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Seit November 2022 werden durch das Institut für Kriminologie an der Universität Hamburg (UHH) und das German Institute for Global and Area Studies (GIGA) alle zwei Monate in Deutschland geschichtete Stichproben von etwa 2500 Erwachsenen online befragt. Ziel dieser Studie "Menschen in Deutschland International" (MiDInt) ist es, Meinungen der Bevölkerung zu international bedeutsamen Geschehnissen zu erfassen und deren Einflüsse auf politische Einstellungen der Menschen in Deutschland zu untersuchen. In der ersten Welle von MiDInt wurden im November 2022 insgesamt N=2 429 Personen erreicht. Bei diesen wurden u.a. Einstellungen zum Klimawandel erhoben und Meinungen zur 27. Weltklimakonferenz thematisiert, die vom 6. bis 20. November 2022 in Scharm El-Sheikh (Ägypten) stattfand. Im Ergebnis zeigte sich eine große Besorgnis der Menschen in Deutschland wegen der Klimakrise. Die weit überwiegende Mehrheit befürwortete die mit der 27. Weltklimakonferenz 2022 verfolgten Ziele. Bei etwa einem Fünftel der Befragten war allerdings eine Leugnung des Klimawandels sowie eine deutliche Skepsis bezüglich der wissenschaftlichen Befunde zur Klimakrise festzustellen.

When the Covid-19 pandemic hit internationally in March 2020, governments and political incumbents received exceptionally high approval ratings. Such a sudden spike of public support in times of crisis is often explained as the ‘rally ‘round the flag’ effect. This paper has three goals: first, to examine whether a rally effect indeed occurred; second, to analyse whether and how much it is related to (i) affectedness, i.e. the occurrence of infections on individual and aggregate level, and (ii) fear of Covid-19; and third, to examine an assumed moderating effect of partisanship. We merged individual survey data from an online survey conducted in September 2020 as part of the German Longitudinal Election Study (GLES) with infection rates on the state level (Bundesländer) published by the Robert Koch Institute. We detect a striking rally effect in all partisan camps. Furthermore, we identify fear of Covid-19 as the driving mechanism while there is no evidence that affectedness is a major force behind the rally effect. Furthermore, we show that partisanship takes on a moderating role for fear of Covid-19 regarding satisfaction with government.

The pandemic's impact is often said to be overall negative. But how about the positive side-effects of COVID-19?

In der Corona-Krise sind neue Verhaltensweisen in der Gesellschaft wichtig. Soziale Normen können je nach Ausprägung die Umsetzung behindern oder unterstützen.

The expectation that the common currency would foster economic convergence and even force Europe into deeper political integration was once wide-spread. It never materialised. Under the impact of the financial crisis socio-economic divergence even among the members of the Eurozone deepened dramatically. European crisis politics therefore though to impose convergence through budgetary prescriptions and austerity measures. The essay does not only raise normative objections; based on the economic sociology of Karl Polanyi and insights of the varieties of capitalism studies it submits that these efforts are bound to generate serous resistance. The follow-up query is whether Europe would be better advised to replace its one-size-fits-all mantra by policies tolerating diversity and fostering cooperative problem-solving. To what degree such a return to the "united in diversity" motto of the Constitutional Treaty of 2014 would be economically beneficial is unpredictable. It seems highly likely, however, that it could help to overcome the increasing aversion against the European integration project.

Crisis prevention plans are usually evaluated based on their effects in terms of preventing or limiting organizational crisis. In this survey-based study, the focus was instead on how such plans influence employees' reac- tions in terms of risk perception and well-being. Five dif- ferent organizations were addressed in the study. Hypothesis 1 tested the assumption that leadership crisis preparation would lead to lower perceived risk among the employees. Hypothesis 2 tested the conjecture that it would also lead to a higher degree of well-being. Both hypotheses were sup- ported. The results and their implications are discussed.

Der Beitrag führt in die Thematik des Sonderhefts ein und schlägt eine idealtypische Systematisierung von Handlungs- und Interaktionskrisen vor. Ausgehend von einer Arbeitsdefinition werden exemplarisch Ansätze aufgegriffen und skizziert, in denen krisenhaften Situationen eine theoriesystematisch relevante Bedeutung zukommt. Auf dieser Grundlage und der Zusammenschau der im Sonderheft versammelten Beiträge werden drei analytische Perspektiven auf Handlungs- und Interaktionskrisen ausbuchstabiert: die Akteur_innenperspektive, die „distanzierte“ Beobachter_innenperspektive und die Darstellungsperspektive. Abschließend wird dafür votiert, Handlungs- und Interaktionskrisen jenseits der dichotomen Unterscheidung von Mikro- und Makro-Phänomenen in den Blick zu nehmen. The article introduces the special issue’s subject-matter and suggests a working definition and systematization of action and interaction crises. Based on the volume’s contributions as well as an outline of selected approaches to crises as theoretically relevant phenomena, it identifies three distinct analytical perspectives: that of the actor(s), that of the detached observer, and one that focuses on the crisis’s representation. Any productive analysis of action and interaction crises, the authors argue, must move beyond the traditional micro-macro dichotomy.

On 3 May 2008, Cyclone Nargis hit the shores of Myanmar. The government of Myanmar refused to grant international humanitarian relief efforts access to the devastated regions. This triggered an impactful debate on whether aid should be delivered coercively, and whether this was a case in which the principle of the Responsibility to Protect (R2P) applied. This article traces the evolution of these disputes, as well as their impact on the testing and delineation of the boundaries of R2P. The main impact of the Myanmar debate was a return of R2P to its roots by re-centring the emerging norm on the original four core crimes, excluding the consequences of natural disasters and the delivery of humanitarian aid. Furthermore, in the Myanmar debate, the effectiveness of the R2P frame in international coalition building was brought to its limits, with some actors highlighting the potentially incendiary nature of using this frame. Hence, this article argues that Myanmar proved to be the first test case for demarcating the core of R2P.

Before 9/11 attack, U.S. and Indonesia military relation was under the shade of confrontation rather than cooperation since the imposing of U.S. embargo on military training and weaponry transfer after Santa Cruz tragedy in 1991. However, throughout 2003 and 2004, when Indonesia was still in the embargo, U.S. government reportedly supported the establishment of an elite force in Indonesia named Special Detachment 88 Anti-Terror which also known as Densus 88. 9/11 attack and many terrorism activities throughout the world in its aftermath were situating U.S. government under crisis situation. Based on existed evidences, the author concludes that under crisis situation, U.S. government is highly possible violating its own foreign policy line as indicated with its support to Densus 88 in Indonesia.