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Interest in memory activism is the methodological starting point for this account of Annedore Leber, Social Democratic politician in post-1945 Berlin and surviving member of the resistance group that plotted the assassination attempt of 20 July 1944 on Adolf Hitler. Beginning in 1946, her memory work entailed a narrative to influence Germans, prone to view that plot as treasonous, to reconsider the resistance. Initially, her often-articulated contempt for the nation that had backed Hitler made this effort problematic: which Germans comprised her intended audience? The Cold War gave her an opening. She compared Nazi Germany to the Soviet Union. She called on Germans who opposed communism to appreciate the courage and love of freedom that informed anti-Nazi resistance. She re-enacted those resistance values by confronting the communists publicly. The other methodological angle regarding this research comes from awareness that the German patriarchy, despite defeat, was largely intact. Comments on Annedore Leber as a woman appeared in press coverage of her confrontation of communist leaders; men challenged her version of the resistance. How she met those challenges, assumed her stance as a politically active woman and expressed the necessity for women to engage in politics are key to understanding her activism. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The transnational engagement between the Chinese communist government and first-generation overseas Chinese has been analysed extensively, but the academic analysis of interactions between the Chinese communist government under Xi Jinping and new generation overseas Chinese is scarce. Questions arise regarding how the rise of new generation overseas Chinese has changed the diasporic identity of the overseas Chinese community; what the Xi government's tactics of engaging new generation overseas Chinese are; and how new generation overseas Chinese respond to the Xi government's targeted campaign. By answering these questions, this article provides an important case study for the emerging scholarship on the relations between authoritarian states and new generation diasporas. Building on government archives, ethnographic interviews, media reports, and online and offline diaspora events, this article analyses the Xi government's tactics and challenges of diaspora engagement targeting new generation overseas Chinese, and forecasts an uphill battle for the Xi government. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of Revista Estudios de Filosofía is the property of Universidad de Antioquia, Instituto de Filosofia and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

From the 1950s to the 1970s, Britain’s strategic role in the Cold War in East and Southeast Asia shaped the post-WWII contours and ramifications of what Winston Churchill famously dubbed the Anglo-American ‘special relationship’. Through its clandestine Information Research Department (IRD), Britain targeted anti-communist propaganda, focusing on neutral nations and the overseas Chinese communities. The IRD assessed communist influence among emigrant Chinese communities along with their views of the United States. The IRD served to support American goals while bolstering Britain’s regional influence. Despite occasional divergences, the IRD and the United States Information Agency (USIA) coordinated efforts to counter communist expansion, reflecting the adaptability of their ‘special relationship’. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Tiberiu Olah's Evenimente 1907 (Events 1907), originally the music for the film Răscoala (The Uprising) after Liviu Rebreanu's novel, can be considered a work inspired by a page in Romanian national history involving a large mass of people, and as such in tune with the themes pushed by the Communist ideology. But this layer of meaning runs in parallel with another one, indicative of the modern, elitist music from outside Romania, more precisely of works by composers of the Second Viennese School. The two layers, to all appearances completely contradictory, prove to be parts of a single whole. By managing, like some Till Eulenspiegel (or his Romanian relative Păcală), to dissimulate the nod to modernism in the clothes of the music for a historical film, Olah offers a model both of pluristratification of meaning and of harmonization of opposites. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

AbstractConsidering the June 2024 general parliamentary election results in India, this article undertakes a broad discursive analysis of the parliamentary Communists, tracing their trajectory from the inception of independent India to the present day. It argues that the Communists have continued to oscillate between liberal and neo-liberal notions of “governmentality,” constrained by its perpetuation of “capitalo-parliamentarian” hegemony. Drawing parallels with B.R. Ambedkar’s dichotomies on liberal democracy, the article highlights that the shifts in capital–labour dynamics have further deepened this ideological vacillation of the Communists. The article suggests that to move forward, Indian Communists must choose between constitutional governmentality and extra-parliamentary interventions rooted in transformative class politics. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The article delves into the effects of censorship on artistic expression, drawing on the insights of composer Adrian Pop. In commemoration of the 35th anniversary of the Romanian Revolution, the conversation sheds light on how censorship influenced music during the Communist era and how composers ingeniously maneuvered through its constraints. Adrian Pop highlights that, while censorship enforced strict boundaries, it did not completely suppress creativity, which persisted and thrived, much like the Danube carving its path through mountains. The article explores the dynamic between censorship and self-censorship, illustrating how propaganda often acted as a counterpart to censorship. Additionally, it touches on the significance of folklore in music and the gradual shift of composers toward experimentalism, despite the regime's restrictive environment. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

A young student in the 1940s, Annie Bentoiu, reconstructs retrospectively, fifty years later, the establishment of the communist regime in Romania, using a discourse that oscillates between the subjective experiences of her own history and the major events that took place in her country during the 20th century. This paper discusses how Timpul ce ni s-a dat [The time we were given], as a consequence, becomes a feminine writing with a hybrid character, revisiting the past according to internal and external events, thus being located at the intersection of personal memory and collective history. Moreover, the study highlights the sociological accents, the philosophical meditations, the political reflections and the historical realities that these memoirs encompass, openings favoured by the author’s triple intellectual formation – in the fields of law, history and literature. Through this hermeneutic exercise, I try to show how a woman’s testimony about an epoch is superimposed over the testimony of her own life, resulting a process in which subjective sources (memories, letters and diaries) are supplemented by a major documentary effort (historical studies and journals of the time). Two different types of history meet inside this sample of feminine literature, bringing together intimate stories and significant national transformations, as an example of the strong and irreversible way in which these histories affect each other. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

At a time when Cuban immigrants are seeking political asylum at historically unprecedented rates, most press and scholarly accounts consistently mirror earlier portrayals of Cubans’ mass exodus from the island in one key aspect: they ascribe to refugees a primarily economic reason for their decision to leave and offer little discussion of political factors. To illuminate the need for such analysis, this article examines the Mariel Boatlift of 1980, when approximately 125,000 Cubans, most of them thirty years old or younger, left Cuba. No other exodus of Cubans was more demonized than the Mariel, both by Cuba’s supporters and leadership and by exile opponents of the communist state. Exploring how the intensification of ideological criteria for inclusion in the Cuban Revolution undermined the quality of Cubans’ liberation under socialism prior to Mariel, this article explores state policies and the deep politicization of everyday life and identity. Key political factors explain many young people’s alienation and the degree to which the Cuban state sanctioned and directed extreme measures of repression to discredit those who wanted to leave as lazy, sexually degenerate escoria (human trash). [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Our study investigates how the legacies of Vietnamese imperial elites continue to affect top‐ranking politicians in Vietnam. The study compares a list of people who passed the imperial examination (1075–1919) at the national level with a list of currently active top‐ranking politicians in Vietnam (1930–2022) by matching their home districts. Using an instrumental variable approach, we find that those living in the same home districts as imperial elites are more likely to be top‐ranking communists. Possible mechanisms for these strong and persistent legacies based on home district connections include a historical culture of striving to reach the upper echelons of Vietnamese society, a belief in meritocracy, and using graduate degrees to signal one's talent. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The Five Power Defence Arrangement (FPDA), bringing together Australia, Malaysia, New Zealand, Singapore and the UK, is notable in persisting amidst significant changes to its geostrategic environment. Although initially conceived in response to the threat of Communist expansionism in Southeast Asia, the FPDA persisted after the end of the Cold War that had been its raison d'être. Several characteristics provide an explanation for the FPDA's persistence, ensuring that the UK's withdrawal "East of the Suez" notwithstanding, Britain would retain strategic influence in Southeast Asia. More recently, the FPDA's bridging function has helped to facilitate the British "Tilt to Asia" that has gathered pace over the past decade. Amidst regional concerns over the implications of the rise of China and growing Sino-U.S. rivalry, it will be necessary for the FPDA to consider how best to maintain its bridging function to affirm regional stability and the rules-based international order. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article demonstrates that, during the year 1990, the process of democratization in Bosnia-Herzegovina was intentionally decelerated and stifled by the ruling Communist Party due to the ideological conservatism of its leadership. This process directly contributed to the party's ultimate loss of power. Archival documentation, extensive newspaper coverage from this period, and testimonies of key participants are used to recreate the contextual circumstances under which the crucial events unfolded. The critical importance of strategic decisions made by the ruling political elites under extreme time pressure proved to be a key factor in determining their ability to retain power. The case of Bosnia-Herzegovina in 1990 demonstrates that slow, indecisive, and gradual policymaking during the transformational period from communism to democracy could have disastrous consequences for the electoral chances of the incumbent communist parties. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The purpose of this article is to identify the roots of the phenomenon known as Sovietization, and to explore its implementation in Polish education and pedagogy. In Poland (and other countries of Central and Eastern Europe), which was left in Stalin's sphere of influence as a result of the conferences at yalta (February 4--11, 1945) and Potsdam (July 17, 1945 -- August 2, 1945), Sovietization is a painful page of history. Understood as the imposition of economic, social, and cultural solutions modeled on Soviet Russia and then the USSR, combined with communist indoctrination, it had negative consequences for education and pedagogy. These effects resulted from the anthropological and cultural assumptions of Sovietization, which were implemented in education by the creation of a new paradigm of knowledge about education -- socialist pedagogy. The history of Sovietization in Poland had two politically distinct stages. It operated 1) during the period of Polish independence (1918/20 -- 1939) and 2) during the period of communist enslavement (1945--1989). In the first period, the influence of communism was limited. The second stage, which represents an interesting and at the same time cruel experience of the Poles, demands greater attention from historians. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of Journal of Linguistic Anthropology is the property of Wiley-Blackwell and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

The article proposes to look at the phenomenon of the historical politics of the authorities of communist Romania through the prism of opinions on this subject from the diplomacy, also communist, of the Polish People's Republic. It is about opinions of representatives of a state whose citizens during the communist period were not subjected to and did not succumb to such strong political indoctrination as in other satellite states of the Kremlin on the subject of a state which, from the 1960s onwards, conducted the most independent and distanced foreign politics from the Kremlin among these satellites and which went furthest among these states in instrumentally using historical politics and the often accompanying nationalism for political purposes. As the Polish observers have argued, the Romanian authorities saw in the image of Romanians and Romanian history created by them a valuable tool to shape for themselves the favor of society, its views and public sentiment depending on the political demand of the moment. It was most controversial among Poles, but supported by the Romanian public, that the Romanian authorities used history to more or less openly attack the Soviet Union in the name of defending their sovereignty. The Polish authorities also viewed with distance the theory deriving modern Romanians from the ancient Dacians and generally considered Romanian historiography to be biased and unreliable. In spite of the fall of communism, unlike in Poland, the picture of Romanian history shaped earlier, with a strong nationalist accent, is still readily accepted by Romanians. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The continuity of a same view about Albania as an international media subject through time was related to the media construction process and its role in shaping the country's perceptions and images. This article delves into media archives to conduct a systematic analysis of Time magazine's representations of Albania as a subject. The prevailing perception is that of a country that is continually troubled and unusual, regardless of the distinct historical periods from 1923 to 2023. This article further argues that the centennial portrayals of Albania as a chaotic, strange, and conflict-ridden country, one that seems perpetually ensnared in a cycle of crises, have influenced how both the nation and its people are perceived. Such representations extend to its urban and rural landscapes, as well as its geographical characteristics. Consequently, these narratives contribute to a broader perception of Albania as an aberrant territory, characterized by instability and disorder. From a comparative perspective along the three periods, research showed that the early discourse of an Albanian anomaly during 1924-1944, deepened further during the communist regime period from 1945 to 1989, and it was recycled again after the transition to democracy in the '90's, to continue until nowadays. However, the photo representations in the photo gallery sections of Time online not only showcase a continuity of themes such as exoticism and political unrest, but they also highlight a growing interest in the human stories and the cultural and natural heritage of the country. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The paper examines the behavior of Yugoslavia’s two largest national minorities during the Second World War. It inves­tigates reasons why the new communist authorities after the war did not punish the ethnic Germans and ethnic Albanians equally for their similar collaborationist attitudes.

The article outlines the prospects for covenantal pluralism in Bulgaria from a broad historical perspective. For this purpose, it explores the evolution of the attitudes to the religious other under different political regimes and social orders. The analysis is organized into three sections disclosing the peculiarities of the Bulgarian case. The first one outlines the evolution of religious diversity in Bulgaria throughout the centuries. The next section deals with religious tolerance from the perspective of the historical experience of Bulgarians, while the last one discusses the post-communist developments. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article sets out to analyze the debate that took place in the 1920s and 1930s between communists and Trotskyists about the meaning of the 1930 Revolution in Brazil. It would be possible to analyze the various political shades of opinion that interpreted the 1930 Revolution by the way in which they sought to include the people in the political game. Seen with horror, as in the conservative view, or seen with admiration, as in the progressive view, the people became, from that mo-ment on, the real watershed with whom those who ventured into the political arena would have to come to terms. The Trotskyists saw popular participation as stimulated by the elites in their struggle for power. On the other hand, the PCB view tended to see popular participation as fundamental, ei-ther because it produced a reactionary backlash, or because it realized that the masses were really on the boil and were fol-lowing their own paths, which forced sectors of the ruling class to alter their previously stipulated course. The conclu-sion of the debate among Brazilian Marxists shows that both communists and Trotskyists considered the 1930 Revolution to be a watershed, seen as the movement that put an end to an era and opened the doors to "modernity" in Brazil, with its main cause and effect being the irruption of the popular masses as a fundamental political agent.

(1) Background: The present research aims to emphasize the interest of the Securitate in theological matters with the help of information provided by the Romanian Securitate Archives. To this end, we will focus on two important personalities of the Romanian theological space, namely André Scrima (1925–2000), who left Romania in 1956 and refused to go back, and Valeriu Bartolomeu Anania, who was imprisoned for political reasons and later sent to the USA between 1966 and 1977. Both were writers and theological and cultural personalities (Scrima was well known internationally, while Anania had made a name for himself within the borders of the country). Therefore, the question this research will try to answer is the following: What was the interest of the Romanian Securitate in terms of religious aspects and particularly in the Orthodox Church? (2) Results: This analysis of the documents from the Romanian Securitate Archives proves that, although such an interest existed, it was rather superficial and was mostly related to the potential relations between politics and theology. (3) Methods: This analysis is qualitative and consists of a case study based on the interpretation of primary sources. (4) Conclusions: The conclusion of this research is that the Romanian Securitate was interested in the personalities and the work of André Scrima and Valeriu Bartolomeu Anania and their relationships with various people. However, the theological aspect was only of secondary interest to the Romanian Securitate. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The article "DANCE AND RESISTANCE: The movement of the dance houses of Transylvania as a marker of Hungarian identity" analyzes how Hungarian folk dance has been a crucial element in the identity of the Hungarian diaspora in Transylvania. Throughout history, folk dance has served as a means of resistance to preserve Hungarian cultural identity, especially during the communist era. The dance house movement has been fundamental in the dissemination and preservation of folk dance, creating strong and resilient communities. [Extracted from the article]

In 1989, much of the Communist world disappeared. But in the People's Socialist Republic of Albania the Communist leadership hunkered down and insisted its path was uninterrupted by events in countries that had hardly been real socialist countries anyway. By then, Albania's long-time ruler Enver Hoxha had been dead for four years. Having survived regime changes that shook the Communist world, Hoxha was decidedly obsessed with the ensuring that his succession would ensure that Albanian Stalinism would survive. Starting in 1981, when Hoxha embarked on what would become his last really great purge, one can see signs of what lay ahead. These events shed light on what happened in Albania when Communism started to unravel in late 1990 and inaugurated what looks like a never-ending transition. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Do long-term propaganda and indoctrination undermine media trust? Building on studies of communist legacies, I examine whether trust in media in post-communist countries can be explained by past or contemporaneous experiences. I find that trust in media is lower in post-communist countries, but this trust deficit is more likely a consequence of the post-communist period. It is higher among authoritarian regimes, which suggests that contemporaneous experiences matter; citizens with longer exposure to communism trust the media more; finally, the deficit grows as the communist past becomes more distant. These findings have implications for institutional development in the post-communist world. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Most studies on the media coverage of the Romanian Revolution explore the chronology of events and generally mention that manipulation and misinformation led to the circulation of false information, which caused confusion. In this context, the present study aims for a broader approach to the subject, seeking to identify the specific techniques that led to communication pathologies. To this end, the study examines scientific articles, journalistic resources from the period of December 19-24, 1989, as well as the conclusions from the Revolution Dossier. The method used is discourse analysis, meaning the identification of senses behind the texts. The research focused on presenting how the communist model of the press and the liberal model reported on the Romanian Revolution. The main results show that the existing communication pathologies were demonization, manichaeism, psychosis, fake news, rumors, and constitutive rhetoric. The study aims to fill existing gaps in research by addressing the topic from journalistic, legal, and scientific perspectives. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Hungarian mnemonic practices have transformed over the past decade. Among these changes is a decline in the prominence of remembering communist crimes, alongside efforts to reposition the nation as a community of victims of crimes committed by great powers. Based on these observations, this paper argues that Hungarian public memory no longer aligns with the established post-communist memory framework. It is more appropriate to label it as populist, as Hungarian government practices are comparable to populist movements and politicians from Europe and beyond. Moreover, this emerging memory culture is fundamentally configured around the notion of a struggle between a people and their supranational or imperial oppressors. This paper analyses how this threat is constructed, particularly through mnemonic practices, with specific reference to the recent government-driven reinterpretation of the Trianon peace treaty and its aftermath. This reinterpretation has become a signifier of the destructive effects of cosmopolitan liberalism on a Central Europe of nations. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Lin Yutang, a world-famous writer and translator, has long been known as an apolitical cultural ambassador. This study reveals, however, that beginning from the early 1940s, Lin turned from apolitical to passionately political and his political activism found expression in translation. This article employs narrative theory to examine how Lin, as an activist translator, reframed Kuomintang-Communist conflict in China when translating Mao Tse-tung’s New Democracy. I argue that Lin’s translation was part of a public opinion warfare aimed to win American aid. Lin rendered Mao’s text in a way that could drive a wedge between Americans and Communists of China. Strategies employed included intentional mistranslation, selective appropriation, disambiguating and repositioning. This study shows that attempts to understand what motivates a translator to turn away from his or her well-beaten path can be theoretically productive. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

In the period following World War II, the Federative People's Republic of Yugoslavia, under the leadership of Josip Broz Tito, experienced a pivotal moment in its history due to the split with the Cominform and the subsequent break in relations with the Soviet Union, leading to a profound military and foreign policy transformation in Belgrade. This period can be seen as a continuation of the rebellious pragmatic line that had already been outlined during World War II, when Yugoslav communists, in contrast to the Eastern Bloc countries, gained power almost independently through their own struggle. The realization that external powers, in this case the Soviet Union, could not simply dictate domestic or foreign policy decisions was crucial for Belgrade's strategic shift. Threats of a military attack from the Eastern Bloc forced the Federative People's Republic of Yugoslavia to seek aid and support, particularly military, from the West. These activities were particularly evident on the diplomatic front. This research reveals the complexity and dynamism of Yugoslav foreign policy, which Belgrade faced in its efforts to maintain its sovereignty. In this context, the Federative People's Republic of Yugoslavia gradually became an example of how to maintain a delicate balance between the superpowers. This shift and the steps taken by Belgrade are key to understanding Yugoslavia's role in international relations and its status during that period. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The tension between the game of chess as strictly regulated by rules and the idea of freedom can be traced in three radidal examples separated by media and different periods of the twentieth century. The first emphatic employment of the concept of freedom is in the title of a chess journal issued by the Communist opposition of the central German working-class chess organization at the end of the Weimar Republic. In the journal Frei Schach! the radical subsection of "Red Sports Unity" asserts its claim for supremacy, demanding revolutionary goals in the class struggle. But this journalistic appeal to freedom was countered by the use of the same concept by the moderate alternative central chess organisation, and soon even by the National Socialists suppressing both working-class organisations. In the cultural scene after the second world war there was a distant, strangely depoliticized echo of freedom in chess. In the Austrian avantgarde dramatist Wolfgang Bauer's version of Ibsen's modernist revision of classical drama in the play Ghosts there is a farcical use of everyday objects as a replacement of chess elements. They function as a postmodern parody of the conventional structures of a conversation play. Compared to such highly idiosyncratic ludic transformation of chess games, today's digitalized chess in which the computer is the final arbiter makes the game more accessible to the masses. The surface democratic appeal in which average players can turn into critics of the chess elite is accompanied by the complete subjection to digitalisation on a late capitalist agenda. However, this does not completely deprive the traditional game of chess of its promise of playful enjoyment for an increasing number of people on a global scale. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The article deals with the spatial policies of the Slovene communist authorities in the border area of the North Adriatic between 1943 and 1954. At that time, this territory was claimed by several state entities with different ideological and political systems. All of them sought to establish their sovereignty over the region not only politically and militarily but also culturally. Those endeavours included processes of ideologically charged transformation of public space. This also applies to the Slovene communists, whose spatial policies were characterized by a mixture of nationalist and communist impulses. Although the communist authorities agreed in principle to the idea of internationalism, their interventions actually led to spatial Slovenization. At the same time, the communist dimension manifested itself in the negative attitudes towards buildings associated with ideological enemies of communism, especially the Catholic Church and nobility. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This is an edited transcript of a question-and-answer session with Molly Pucci, the winner of the inaugural Dr Polly Corrigan Book Prize for her monograph Security Empire: The Secret Police in Communist Eastern Europe (New Haven, CT: Yale University Press, 2020). It took place at King's College, London on 17th January 2023, when the inaugural Dr Polly Corrigan Book Prize was presented. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

İsmet Özel reversed the intellectual limitations of the concept of Turk with his way of thinking that evolved from the poet, communist and Muslim, each of whom nourished themselves in a holistic manner, to the competent Turk formed by searching for himself. Özel's conceptualization of Turk is unique and special, beyond all definitions in the literature on the concept of Turk. His concept of Turk implies an intellectual formation shaped by a consciousness and stance beyond a sociological or ethnic identity. According to Özel, the Turk describes the integrity of being himself in his adventure of searching for himself. This study examines Özel's intellectual life adventure, which evolved from the trinity of his self-searching process, poet, communist and Muslim, to Turkishness, through the concept of nevabit. The question of the study is to examine whether Özel is the nevabit of the Turkish way of thinking and style through the conceptualization of the Turk. For this purpose, it discusses whether Özel's Turkishness, which is nourished by his intellectual isolation, can influence the self-renewal of Turkish thought, which has certain cliches, beliefs and opinions, by reading it in the context of the concept of nevabit. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The COP26 Climate Summit held in Glasgow in November 2021 was expected to attract mass protests. Given the climate crisis and the increase in direct action in the UK, the police anticipated huge numbers with the potential for significant disorder. Despite this, Police Scotland insisted that they were committed to facilitating peaceful protest. Drawing on ethnographic observation and interviews with both police and protestors, this paper offers analysis of a contentious event during the large set-piece demonstration on Saturday 6 November. It focuses on the containment of a small group of Young Communists to ask what this tells us about 'facilitation', crowd theory, and police-protestor relations. Whilst fairly insignificant in terms of numbers, we argue that the YCL containment offers valuable insights into protest policing and facilitation. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The purpose of the research paper is to analyze the place of schoolchildren in the ideological confrontation between the Ukrainian national liberation movement and the Soviet authorities in Rivne region territory in the post-war period, to determine the peculiarities of the everyday life of youth in the conditions of Stalin's totalitarian regime functioning. The scientific novelty of the study is in the comprehensive analysis of the participation of schoolchildren of Rivne region in the Ukrainian liberation movement from 1944 to 1953. The primary forms and methods of anti-Soviet activity of local schoolchildren are systematized using specific examples. Conclusions. The uncompromising struggle between the communist authorities and the Ukrainian liberation movement had a significant impact on the educational space of the region. The ideological component played an important role, directly influencing the formation of the future society. Schoolchildren's resistance to the Soviet rule in Rivne oblast in the post-war years was active and partially continued until the mid-1950s. National ideals had support among a large part of local youth, which undoubtedly complicated the establishment of communist influences. The key role in the repression of young participants in the Resistance movement was assigned to the judicial system. It was supposed to ensure the prompt hearing of cases and the imposition of punishments needed by the authorities. The activities of nationally conscious youth in Rivne region are pretty in sync with the functioning of similar youth organizations, which were widespread in the western regions of the Ukrainian SSR in the post-war years. The primary forms and means of resistance were oral anti-Soviet agitation of different kinds (discussions, meetings, debates); distribution of forbidden literature and leaflets among the population, sometimes their printing; self-education and personal development; creation of conspiratorial youth organizations; and carrying out the tasks of OUN cells to collect the necessary information and humanitarian aid. Later, some youths entered the nationalist underground and joined the armed struggle. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The purpose of the research paper is to analyze poster art as a tool for imposing communist ideologemes in Soviet and Polish societies during the period of late Stalinism, to identify the paradigm of Totalitarianism in the subject matter of posters, as well as the ways of its conveying through form and content, and to show the similarities and differences in the semantic and artistic tendencies of poster art of both countries. The scientific novelty is in the comparative analysis of the subject matter and content of Soviet and Polish political posters during the period of late Stalinism (the mid-1940s - the first half of the 1950s) in terms of their use by the ruling regimes as tools of totalitarian propaganda. Conclusions. During the post-war period, Stalin regime actively continued to use the poster as an important means of communist propaganda in order to create specific 'memory markers' in the mass consciousness of the population. The poster played not only the role of a channel for conveying information, but also influenced the mental, emotional, and behavioral state of a person living under the pressure of the totalitarian system. The poster art of both states was under the absolute control of the Party and the government, its content and subject matter were determined by official documents. The visualization of slogans and images officially permitted by the authorities, enhanced by the appropriate color scheme, was intended to create a myth about the exceptional importance of the Party's policy and to promote the implementation of Communism ideology in the mass consciousness. A characteristic feature of a totalitarian system is the presence of a cult of the leader, who personifies the state, nation, and progress and is a sacred value for society. By means of poster art, the majestic, even monumental, image of J. Stalin was deliberately imposed on the population of the USSR in order to legitimize his stay in power. Unlike the USSR, in communist Poland, the cult of the leader was not developed significantly, which, accordingly, was reflected in poster art, although Polish artists were also forced to work in the framework of the artistic method of socialist realism imposed on them by Stalin's regime. One of the main subject matters of the USSR and Poland's political posters during the Cold War period was the struggle for peace and criticism of the aggressive policy of the 'imperialists,' primarily the USA. The image of the 'other' (enemy) visualized in the communist poster contributed to the establishment in the public consciousness of a matrix of perception of the outside world in a bipolar coordinate system, at the opposite pole of which was absolute evil, which posed a potential threat to the existence of the socialist bloc. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The Japanese Kurisu Kei (1910–2009) and the Bulgarian Nikola Aleksiev (1909–2002) never met. They were devoted to communism (for which they were imprisoned several times) and at the same time enthused about Esperanto. In 1933–34, Kurisu received a coded warning from a Soviet citizen (a veteran Communist and Esperantist) against Stalin's terror regime. Kurisu put this experience aside for a long time. In the 1930s, he used Esperanto to spread Georgi Dimitrov's plea for an anti-fascist popular front in Japan. He became a renowned translator from Czech literature and maintained a worldwide correspondence. It was not until 1951 that he left the Japanese Communist Party. His Esperanto involvement contributed significantly to the departure from communist beliefs. In 1992, after the collapse of the Eastern bloc, he got in touch with Aleksiev, who had been a leading figure for the party in Bulgaria and for the Esperanto movement as well. Kurisu accused him of having unswervingly defended the imperialist policy of the Soviet Union. Aleksiev exercised some self-criticism. He admitted that communist rule had not been brought down by the class enemy , but by its own mistakes and crimes , and recalled an old taboo: the murder of Soviet Esperantists under Stalin. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of Athenaeum: Polskie Studia Politologiczne is the property of Faculty of Political Science & Security Studies Nicolaus Copernicus University and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Albania endured a brutal communist dictatorship for over 45 years, which had severe effects on the rights of tens of thousands of people and the country's social fabric. The regime employed criminal tactics and justified violence and manipulation in the pursuit and retention of power through the ideology of "class war" and "the dictatorship of the proletariat.". The paper is based on an analytical research method that aims to highlight social awareness as one of the main features of transitional "legal approaches" designed to bring justice and reveal the truth about the bitter communist past. The main focus of the study is to assess whether the outcomes of transitional justice in Albania have reached society, particularly the young generation. In addition to using the doctrinal research method, the article employs an empirical approach by administering a questionnaire to evaluate students' perceptions of their awareness of the communist past. The study concludes that knowledge about the past is still relatively low among youngsters, and it suggests that the state should take more proactive and coercive measures, such as utilizing textbooks and organizing extracurricular activities, to reach the new generation. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article aims to contribute to the debate on the rise of independents in local politics and the underlying factors driving this trend in Europe by investigating the situation in Czechia, a post-communist country with a highly fragmented local government system. This study uses statistical analyses of electoral data from the 2010, 2014 and 2018 local elections to test the relevance of supply-side and demand-side explanations of the rise of independents. The analysis results show that the political strength of independents in Czech local elections has steadily increased during the last decade. Both tested theoretical models are valid but the effects of supply-side and demand-side factors are highly conditioned by municipalities' population sizes. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Transition economies, on the one hand, grapple with a communist legacy; on the other hand, they seek the optimal institutionalization for knowledge generation, dissemination, and commercialization to compete globally. However, the incumbent knowledge of certain aspects of their innovation systems remains very limited. In particular, intra-organizational cultural relics of the past and their inter-organizational and, consequently, systemic implications require research. This study examines how interaction barriers among universities, industry, and government, stemming from intra-organizational cultures, impact structural change in the innovation system of Azerbaijan. Utilizing the TH model, interviews with 59 participants revealed that a "Statist" TH model in Azerbaijan hinders organic cultural development within organizations, leading to interaction issues among TH actors. Moreover, problems in inter-organizational communication pave the way for a systemic failure that necessitates government intervention, strengthening the "Statist" TH model. The findings increase the context sensitivity of the TH framework by exploring an understudied context and provide valuable insights relevant to other transition economies facing similar institutional legacies. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

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In our study we analyzed four editions of the post-war magazine Vyšehrad (1945-1948). We observed how the philosophical trends of the time (existentialism, personalism) determined the debate of Catholic intellectuals within the magazine. These intellectuals were thus forced to cope not only with the growing Stalinist ideology, but also with the trend of Sartre's influence on the young post-war generation. We find that both generations had to shift their attention from defending the Christian tradition to the anti-essentialism of Sartre's existential philosophy, and that despite their proclaimed disagreement with his views, they took up some of his themes (anxiety, nothingness, freedom of choice) to which they began to seek an adequate response, conditioned by Christian personalism. However, this search for an answer was put to an end by the authorities: the magazine was stopped by the Communist authorities and ceased publication in December 1948. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The second half of 1944 was one of the most complex periods in Romania's contemporary history. It all started with the act of 23 August, after which Romania not only left the alliance with Nazi Germany, but had to endure Soviet pressure, to accept the entry of communist representatives into the government and the provisions of the Armistice Agreement, as well as the removal of Northern Transylvania from the administration of the Romanian state and the establishment of the Soviet administration in the region. However, despite everything that happened, one of the objectives for which Romania had first entered the anti-Soviet war, then the war against Hitler, was fulfilled. The Romanian-Hungarian border drawn at the end of the First World War was restored. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Through computational-assisted analysis of the Weibo corpus of the Chinese Communist Youth League (CYL) spanning from 2013 to 2020, this paper unveils the strategic utilization of fandom culture by the CYL, the youth wing of the ruling party, in its nationalistic propaganda on the internet. Specifically, the CYL deliberately associates with the pop idols of the younger generation on Weibo, harnessing their influence to promote nationalistic content that encompasses both "pride-oriented" and "hostility-oriented" themes. Subsequent analysis reveals a greater propensity for nationalistic content to generate audience response compared to other types of content, particularly when endorsed by these pop idols. This research enriches our understanding of the CYL's propaganda efforts and contributes to the burgeoning scholarship on "soft propaganda" in China. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Several watershed events preceded the dissolution of Yugoslavia. One of these was the toppling of the Vojvodina autonomist leadership in October 1988. This was preceded by a series of rallies throughout Vojvodina in the summer of 1988, which may have seemed like a spontaneous affair and the work of "ordinary citizens." It was called "the antibureaucratic revolution." However, these rallies, including a standing group of demonstrators, continually and always referring to the grievances of Kosovo Serbs, turned out to be supported by the Serbian political elite centered in Belgrade. The elite, still headed by the Serbian Communist Chief Slobodan Milošević, gave thrust and coordination to efforts to organize the rallies. The Vojvodina leadership was toppled for their alleged "failing to understand the plight of Kosovo Serbs." The overthrow was, further, with a view to achieve the Serbian elite's pet project, the "united Serbia"—that is, doing away with Vojvodina's and Kosovo's autonomy. Written sources (including recollections by Yugoslav leaders of the time) and written sources are considered in research on the events. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]