, and there is a special emphasis on information technology. Research Design & Methods: The study is supported by various machine learning methods and economic analysis, in addition to using Python and R packages. In order to gain a more comprehensive insight into the developments in CEE-region trends, the paper considers a comparative portfolio that focuses on German business, and there is a simulation of the incorporation of the Ukrainian IT sector. Constructing a business strategy in accordance with the Fama–French approach is boosted by incorporating neural networks. Findings: An examination of the performance of Czech, Polish, and Hungarian firms on the stock exchanges suggests that the investment policy oriented towards software is a reasonable choice. The results yielded by the IT companies unmistakably reveal the substantial benefits of their stock market ventures, as well as indicating the ongoing trend of investor reliance. The problem of IT business valuation is highlighted as one of the pitfalls of investing. Implications & Recommendations: The research proposes that maintaining a priority focus on IT, even in challenging circumstances, ensures steady regional advancement. Contribution & Value added: This research brings a unique emphasis to the status and outlook of the IT sector, contributing to the existing toolkit, even in the face of repeated crises.

This study analyzes education, training, and the youth labor market in central and eastern Europe.

The study deals with the issue of core–periphery relations in the European Union, investigating its patterns in relation to the participation of Central and Eastern European (CEE) member states in European Territorial Cooperation (ETC) programmes between 2007 and 2020. Core–periphery patterns do exist in the European space, where besides the North‐Western core ('Core'), there are two distinct peripheries, CEE and Southern Europe. The peripheral position is reflected in the weak performance of CEE in European‐wide RDI networks subsidised by the EU. On the basis of the KEEP database, the study analyses the signs of core–periphery relations by identifying whether there is asymmetry in the participation of CEE and Core countries in cooperation projects under the transnational (INTERREG B) and interregional (INTERREG C) strands (together, TI) of ETC. The findings of the study show that there is a significant difference in the forms of involvement of actors from North‐Western Europe and CEE in the TI programmes. Actors from CEE countries are very motivated to become involved in TI projects. However, they are significantly underrepresented in lead partner positions, especially in funding. The study's results suggest that participation activity patterns are significantly asymmetric in TI programmes, showing signs of a core–periphery dynamic even in such place‐based, cohesion‐oriented programmes. The consequence is that the articulation of geographic characteristics, special needs and issues associated with CEE is limited as they play a rather adaptive and imitating role in those territorial cooperation programmes that are influential in discourses and policies about territorial development in the European arena. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

China and Central and Eastern European Countries (CEECs) have intensified their cooperation over the past decade or so. Despite some modest progress, this cooperation has performed below the expectations of the CEECs in general, and, even more so, generated negative feedback and implications more widely. This study is motivated by the puzzle over why there are widening discrepancies between the two sides after initially positive expectations. Informed by the role theory of international relations, this paper mainly argues that there is an intrarole conflict between China's perception of its international leadership role and the corresponding role expectations of China held by the CEECs. This framework is empirically assessed on the 17 + 1 cooperation, through which China strives to forge a leadership role for itself in relation to the CEECs. Amid generally low expectations of China's leadership role, three general patterns of responses can be identified among the CEECs, including those of dissenters, pragmatists, and persisting partners. Furthermore, China's leadership demands encountered challenges from other players, particularly the European Union and the United States. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

As new digital technologies become widespread, it is crucial to understand the role of spatiality and agglomeration economies in the digital age, especially in the ICT sector. The ICT sector, with its innovative strength and the ability to complement various sectors, drives digitalization and balanced economic development. Recognizing the importance of digitalization and the ICT sector for economic development, especially in the catching-up regions of Central and Eastern Europe, this study aims at exploring the role and the spatiality of the ICT sector in the urban and rural areas of the Visegrad countries and Romania. The analysis focuses on the spatial concentration of the ICT sector and the specialization of the regions on the NUTS 3 level, distinguishing capital, intermediate metropolitan, intermediate non-metropolitan and rural areas, utilizing data on employed persons in the period 2010–2020. Findings reveal the dynamic growth and spatial concentration of the ICT sector despite the ongoing process of digitalization, particularly in capital regions, alongside the increasing significance of modern business services in agglomeration economies. Additionally, the research proves the presence of division of labour among different types of regions, reveals capital and rural regions as highly specialized regions and points to the need for place-sensitive development policy. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The main aim of this text is to outline the possibilities of applying Immanuel Wallerstein’s world-systems theory to the analysis of cinema. Concepts developed by Wallerstein, especially the notion of the relationship between the core and the periphery of international political-economic systems, can be useful in trying the hegemony of Hollywood cinema in the global circulation of film content, as well as the positions smaller film industries occupy in relation to it. The assumptions of this theory will be tested using the example of the cinema of Central and Eastern Europe in recent decades, making it possible to determine its relative hierarchy in the global chain of production and consumption of audiovisual content. Special attention has been focused on Poland, presented as a model example of a local film industry attempting to emerge from the peripheral position it occupied after the political transformation of 1989.

The main aim of this text is to outline the possibilities of applying Immanuel Wallerstein’s world-systems theory to the analysis of cinema. Concepts developed by Wallerstein, especially the notion of the relationship between the core and the periphery of international political-economic systems, can help in understanding the hegemony of Hollywood cinema in the global circulation of film content, as well as the positions smaller film industries occupy in relation to it. The assumptions of this theory will be tested using the example of the cinema of Central and Eastern Europe in recent decades, allowing for the determination of its relative hierarchy in the global chain of production and consumption of audiovisual content. Special attention has been paid to Poland, presented as a model example of a local film industry attempting to emerge from the peripheral position it occupied after the political transformation of 1989.

A major problem for Russia in formulating and defending its national interests after the Cold War was to fit in the European political order, dominated by the collective West and its institutions. The North Atlantic Alliance (NATO) was not dissolved after completing the mission it had been created for; moreover, it started taking on ever new responsibilities to keep the European allies in the U.S. sphere of influence. In this respect, the ongoing NATO enlargement — primarily by accession of the former Warsaw Treaty allies of the USSR — has become one of the key policy tools for Washington after the breakup of the bipolar system in Europe. This study sets a dual goal, i.e. to identify the changing logic of the NATO’s eastward expansion and assess its consequences for the alliance itself, as well as to trace shifts in Russia’s official position in the light of these developments. The first section of the article highlights the main stages of the NATO enlargement in the post-bipolar period. The author argues that the Western countries, viewing the ’open door’ principle as a next phase of the containment policy under new geopolitical circumstances and reaping tangible security benefits throughout its implementation, realized at a certain point that a swift accession of post-Soviet states to NATO was unattainable, and switched attention to the Nordic countries. The second section analyzes Russia’s response to the alliance’s maneuvering. The study emphasizes that the concern of the Russian leadership about its possible marginalization in the Euro-Atlantic institutions gradually gave way to resolute actions to counter the NATO’s ‘open door’ policy as the alliance was expanding beyond its purview. The author concludes that NATO enlargement has had an ambiguous impact on both the European security architecture, and the alliance itself. On the one hand, it gave the United States new opportunities to project power and consolidate its hegemonic status in Europe. On the other hand, the viability and effectiveness of this policy are being questioned by a number of serious challenges for the West both in Europe and beyond. Given these uncertainties, NATO will gradually give up the ‘open door’ principle in favor of more flexible formats of military and political cooperation with non-member countries.

The subject-matter of this paper is the economic situation in selected Eurasian countries affected by armed conflict at the turn of the 21st century. The aim of the paper is to assess the strength and impact of such conflict on the economic development of the affected countries from its outbreak until 2022.

This special issue in historical and memory studies analyzes two interrelated processes. It explores how the dissident past has been negotiated, contested, or reclaimed since 1989 and how key post-dissident actors have employed their own pasts as a moral and political resource after 1989, with what consequences. The issue approaches post-dissident history and the memory of dissent after 1989 in a regional-comparative frame while paying ample attention to transnational dynamics, such as interactions between Western recognition and national contestation. The issue thus analyzes the varied meanings east Europeans have assigned to dissident pasts and post-dissident presents and how the contests over such meanings have come to shape their politics and culture. Individual contributions focus on post-dissident actors, their representations, or their impact. A focus on actors enables in-depth exploration of post-dissident politics across the Visegrád countries and how the dissident experience was translated, via a politics of consensus, into liberal politics during the early years of "transition." This focus also yields studies that analyze how post-dissidents have drawn on the intellectual authority and moral credibility they derived from their dissident pasts. Other studies in the collection trace transformation in the representation of forms of dissent in the decades since 1989 and the changing political and cultural values such representations have conveyed. Still other studies explore and reflect on the reasons behind the backlash against the post-dissident canon and its leading representatives while also considering ways in which "dissident heroes" have been posthumously reclaimed. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Most research on post-socialist civil society has focused on analysing the characteristics that explain (the lack of) civic strength. Although recent research has highlighted the rise of urban activism, it has failed to look more closely at the agency of actors. By focusing on informal groups and their engagement in public affairs in the aftermath of the 2019 local elections in Hungary, this paper seeks to unravel the civic strategies and narratives that underpin informal civic resistance to political and institutional pressures at a time when both local municipalities and civil society are experiencing a gradual loss of autonomy. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Our paper revisits one of the fundamental questions of International Business (IB) scholarship, investigating the ways through which multinational enterprises (MNEs) establish legitimacy when entering a foreign market. We address this question in a novel context of Central and Eastern European (CEE) firms venturing into Sub-Saharan Africa (SSA), employing a multiple case study approach. We investigate the process of legitimacy formation by Polish firms entering SSA for market-seeking reasons. We find that the firms studied use their initial liabilities of foreignness, outsidership, and origin as starting points for pragmatic, moral, and cognitive legitimacy-building by developing narratives that neutralize the distance between themselves and important local stakeholders. Our findings contribute to an understanding of the contingent nature of 'liabilities' in IB literature and shed light on the role of narratives in the internationalization process. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The article explores the evolution of left-wing voting in the postcommunist countries of Central and Eastern Europe against the background of value shifts. The main trend indicates that those societies are witnessing a gradual transition to postmaterialism. However, examining the parties’ electoral manifestos allowed the authors to conclude that the twenty-first century cannot be characterized by uniform trends: only in the case of environmentalism did the left-wing parties adapt to the changing values of their electorate, while for other indicators the situation was the opposite. The main argument of the study, supported by regression analysis is that only the appeal to green policies prevented the left-wing parties from losing out in electoral campaigns, while the references to multiculturalism and social equality had the opposite effect. Curiously enough, the verbal commitment to traditionalist values also helped the left-wingers to retain their electorate. To get a more complete picture of the voting patterns, the authors carried out an investigation into the left-wing electorate. The conclusion was that supporters of the left-wing parties are increasingly inclined toward postmaterialism. At the same time, the study showed the ineffectiveness of the left-wing political programs. This creates a gap between the left-wing parties and their electorate. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The article explores how macro-level political factors in conjunction with micro- and meso-level factors affect interest-group access to policymakers. The analysis is conducted based on two original data sets: a population ecology database of Czech, Hungarian, Polish and Slovenian national-level energy policy, healthcare and higher education organizations, and an online survey of these populations. Combining the two data sets allows us to investigate both polity-, population- and organizational-level factors. As the sampled countries have recently experienced democratic backsliding, we also test the effect of closing deliberative structures. The analysis reveals that the political process influences access: legislative fractionalization affects access positively, while the closure of deliberative structures has a negative effect. Nevertheless, the political contextual factors are mediated through variables at both the population (e.g. the size of latent constituency) and organizational (e.g. expertise provision) levels, as well as the meso-level of interorganizational cooperation. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article analyses how educational and initial vocational training systems in Europe vary regarding the way in which they structure educational routes for pupils of different academic ability. The study uses cluster analysis to explore the degree of similarity between 25 European countries, including variables related to: stratification within compulsory education; vocational orientation; links between initial vocational education and the labour market; transitions from secondary education; stratification within tertiary education; and links between educational qualifications and labour market outcomes. I identify three clusters of countries that have distinct patterns of stratification. This article contributes to the literature on educational regimes and school-to-work transitions by adding countries from Central and Eastern Europe (CEE) and integrating multiple dimensions pertaining to the link between educational and social stratification. Thus, it develops a more encompassing representation of the architecture of educational pathways in different European countries. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The article presents the profile and literary output of the Austrian writer and essayist Karl-Markus Gauß. Known in Poland primarily for his travel prose, Gauß is also a columnist and author of several diaries, a literary scholar and a literary critic. Important themes in his work include the theme of travels to small nations, ethnic and linguistic minorities, the question of revising the literary canon and restoring the memory of forgotten writers, as well as the attempt to draw a new literary map of Europe by challenging the division between centre and periphery. Gauß's work is thematically linked to Central, Eastern and Southern Europe. The author of this article analyses the various themes and transformations of the Austrian writer's travel prose and takes a closer look at the concept of European integration he created. Gauß's narrative style, the way in which he describes places, elements of reportage, numerous literary portraits and intertextual references combine to create a distinctive prose that, as a medium of memory, resists forgetting and fading away. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of Comparative Economic Research is the property of Wydawnictwo Uniwersytetu Lodzkiego and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

The aim of the research is to illustrate how the degree of effectiveness of fiscal policy measures varies depending on the level of public debt within a group of Central and Eastern European (CEE) states. To this end, a T-SVAR (Threshold Structural Vector Autoregressive) model was implemented, based on two regimes, calibrated as a function of the evolution of public debt. The results illustrate that, in most of the countries analysed, increasing government expenditure generates a stronger increase in economic growth under the low public debt regime in comparison with the situation at the level of the high public debt regime. Thus, the effectiveness of fiscal policy measures declines as the level of government debt rises. Another result obtained within the analysis highlights that the positive effect of public debt reduction on economic growth is more strongly felt in the higher public debt regime than under a low public debt regime. On the basis of these results, it is recommended that the CEE countries continue their efforts to reduce public debt in order to increase the effectiveness of fiscal policy measures. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper examines the uncovered interest parity puzzle in Central and Eastern European countries. Apart from investigating baseline UIP regressions, we check for structural breaks in this relationship, scrutinize deviations from the UIP, and employ different estimation methods and models augmented with various risk measures. Moreover, we offer several extensions to the common UIP testing that account for foreign-exchange interventions, the implied volatility of exchange rates, and the limited availability of data on direct measures of market expectations. The study shows that the choice of the reference currency matters for the outcome of the interest parity tests in the CEE economies. In particular, we demonstrate that inconsistencies between the results of the UIP tests vis-à-vis the euro and the US dollar that appear in CEE economies may be accounted for by the movements of the euro-dollar risk premium. This regularity has not been documented in previous studies. Additionally, we show that (a) the FX interventions in Czechia distorted the UIP, (b) the directly measured exchange rate expectations (granular survey data) in Poland do not seem to be informed by the UIP relationship, (c) the limited resilience of CEE economies to rare disasters may plausibly explain deviations from the UIP. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

In this article, we analyse the evolution of the real effective exchange rate (REER) as a measure of competitiveness for a group of Central and Eastern European countries. To do this, we employ unit‐root tests with breaks and estimate the equations with structural breaks. Our results show that even though the REERs have become flatter, which means less competitiveness is lost against main trading partners, they have also become less mean‐reverting, suggesting that shocks now tend to have longer effects. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

If one was to look for a single word to describe the historical experiences of Central and Eastern Europe (CEE), roulette comes immediately to mind. Be that the fall of great empires of the region following World War I (WWI), the tragedy of World War II (WWII), the Iron Curtain separating CEE from the rest of the world, the fall of communism, the more recent illiberal 'reckoning' or the Russo-Ukrainian war, the region's history is characterised by unpredictibility. Importantly, these moments of ground-breaking change affect not only the political sphere – although the regime shifts and border changes are often amongst the most noticeable – but also the national imaginaries, as the process of collective memory inversion takes place, and official narratives of the yesteryear are replaced by those currently in power. Law plays an important role in managing these modifications, in particular those most visible, relating to public spaces and cultural heritage. The purpose of this paper is to look holistically at the changes that took place in the public sphere in the region since the end of WWI, with a particular focus on the intersection of law, politics and social changes. In the first, theoretical part of the paper, the author explains the relationship between collective memory and public spaces, linking these concepts with the understanding of the field, violence, habitus, and crisis proposed by Bourdieu. The second part of the paper introduces the major moments of change in the recent CEE history from the perspective of reimagination of public spaces, illustrating them on selected case studies: post-WWI fall of the empires and the destruction of the Alexander Nevsky Cathedral in Warsaw, the WWII atrocities and the erasure of shtetl culture, the times of communism and the construction of the People's Palace in Bucharest, the post-1989 decommunisation and the (not always) meticulous removal of the communist monuments from Estonia, the arrival of illiberalism and the reimagining of museums in Hungary, and, ultiamtely, the Russo-Ukrainian war and the ensuing derussification of Ukraine. In the third, conclusive part of the paper, the author looks at the big picture, linking the theoretical with the case studies more generally and proposing to draw lessons from Central and Eastern European roulette, which may also be applicable to other spaces in permanent flux. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

One of the most important aspects of making the 1990 Croatian Constitutional Court was the 'establishment of an independent and potentially powerful' court. For the first time since 1963, the Court obtained full powers of judicial review. Yet, despite its newly gained powers, the Croatian Constitutional Court refrained from an activist approach adopted by other constitutional courts in the region and was not fond of annulling laws adopted by the legislator. One possible explanation of such a conformist approach was the ideological consonance between the centre-right legislative and the centre-right Court. Most of the constitutional judges were appointed by the centre-right party (HDZ), which held the majority in the Parliament during the first decade of the country's independence. However, recent years have witnessed an increase in the dissenting opinions, following the nomination of five judges from the centre-left opposition (SDP) to a predominantly centre-right Court. Based on the large-scale data collection efforts, this paper looks into the origin of these nominations, as well as their effect on the emergance of dissenting opinion and the growing ideological polarisation on the Court, which changed the relationship between judicial and legislative powers in Croatia. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Since communism's collapse, Central and Eastern Europe adopted neoliberal reforms for democratization and market integration. However, democratic institutions in many countries have backslid. Scholars debate neoliberalism's impacts and the rise of oligarchs concentrating wealth and distorting democracy. This review analyzes 50 sources from 1990-2020 through meta-analysis. Literature is assessed regarding neoliberalization's mechanisms and effects. Privatization concentrated assets in politically-connected oligarchs, enabling state capture constraining competition. Deregulation empowered economic elites with disproportionate political influence, distorting representation toward oligarchic over public interests. Evidence partially supports the hypothesis that neoliberalism benefiting oligarchs distorted democracy, contributing to backsliding. However, grassroots resistance offers alternatives. Further research could integrate local case studies and frameworks focused on equitable distribution rather than growth alone. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of Economic & Regional Studies/Studia Ekonomiczne i Regionalne is the property of Sciendo and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Advances in gene therapy and genome editing give hope that new treatments will soon be available for inherited eye diseases that together affect a significant proportion of the adult population. New solutions are needed to make genetic diagnosis fast and affordable. This is the first study of such a large group of patients with inherited retinal dystrophies (IRD) and inherited optic neuropathies (ION) in the Polish population. It is based on four years of diagnostic analysis using a broad, targeted NGS approach. The results include the most common pathogenic variants, as well as 91 novel causative variants, including frameshifts in the cumbersome RPGR ORF15 region. The high frequency of the ABCA4 complex haplotype p.(Leu541Pro;Ala1038Val) was confirmed. Additionally, a deletion of exons 22–24 in USH2A, probably specific to the Polish population, was uncovered as the most frequent copy number variation. The diagnostic yield of the broad NGS panel reached 64.3% and is comparable to the results reported for genetic studies of IRD and ION performed for other populations with more extensive WES or WGS methods. A combined approach to identify genetic causes of all known diseases manifesting in the posterior eye segment appears to be the optimal choice given the currently available treatment options and advanced clinical trials. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Democratic erosion in the EU's Central and Eastern European (CEE) member states has confounded EU policy-makers. In this paper, we investigate the assumptions behind the climate of optimism about CEE democratization that prevailed in EU decision-making before and after the 5th and 6th enlargements, and the extent to which political science participated in this intellectual climate. Based on a qualitative analysis of EU decision-making in the early twenty-first century and a quantitative analysis of 500 randomly sampled papers published between 2000 and 2015, we find that both policy makers and the most influential research in political science shared a bias towards optimism structured by common assumptions: A procedural understanding of democracy, a rational institutionalist belief in the EU's capacity to bring these procedures about with the use of incentives and the related assumption that sociocultural dimensions of democracy would eventually follow institutions. We argue that these common assumptions help to explain both the EU's failure to pre-empt and respond proportionately to democratic erosion, and the failure of our discipline to check that optimism. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Objective: The paradigm shift taking place in the science of human resource management has resulted in numerous changes in the theory. This process was significantly accelerated by the COVID-19 pandemic. This study shows how new knowledge appears in everyday practice in the countries of Central and Eastern Europe (Austria, Bulgaria, Bosnia and Herzegovina, Czech Republic, Hungary, Romania and Slovakia). Research Design & Methods: Statistical processing of the data collected in a questionnaire survey shows how conservative crisis management is complemented by measures based on the new approaches organisations are using. In addition to the comparison between individual countries, the study also focuses on the size of the company as a factor determining crisis management decisions. It also examines the validity of general principles such as equal opportunity and difference management, both of which are people-centric principles. Findings: The results of the survey show that the companies already understand modern theoretical knowledge. Despite this, among the practical measures, conservative responses such as layoffs or wage freezes are still used predominantly. The study draws attention to the need to speed up practical changes and implement the theory in practice. Implications/Recommendations: The modern understanding and interpretation of HR is not alien or remote from the organisations that responded to our survey. Nonetheless, their imple­mentation of modern HR concepts has been relatively slow. Contribution: We set out to create an international database that can serve as a basis for future research. We also show that the effect of the HR paradigm shift can already be demonstrated in practice, even if the uptake has been slow. Although the attachment to the past is strong, forward-‑looking crisis management measures that replace previous restrictive solutions are becoming more and more widespread. We hope our study helps modern crisis management in HR take stronger root.

Abstract Background Identifying predictors of vaccination intention is critical to developing appropriate programs and campaigns targeting groups reluctant to be vaccinated. This study aimed to identify the determinants of vaccination intention at the beginning of the COVID-19 pandemic in three Central and Eastern European (CEE) countries: Poland, Romania, and Slovenia. Methods In this cross-sectional study, a sample of unvaccinated 1723 Poles, Romanians, and Slovenians completed an online survey (April 2021). Questions included measures of vaccination intention, attitudes towards vaccines, conspiracy mindset, preference for a type of vaccine, and trust in information sources. Results The results showed that mistrust of vaccine benefits and concerns about commercial profiteering negatively predicted vaccination intention. Conversely, trust in information from medical professionals and scientists, official sources, and traditional media was positively related to vaccination intention, while trust in digital media was negatively related to vaccination intention. In addition, preference for mRNA vaccine type was a positive significant predictor of vaccination intention. The differences between countries are discussed. Conclusions The study results deliver suggestions for developing appropriate vaccine uptake programs and campaigns that should consider presenting the positive outcomes of vaccines via official sources and traditional media based on scientific evidence and medical professionals’ knowledge.

In Central and Eastern Europe, even the post‐ socialist period has not made it easy for ethnic communities to exercise their linguistic and cultural rights, and territorial autonomy or self‐government, as a risk to territorial integrity, has been granted only in exceptional cases. This paper focuses on the main objectives of ethnoregional parties to reorganise the power structure of the national political system. The study is based on an analysis of core documents from 92 parties in 15 Central and Eastern European countries, identifying and classifying the objectives set out in these documents. The results highlight the ethnoregional objectives in Central and Eastern Europe, including not only the cultural‐linguistic dimension but also the need to change internal/external borders or the division of power within each state, highlighting the diversity and complexity of the problems and objectives underlying each category.

The article’s main aim is to assess the impact of economic security on sustainable entrepreneurship in Central and Eastern European Countries (CEECs), including Bulgaria, Croatia, Czechia, Estonia, Hungary, Lithuania, Latvia, Poland, Romania, Slovakia and Slovenia from 2008 to 2020. The paper’s novelty is the development of indicators of sustainable entrepreneurship and its three pillars: economic, social and environmental. Moreover, we assessed the impact of economic security on sustainable entrepreneurship and conducted a comparative analysis of its consequences on the economic, social and environmental components of entrepreneurship. We use the Pearson correlation coefficient, the Ordinary Least Square Method, and the SUR estimations for structural equations. The results of the analysis indicate that sustainable entrepreneurship and economic security in the analysed countries are growing. However, their dynamics are varied, and what is more, economic security has a statistically significant impact on sustainable entrepreneurship. The impact of economic security on sustainable entrepreneurship from 2008 to 2020 is highest in Slovakia, Bulgaria and Poland. The lowest is in Latvia, Romania and Czechia. We notice that pursuing a stable and responsible macroeconomic policy affects the implementation of sustainable development goals. It is important to create the best conditions for growth in the long term, which is a challenge because of the problem of finding optimal relationships between factors that determine economic security.

The sustainability of the security activities in Europe currently faces a number of challenges, including budgetary and personnel pressures. Policing activities are not an exception in this respect. One position when it comes to standards relating to local public order affairs may be the involvement of the wider police family, including police volunteers. The study deals with both a certain theoretical framework of the topic and the role of security, especially police volunteering in the new European Union Member States. In doing so, it is monitored to what extent the career of police volunteers is exposed to the competition of volunteer firefighters or military-oriented volunteer groups. The situation in all 13 states is monitored and compared. At the same time, it was identified that not all volunteer projects are linked to the state – but that some potentially problematic vigilante structures are also taking place in this regard. As a result, in relation to the monitored countries, there was also an effort to find out whether it is possible to typologize the situation – with regard to security or police volunteerism in a certain way.

Contact restrictions imposed during the COVID-19 pandemic have contributed to the rapid expansion of remote work. With this expansion, new opportunities arise for the typical migrant-sending countries in Central and Eastern Europe to remotely involve their diaspora in their labor market. The aim of this paper is, by using the case study of Latvia, to show the potential of cross-border remote work for alleviating human capital losses caused by emigration. We assess the main obstacles and necessary adjustments in taxes, social benefits, labor market regulation and other areas to facilitate the labor market transition and show what incentives the country can use to become a place of choice for performing remote work for the diaspora. Combining the perspectives of employers, employees and the government, this study sheds new light on the challenges and opportunities related to the rise of remote work for countries suffering from emigration. The comprehensive analysis builds on triangulating secondary data, analysis of policy documents, a survey of employers, as well as a survey and in-depth interviews with cross-border remote workers. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The pharmaceutical medicine course at the Semmelweis University of Budapest, Hungary, was initiated as part of the Innovative Medicines Initiative (IMI is the main program, IMI-PharmaTrain is one of the IMI projects) Pharmaceutical Medicine Training Programs (16 IMI Call 2008/1/16). The aim was to extend training in the development of pharmaceutical medicine to those EU member states where no such education was present. The final program envisaged the development of a cooperative education supported by universities located in Central and Eastern Europe. It was considered to be the economically and scientifically most viable approach to combine the expertise from these countries to form a united teaching staff and provide education jointly for young professionals of the region. Semmelweis University was selected to manage this coordinated program. In this report, we describe the organization and functioning of this international university-based pharmaceutical medicine education project called the Cooperative European Medicines Development Course (CEMDC) and evaluate its successes and shortcomings. During the pandemic, the educational course was interrupted. The follow-on program is reorganized as a postgraduate MSc course named "Semmelweis Pharma MBA" and will be started in 2025. It will continue the established PharmaTrain educational tradition. However, it will deal in more detail with the transition from basic pharmacological to industrial research, as well as biopharmaceutical formulation and manufacturing and marketing aspects of medicines development. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]