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This paper examines, in parallel, two key archaeological material groups: the kilns and the ceramics from the exceptional tell site of Imvrou Pigadi, the first known and systematically excavated Middle Neolithic pottery workshop in Thessaly. The study forms an all-encompassing, material-based, and scientifically integrated framework based on macroscopic and microscopic analyses, including typological classification and geoarchaeology with an emphasis on micromorphology, as well as an examination of spatial organization. Direct and indirect evidence for standardization and specialization in technology and production practices points to advanced pyrotechnological knowledge and expertise in pottery manufacture at the site. Moreover, the paper examines the social interplay developed around pottery production by discussing cooperation and the organization of social space within the community. Overall, this analysis touches upon the discussion of the wider community of pottery manufacturing centers in Neolithic Thessaly and places the site within its cultural context, offering new insights into craftsmanship and social reciprocity. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

We examined 2947 basalt and volcanic glass artifacts from 38 sites in leeward Kohala. Nondestructive energy‐dispersive X‐ray fluorescence provided initial geochemical characterizations. Wavelength‐dispersive X‐ray fluorescence (WDXRF) and thermal ionization mass spectrometry (TIMS) analyses were completed on samples from ambiguously sourced groups. No more than 13.9% of the probable and definite adze‐related debitage originated in leeward Kohala. Notably absent are lithic materials from the nearby Pololū Adze Quarry in windward Kohala. Material from the more distant Mauna Kea Adze Quarry accounts for 41.6% of the adze debitage. Another 38.8% of the adze debitage matches with a tholeiitic source or sources long assumed to be Kīlauea Volcano in Kaʻū, but WDXRF and TIMS isotopic data do not support a Kīlauea source. Centralized adze production and distribution networks best explain adze distribution. Scoria abraders appear to have been regularly transported from the Kona district to leeward Kohala. Volcanic glass sources loosely align with distance‐decay trends, but show greater reliance on Puʻuwaʻawaʻa material by 1650 CE. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of Boletin de Antropologia is the property of Universidad de Antioquia and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

This paper presents new evidence of craft specialization in pre-Hispanic Coclé through a set of plates found at Sitio Conte (PN-5) in the first half of the 20th century. The variability analyses show a similar uniformity between the plates from Sitio Conte and the coetaneous pottery from the neighboring site of El Caño (NA-20), which was interpreted as an indirect evidence of craft specialization in the area. The results of the statistical analyses of both ceramic assemblages show a homogeneity in the mean dimensions of the vessels, which could support the hypothesis that the same artisans participated in their manufacture. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Economics – the socially instituted ways of managing how people value, make, exchange, and consume goods – is a major part of human culture. Yet there is comparatively little study of the economies of the pre-sixteenth-century Southeast, in spite of revealing written comments by the earliest European observers and the fact that cross-culturally in societies of comparable scale, multiple, complicated economic institutions always play a central role. Because of the Southeast's rich environment and well-preserved material record of human culture spanning over 14,000 years, archaeology here could be contributing much more data and new theory to economic anthropology generally. As examples of this potential, we draw on existing archaeological information indicating (1) that chert in the Cahokia region was most likely obtained through market mechanisms, and (2) that ever since their origins, plazas were designed consistent with facilitating and managing exchange. We sketch two models (Market Fair and Formal Market) that may be useful for studying economic evolution. We suggest additional, practicable research questions to further our understanding of Southeastern economic structures. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of Journal of West Asian Archaeology / Nishiajia Kōkogaku is the property of Japanese Society for West Asian Archaeology and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

The activities associated with palaces provide clues to understanding the strategies leaders in prehistoric polities used to accrue power. Controlling craft specialists who make prestige goods is one such tactic. Many models presume preciosities were distributed to build alliances or for exchange; however, some objects may be imbued with sacred power. These singular goods would have a different distribution than prestige goods. The relations of production may also differ; elites, rather than attached specialists, may have produced singular objects as an empowering strategy. I propose that some elites in the Wari Empire (600–1000 ce) made elaborate pottery, some of which were sacred goods essential for the performance of rituals, in order to exclude others from this important source of power. To support this hypothesis, I describe the regional distribution of decorated pottery, the manner of its deposition, and evidence that elites created ceramic vessels in a Wari provincial palace at Cerro Baúl, Peru. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of Spal: Revista de Prehistoria y Arqueologia de la Universidad de Sevilla is the property of Spal. Revista de Prehistoria y Arqueologia de la Universidad de Sevilla and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

INTRODUCTIONThis paper examines the economic and social impact of the fur trade on Indian cultures, in an effort to illuminate further the nature of Indian-white relations from the sixteenth through the early nineteenth centuries. As such, the paper, which may be of interest to anthropologists, historians, and archeologists, contributes to the literature on culture contact.The Indian role in the fur trade can be described as a craft specialization. Craft specialization is often treated as an indicator of cultural complexity that develops as a response to a variety of influences. In this case, I posit the development of the activities associated with the fur trade into a specialization, resulting from Indian intensification of existing practices but stimulated by economic emoluments offered by the European market. The model for discussing this economic network draws on the work of several scholars.The fur trade can perhaps be best understood as one segment of a world-system. Wallerstein points out that even small-scale economies in remote parts of the world are often tied into international exchange networks; fluctuations in prices, supplies, and demand at the more developed end of the system (i.e., European market economies) will reverberate throughout the system. I suggest it is inaccurate to describe native groups tied into this Euro-American network as operating at a subsistence level in a traditional economy.

Underwater excavations at the Classic period (A.D. 300-900) ancient Maya salt works of Chan b’i and Atz’aam Na in Paynes Creek National Park, Belize, reveal activity areas associated with a substantial salt industry for distribution to nearby southern Maya inland sites where this biological requirement was scarce. Wooden architecture and salt making artifacts are abundantly preserved in a peat bog composed of red mangrove. Excavations, screening, and analysis of recovered material at the submerged underwater sites reveal that the artifacts are overwhelmingly briquetage: pottery vessels used to evaporate salty water by heating over fires to make salt. The spatial distribution of briquetage in relation to the interior and exterior of buildings reveals that salt production was occurring indoors. The plethora of briquetage and the scarcity of domestic artifacts indicate that the sites were specialized salt works and not physically attached to households. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

In the American Southwest, prehistoric artisans manufactured large quantities of high-quality disc beads. The sophisticated disc bead industry that developed between 300 BC and AD 1450 compelled early archaeologists to question the labor costs required to produce the over 1,000,000 disc beads documented in the southwestern archaeological record. This paper attempts to reevaluate prevalent hypotheses surrounding prehistoric disc bead technology and develop an updated method of estimating bead drilling labor cost. I produce mathematical formulas expressing the relationship between bead material and thickness and required drilling time. The formulas provide archaeologists with two raw-material-specific equations to estimate time requirements for bead production based on bead thickness. [ABSTRACT FROM PUBLISHER]

• Identifies multiple forms of craft specialization among nonhierarchical hunter-gatherers. • Demonstrates the benefits of operationalizing a multi-method approach to sourcing archaeological pottery. • Locates factors and circumstances that can explain the emergence of different kinds of craft production. Archaeologists have long relied on material proxies of labor organization to identify different social formations. Conventional wisdom holds that specialization is particularly integral in developing hierarchical states, and that hunter-gatherers are typically "generalists" provisioning their immediate household and community. However, archaeological evidence from eastern North America challenges these assumptions in showcasing evidence of specialized production among nonhierarchical societies. Because specialization is now known to exist outside the chiefdom or state, some researchers have questioned its analytical utility. Further, recent approaches to crafting discourage the use of generalizing heuristics (e.g., specialization), and instead center the historical dimensions of community and identity. In this study, we argue that archaeological research on specialization can mature by shifting focus from determinative wholes like hierarchies, to the relationships between crafters and recipients. To demonstrate this point, we present results of a multi-method chemical and petrographic study of Late Woodland (ca. AD 650–1050) and Mississippian (ca. AD 1050–1550) pottery from the Tampa Bay region of Florida. By contextualizing these data within historical relationships between communities and crafters, our study identifies two different forms of ritual specialization among nonhierarchical hunter gatherers; one predicated on religious leadership, the other on securing access to esoteric knowledge and property. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The industry of metatuff axes and adzes on the western coast of Onega Lake (Eneolithic period, ca. 3500 – 1500 cal. BC) allows assuming some sort of craft specialization. Excavations of a workshop site Fofanovo XIII, conducted in 2010-2011, provided an extremely large assemblage of artefacts (over 350000 finds from just 30 m2, mostly production debitage). An attempt to estimate the output of production within the excavated area is based on experimental data from a series of replication experiments. Mass-analysis with the aid of image recognition software was used to obtain raw data from flakes from excavations and experiments. Statistical evaluation assures that the experimental results can be used as a basement for calculations. According to the proposed estimation, some 500 – 1000 tools could have been produced here, and this can be qualified as an evidence of “mass-production”.

Weeden Island mortuary ceremonialism united distinct cultures across the Late Woodland social landscape. The Weeden Island pottery series is central to recognizing regional ceremonial parity, with prestige (elite) and sacred (cult) wares showing strong similarities among distant sites. Finely made vessels and their ostensibly shamanistic themes led archaeologists to consider the liturgical and political roles of ritual specialists, whose tasks might have included vessel manufacture in centralized locations. This research evaluates the prospect of craft specialization and centralized production of sacred and prestige wares through comparisons of the provenance of vessels from three Florida localities: Palmetto Mound (8LV2), the mounds at Melton (8AL5, 8AL7), and McKeithen (8CO17). Results of Neutron Activation Analysis and petrographic analysis show that the majority of the sampled vessels were made far from the mounds in which they were deposited, from a variety of locations but especially within the area between Kolomoki and the Tallahassee Hills. We argue that production was not centralized but may have been specialized to the extent that an integrated ritual network was necessary to coordinate rules of manufacture and use that were evidently observed by all participants. [ABSTRACT FROM PUBLISHER]

Many potteries have been discovered from excavations and a surface survey at Shahdad, but few works have beendone to examine craft specialization in pottery production at this important site. Different types of potteries, some ofwhich bearing potter marks demonstrate that craftsmen of the site had involved in manufacturing of centralized potteryproduction. A number of kilns and many waste of pottery could also support the above idea.Therefore, the aim of this paper is to examine why of pottery manufacturing at Shahdad, which could be considered ascraft quarter for pottery production. It seems that pottery production at Shahdad had been affected by its environmentalconditions. This interaction between craftsmen and environment caused for manufacturing of special types of potteries atShahdad. It is necessary to state that this interaction has also caused for standardization in pottery production at the siteduring the third millennium BC.

Green objects of personal adornment were quite common among Neolithic and Copper Age groups in Western Europe, and variscite was one of the minerals that was most often used for such a purpose. This article presents the results of a series of archaeological campaigns designed to study the mines of Aliste and the ornament production loci of Quiruelas de Vidriales (both in the province of Zamora, Spain). We discovered that initially, during the fourth millennium calbc, variscite from Aliste was seldom used and the ornaments' production was dispersed, but that there was a significant shift during the third millennium calbc: ornament production intensified and became concentrated in the production sites of Quiruelas. We relate this transformation to the socioeconomic processes that developed in the Iberian Peninsula and the growth of supra-regional socio-technical artefact exchange networks. [ABSTRACT FROM PUBLISHER]

In this paper, I address the case of a corporate society in Central Mexico. After volcanic eruptions triggered population displacements in the southern Basin of Mexico during the first and fourth centuries A.D., Teotihuacan became a multiethnic settlement. Groups from different backgrounds settled primarily on the periphery of the metropolis; nevertheless, around the core, intermediate elites actively fostered the movement of sumptuary goods and the arrival of workers from diverse homelands for a range of specialized tasks. Some of these skilled craftsmen acquired status and perhaps economic power as a result of the dynamic competition among neighborhoods to display the most lavish sumptuary goods, as well as to manufacture specific symbols of identity that distinguished one neighborhood from another, such as elaborate garments and headdresses. Cotton attire worn by the Teotihuacan elite may have been one of the goods that granted economic importance to neighborhood centers such as Teopancazco, a compound that displayed strong ties to the Gulf Coast where cotton cloth was made. The ruling elite controlled raw materials that came from afar whereas the intermediate elite may have been more active in providing other sumptuary goods: pigments, cosmetics, slate, greenstone, travertine, and foreign pottery. The contrast between the corporate organization at the base and top of Teotihuacan society and the exclusionary organization of the neighborhoods headed by the highly competitive intermediate elite introduced tensions that set the stage for Teotihuacan's collapse. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

We seek to expand ceramic ethnoarchaeology by factoring in subsistence behaviors in a holistic approach to household economies. With never before published data from the Kalinga Ethnoarchaeological Project, we analyze the relationship between household rice farming and pottery exchange in Dangtalan from 1975 to 1976. We show that inequalities in rice landholdings and yields were ameliorated through household exchange of pottery. Households with the highest rice productivities (rice yield divided by field area) received pots from households with lower productivities. There is a clear inverse relationship between household investment in rice farming and ceramic exchange to other community households. By tracing out the exchange networks, we find that village divisions have influence on who exchanges with whom. The fact that women manage a household’s pottery production and rice farming and that village divisions play a role in the socialization of young men suggests that subsistence and craft production cross-cut gendered cultural traditions. This pattern may be the product of a complex-adaptive system undergoing change. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

In this article I introduce the concept of resonance to interrogate how things and meanings are relevant beyond the cultural context within which they begin. The notion of resonance is theorized as an intangible affect that the material thing has beyond its formal physical boundaries within larger planes of perception creating dynamic relationships among humans/nonhumans and illustrating cultural decisions of material as vibrant matter. If material has vibrancy and frequency it then has the capacity to evoke an emotional and affective response to a similarity of material, style, and/or form. Such response can be coded as a sensory aesthetic empathy that links to constituting subjective belonging in the ancient world. In order to explore how resonance might be useful in an archaeological context, this article will utilize copper arrowheads documented from the 1978 to 1979 excavations at the site of Ganeshwar, in the state of Rajasthan, India. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This research is concerned with craft production and consumption. The analysis of these two aspects brings important information for understanding how ancient state economies worked and for reconstructing ancient life ways at Miguel Alemán, the Conquista Campesina Complex and the Piñuela Complex. I carried out a quantitative analysis of the number of pots consumed and produced in the overall area and also in each household cluster. The richness of these ceramic assemblages provided information about hierarchical differences between the social groups and how these groups were distributed within the area studied. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of Revista Espanola de Antropologia Americana is the property of Universidad Complutense de Madrid and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

The transition to a cast iron industry was essential to the development of ancient China. Previous studies, however, did not address precisely how this process occurred and how the preexisting bronze industry could have served as the foundation for the transition. This paper develops a framework focusing on three parameters—techniques, assemblages of final products, and production organization—to investigate the mechanism of the transition to cast iron. Results of two case studies indicate that the three parameters do not demonstrate dramatic changes between the two industries. Also, cast iron and bronze foundry workers were not segregated; they often worked side by side at the same foundry. Very likely, the cast iron foundry workers adopted and adjusted the original bronze production techniques and, consequently, maintained the preexisting organization. This study illustrates how cast iron manufacturing developed based on the indigenous bronze production in the Central Plains of China, and aims more broadly to contribute to the discussion of technological transitions in archaeological contexts. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper explores the integration of chemical data with metric studies and spatial analyses of archaeological artifacts to investigate questions of specialization, standardization, and production organization behind large-scale technological enterprises. The main analytical focus is placed on the 40,000 bronze arrowheads recovered with the Terracotta Army in the First Emperor's Mausoleum, Xi'an, China. Based on the identification by portable X-ray fluorescence spectrometry of chemical clusters that correspond to individual metal batches, and combined with a study of their context in the tomb complex, we argue that the manufacture of arrows was organized via a cellular production model with various multi-skilled units rather than as a single production line. This system favored more adaptable and efficient logistical organization that facilitated dynamic cross-craft interaction while maintaining remarkable degrees of standardization. We discuss the use of 'the batch' as an analytical category and how our method might be applied to other studies of craft organization in complex societies and imperial systems. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Red hot deposits were uncovered on the western edge of a Middle Neolithic settlement. With the extension of the excavation, a wide space of about 10m2, confined between two clay walls, very much affected by high temperatures, was uncovered. A number of vases almost totally complete after their preservation and a clay model of a kiln were unearthed. Additionally, clay remains of constructions were uncovered. The whole context suggests an area where pottery firing activities took place. The possibility that these kilns could have worked as a specialized craft workshop for other settlements in the area is discussed.

Because of its great potential to provide data on contacts and overseas trade, ivory has aroused a great deal of interest since the very start of research into Iberian late prehistory. Research recently undertaken by the German Archaeological Institute in Madrid in collaboration with a number of other institutions has provided valuable contributions to the study of ivory in the Iberian Copper Age and Early Bronze Age. One of the archaeological sites that is contributing the most data for analysing ivory from the Copper Age in southern Iberia is Valencina de la Concepción (Seville), which is currently the focus of several debates on the development of social complexity. This article contributes to this line of research by providing new, unpublished evidence and by examining the significance of ivory craftsmanship in commercial, social, and ideological terms. It also assesses in greater detail the prominent part played by luxury ivory items as an expression of social status and power. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]