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Abstract The creation of the National Register of Citizens (NRC) in Assam is indicative of the sharpening tensions surrounding citizenship, belonging and integration in India. Officially aimed at demarcating the “legitimate citizens”, its implementation is believed to have resulted in the partial exclusion of the so-called “Doubtful Voters” and denationalisation of the “illegitimate residents”. These frictions associated with citizenship identity and rights are nowhere as acute as in the northeastern Indian state of Assam, where measures of retroactive revocation, administrative erasure and withdrawal of citizenship rights have been systematically deployed against religious and linguistic minorities. Using new research with some NRC rejected applicants in western Assam and other materials, this article identifies the central aspects of the implementation gap in the crucial, albeit problematic task of locating the rightful “Assamese-Indian” citizens. Linking our work to the idea of the ‘process is the punishment’, we conceptualise these conspicuous inconsistencies in the NRC citizenship determination processes and their results as the “punitive gap”. We have identified the distinctive contours of this gap in terms of the massive economic costs, intensification of social (including gender and religion-based) inequalities, increased control through social suspicion and unpredictable outcomes for the marginal Miya Muslim community. The article highlights how this punitive gap has constantly eroded key components of due process, of procedural and substantive protections of the rights of individuals, during the NRC determination exercise and after the release of the final draft list.

The creation of the National Register of Citizens (NRC) in Assam is indicative of the sharpening tensions surrounding citizenship, belonging and integration in India. Officially aimed at demarcating the "legitimate citizens", its implementation is believed to have resulted in the partial exclusion of the so-called "Doubtful Voters" and denationalisation of the "illegitimate residents". These frictions associated with citizenship identity and rights are nowhere as acute as in the northeastern Indian state of Assam, where measures of retroactive revocation, administrative erasure and withdrawal of citizenship rights have been systematically deployed against religious and linguistic minorities. Using new research with some NRC rejected applicants in western Assam and other materials, this article identifies the central aspects of the implementation gap in the crucial, albeit problematic task of locating the rightful "Assamese-Indian" citizens. Linking our work to the idea of the 'process is the punishment', we conceptualise these conspicuous inconsistencies in the NRC citizenship determination processes and their results as the "punitive gap". We have identified the distinctive contours of this gap in terms of the massive economic costs, intensification of social (including gender and religion-based) inequalities, increased control through social suspicion and unpredictable outcomes for the marginal Miya Muslim community. The article highlights how this punitive gap has constantly eroded key components of due process, of procedural and substantive protections of the rights of individuals, during the NRC determination exercise and after the release of the final draft list. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article examines the acceptability of the differential treatment of dual citizens within contemporary denationalisation from both doctrinal and normative perspectives with particular focus on the right to non-discrimination as prescribed by the European Convention on Human Rights. The article concludes that denationalisation laws that target only dual citizens very likely have indirect discriminatory effects on particular subgroups of dual citizens along and possibly across discriminatory grounds such as ethnicity, race, gender, religion and national origin. The article contends that prevailing doctrinal justifications are based on a set of misconceptions concerning the suitability, efficacy, necessity and consequently proportionality of denationalisation in Western societies and that the re-emergence of denationalisation in the 21st century is not only illustrative of the inadequacies within current discrimination law norms but enhances them. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

With the recent National Register of Citizens updating process in Assam (a northeastern state in India) and the Citizenship Amendment Act (CAA 2019), there have been significant changes to India's citizenship laws and policies. This may create one of the world's largest stateless populations in modern times. These changes manifest the government's othering process of creating binaries of belonging and non-belongingness between the majority Hindus and minorities (especially followers of the Islamic faith). In this article, taking these recent changes to citizenship as a case study, I discuss how India's colonial past, the experience of partition, and the henceforth nation-building contributed to perceiving the 'citizen' primarily along Hindu majoritarian lines. I argue that the nation-building process in India was based on retaining and simultaneously re-establishing the 'others', thereby reinforcing colonial legacies in the structure and functioning of the postcolonial state. Consequently, this article deals with two questions, first, how the adoption of discriminatory citizenship laws and the risk of statelessness in India is rooted in its complex history, the impact of British colonial expansion and the postcolonial realities and second, what role 'law' has played in the process. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The article examines the scope and consequences the continuity of the Republic of Latvia in several domains and places them within a broader context of Latvia’s history. Firstly, it describes and analyses some functions of the State of Latvia which continued to be performed during the years of occupation by the USSR and Nazi Germany (1940–1990) and, secondly, the significance of the de iure effect of the Satversme of the Republic of Latvia of 15 February 1922 during the years of occupation and following the restoration of the independence of the state. The authors advance the thesis that the occupation regimes of the communist USSR and Nazi Germany failed to extinguish the existence of the Republic of Latvia as an internationally recognised subject of international law, moreover, Latvia in practice did not discontinue performing some functions of the state. Of course, full restoration of the independence of the state on the basis of values enshrined in the Satversme occurred only after coup d’état in the Soviet Union.

Although the European Commission has to be immune to member state influences in order to act on behalf of the whole Union, historically its cabinets have been portrayed as national enclaves and even ‘mini-Councils’, constituting a venue for national interests to penetrate in European Commission decision-making. Despite the Kinnock reforms which led to the denationalisation of cabinets, empirical evidence whether denationalisation has an effect on the cabinets’ role as access points for national interests still needs to be discovered. This article claims that in order to test whether the denationalisation of European Commission’s cabinets has indeed prevented national interests to be represented in European Commission decision-making, the focus should be on agency rather than structure. Role theory has to contribute significantly in this regard.

This article evaluates the extent to which Michel Foucault's concepts of sovereignty and biopolitics satisfactorily explain the UK's law and practice of denationalising terrorists. It argues that the ancient Foucauldian sovereignty has re-emerged in terms of the process of the expansion and exercise of the Home Secretary's denationalisation powers, with the Home Secretary accorded broad discretion to decide whether to use this exceptional measure and, importantly, whether to normalise the exceptional. Yet Foucauldian sovereignty cannot be said to have re-emerged in terms of the outcome faced by the denationalised terrorist who is largely not sent to political death or rendered bare life. Denationalisation is justified to the citizens as a necessary security measure for the protection of society as a whole. The terrorist is effectively characterised as an enemy and threat to security because security is increasingly informed by what executive officials deem to be the society's values, and participation in terrorist activity conflicts with those values. As such, while it is contentious whether denationalisation constitutes Foucauldian sovereignty, the ends of denationalisation are biopolitical. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of Présence Francophone is the property of College of Holy Cross, Department of Modern Languages & Literatures and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

The article examines the scope and consequences the continuity of the Republic of Latvia in several domains and places them within a broader context of Latvia's history. Firstly, it describes and analyses some functions of the State of Latvia which continued to be performed during the years of occupation by the USSR and Nazi Germany (1940--1990) and, secondly, the significance of the de iure effect of the Satversme of the Republic of Latvia of 15 February 1922 during the years of occupation and following the restoration of the independence of the state. The authors advance the thesis that the occupation regimes of the communist USSR and Nazi Germany failed to extinguish the existence of the Republic of Latvia as an internationally recognised subject of international law, moreover, Latvia in practice did not discontinue performing some functions of the state. Of course, full restoration of the independence of the state on the basis of values enshrined in the Satversme occurred only after coup d'état in the Soviet Union. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Against the present-day rhetorical backdrop of globalisation, and the apparently “revolutionary†nature of information technology, the following paper strives to recount and reconsider the Indian experience of economic liberalisation in the thirty-year period from the introduction of economic liberalisation and deregulatory reform in 1966, to the fall of the Narasimha Congress government in the general elections of 1996. Particular attention is paid to the role of the state in the context of post-colonial India, and how Congress (I) under the leadership of Indira Gandhi introduced economic liberalisation, with the intention of easing poverty, to such an extent that by the end of the 1980s liberalisation, under the banner of New Economic Policy, had allowed India to realise unprecedented economic growth. The legacies of India’s economic liberalisation, however, deserve careful analysis. Economic growth engendered by liberalisation led to India becoming deeply indebted to foreign creditors, and would prove itself to be unsustainable. So much so that by the time Narasimha Rao came to power, in June 1991, India was on the verge of financial crisis, and was forced to seek IMF assistance. Under the auspices of the green revolution and then economic liberalisation, IMF and World Bank tutelage appeared to have sharpened the divisions amongst Indian society to such an extent that the Indian polity was in danger of failure or partial collapse. Given the magnitude and nature of India’s socio-economic problems, perhaps lessons could have been learnt from the example of Japan, and how it extricated itself from an externally driven agenda of economic liberalisation.

In this piece, I consider the relationship between denationalisation and discrimination. Denationalisation, the involuntary removal of citizenship or nationality by the state, has a dark history, reflected in the Nazi use of the power. Yet before 1945, many liberal democratic states also practiced citizenship-stripping, in ways informed by considerations of gender, race, national origin, and mode of citizenship acquisition. As denationalisation is currently making a revival across a range of liberal democratic states as a way of responding to 'home grown' terrorists, a question emerges: Do recent denationalisation provisions manage to break free of this discriminatory past? Here, I use a discussion of denationalisation's history and examination of the U.K. as the basis for a critical assessment of the power's contemporary incarnations. I find that contemporary denationalisation power is still a powerful tracer of groups within the polity who, despite holding formal citizenship, are viewed as foreign. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Opposition minorities are often overlooked in presidential regimes, as they seem to lack the political clout to affect legislative outcomes. In this article, I challenge this claim, proving that opposition minorities play a significant role in the amendment and approval of executive initiatives at the committee stage. Using an original dataset that records legislators' positions on politically relevant committee reports in Argentina (1983–2017), I show that opposition legislators frequently contribute to the president's success in committee. This collaboration increases in more denationalised political contexts and for legislators aligned with the party of the provincial executive. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Deportation and denationalisation policies, which states employ to expel persons from their territory and membership respectively, have steadily increased in prominence over the last two decades. This special issue investigates these distinct but related phenomena and their relationship with, and implications for our understanding of, citizenship. In this editorial introduction, we outline the two main questions the different contributions to this special issue address. First, why has the 21st century seen a (partial) reversal of the trend of increasingly constrained denationalisation and deportation practices that occurred in the second half of the 20th century? Second, what are the normative implications of this reversal, specifically for our understanding of citizenship and belonging in our increasingly interconnected and mobile world? The individual contributions to this issue are introduced throughout, and the introduction concludes with some remarks on future research. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Over the last few decades, only a few studies have assessed denationalisation as a way of terminating 'obsolescent' citizenship resulting from the long-term emigration of an individual. This mode of loss of citizenship seems prima facie more legitimate than citizenship revocation as a means of punishment, as it only represents the legal recognition of the disappearance of a genuine link between an individual and a state. This paper explores the legal status of this mechanism (both from international law and national legislation) and differentiates three models (corrective, preventive, and extensive). From a normative perspective, reviewing three democratic theories of citizenship, this paper claims that the most persuasive justification for this mode of loss is the 'all subjected persons' principle. The loss of citizenship of permanent expatriates thereby becomes part of a democratic theory linking habitual residence with possession and conservation of citizenship, with due respect for human rights principles. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This epilogue to the special issue of Citizenship Studies reflects on the connections between states' powers to deport foreigners and to denationalise citizens and asks how both powers ought to be hedged in by liberal and democratic constraints. The article argues that citizenship revocation powers are ultimately at odds with a democratic principle that governments are collectively authorised by citizens. It suggests also that the protection of long-term foreign residents from deportation is due to the emergence of a quasi-citizenship status for denizens in liberal democracies. Finally, the article raises a question about the future of the power to expel in increasingly mobile and interconnected societies. Could the proliferation of multiple citizenships and the increasing number of people with multiple residences in different countries undermine the justifications for strong constraints on the state power to expel proposed by the contributions in this volume? [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of Social & Economic Studies is the property of University of the West Indies - Mona and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Copyright of Boletin de Antropologia is the property of Universidad de Antioquia and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

The Palestine mandate was built around the assumption that the League of Nations and the British mandatory government would preside over a gradual demographic and political transformation there, creating a European Jewish settler majority to replace the Palestinian Arab one and allowing for the eventual emergence of a Jewish nation-state. This process required a corresponding de-nationalisation of the incumbent Arab population – a project that formally began with the language of the mandate and continued through the mechanisms of governance set by the British mandate state and the League of Nations throughout the mandate period. Through new legal, economic and political mechanisms, the mandate system coalesced around a project of producing Palestinian Arab statelessness that made notable use of a simultaneously emerging language of refugeedom elsewhere in the Middle East and Eastern Europe. This paper explores the use of refugee-related discourse and institutions to produce this deliberate de-nationalisation of Palestinian Arabs during the mandate period, arguing that the League of Nations put into place conditions and categories of statelessness for Palestinians that set them up as 'proto-refugees' long before the physical expulsions of 1948 and set the stage for an international acceptance of their refugee status as a long-established and essentially permanent condition. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The study uses examples from English language teaching materials to consider different types of discourse used in short listening and reading passages (called minitexts), and also in vocabulary, grammar and speaking exercises. Combining elements of the functional, descriptive, and cognitive analyses, the authors explore the evolutionary trends in educational discourse reflected in English language courses and consider a possible contradiction between traditional educational discourse in instructions and rubrics compared with the colloquial and popular style of much of the input. The authors also discuss the conceptual framework of minitexts, the social background, and identity of the participants in dialogues and reading passages. Finally, the authors conclude that the main trends in educational discourse development are connected with English ‘going global’, as shown by the ‘denationalisation’ of learning materials, discourse interference as the blending of different discourse features and the extension of conceptual frameworks.

Citizenship revocation has returned to the political agenda. In recent years, many Western democracies have either legislated or considered legislating citizenship revocation for terrorism offences. This paper analyses how Canada's short-lived experiment with citizenship revocation was represented in political, media and online discourses. Specifically, it identifies who has been interpreted a presumed candidate(s) of citizenship revocation, and analyses the discursive strategies employed to associate these targets with specific ethnic, national, or religious groups. We find that references to Muslims dominated public discourses on citizenship revocation. The articulation of these references reveals that Muslims were targeted not as individuals but as a category, indirectly branding them as less Canadian, and thereby symbolically un-belonging them from Canadian citizenship. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The paper discusses the denationalization and internationalization of Brazilian agriculture, highlighting the factors that led to the current situation of dependence on transnational corporations. Emphasis is placed on the seed sector because of the strategic nature it has had after the deepening of financialization in agriculture after technological innovations in recent decades. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of Ankara Review of European Studies (ARES) / Ankara Avrupa Çalışmaları Dergisi (AAÇD) is the property of Ankara University European Union Research Centre and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

The state’s right to denationalise and deport certain citizens has been defended in public discourse primarily on the grounds that it is a necessary and proportionate response to certain types of threats to national security. While political theorists have been highly critical of such justifications, less attention has been paid to a second line of defence that is sometimes invoked alongside appeals to national security. According to this view, certain types of behaviour constitute voluntary renunciation of a person’s citizenship status, to which denationalisation and deportation is an appropriate response. If successful, this approach would avoid criticisms grounded in the apparent disproportionate, ineffective or inegalitarian nature of citizenship revocation. In this article, I examine (and ultimately reject) the idea that denationalisation and deportation can be an appropriate response to certain types of behaviour. I argue that acts of serious political violence do not amount to voluntary self-exclusion from the political community and that even if they did, denationalisation and deportation would not constitute a fitting response. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This submission challenges the presumption that UK nationals will lose EU citizenship following Brexit. Until now, the dominant narrative has been drawn from the law on treaties or international organizations, and this article adds the human rights perspective to Brexit. Firstly, EU citizenship can be assimilated to nationality. While EU citizenship is unique, the status protected under international law is a legal bond a person has with a political entity. This protection certainly covers nationality, and this paper argues it can be understood to also protect EU citizenship. Secondly, international law prohibits arbitrary withdrawal of this legal bond with a person. The UK does not have jurisdiction over EU citizenship, so it is doubtful the UK can terminate EU citizenship unilaterally. Even if the EU were to withdraw EU citizenship on its initiative, it would still constitute retroactive law, discrimination, and infringement of sovereignty. It is also disproportionate, because the loss of EU citizenship is not necessary for Brexit. When Greenland withdrew from the EU, its residents retained EU citizenship. For these reasons, the revocation of EU citizenship would be arbitrary. A distinction must be made between the membership of a state in the EU which can be terminated, and the direct legal bond formed between a person and the Union, which is far harder to revoke. On this basis, any UK national who has acquired EU citizenship prior to Brexit, should not be divested of it following Brexit. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of Studii şi Cercetări de Onomastică şi Lexicologie is the property of University of Craiova, Faculty of Letters and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

The pre-1941 Japanese population of New Caledonia was decimated by the French administration’s decision to transfer most of the Japanese residents to Australia for internment at the outbreak of the Asia-Pacific theatre of the Second World War. Among the men transferred to Australia were ten men who had been formerly French nationals but had lost their French nationality by decree. The French Administration’s ability to denationalise and intern and then subsequently repatriate the former-Japanese French-nationals was possible due to changes to the French nationality laws and regulations introduced by the Vichy regime. This paper considers the case of the Japanese who had taken French nationality and were denationalised in the context of the changes to the French nationality laws that, in turn, negatively affected the post-1945 sustainability of the Japanese community in New Caledonia.

The pre-1941 Japanese population of New Caledonia was decimated by the French administration's decision to transfer most of the Japanese residents to Australia for internment at the outbreak of the Asia-Pacific theatre of the Second World War. Among the men transferred to Australia were ten men who had been formerly French nationals but had lost their French nationality by decree. The French Administration's ability to denationalise and intern and then subsequently repatriate, the former-Japanese French-nationals was possible due to changes to the French nationality laws and regulations introduced by the Vichy regime. This paper considers the case of the Japanese who had taken French nationality and were denationalised in the context of the changes to the French nationality laws that, in turn, negatively affected the post-1945 sustainability of the Japanese community in New Caledonia. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Denationalisation – withdrawing citizenship from a person – is a practice with a long historic pedigree that continues to affect the lives of many people today. Are there conditions under which denationalisation is morally justified? If so, what are they? And can legal and political norms that authorise states to engage in citizenship withdrawal be justified? This article provides answers to these questions. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Recent oil and gas sector reforms in Mexico transform protections on petroleum resources and labour that were implemented as a result of the 1938 nationalisation of the country's oil industry. This paper examines the Etileno XXI project, a private petrochemical plant led by a Brazilian firm and supported by Mexican and transnational capital, which manifests the role of early 21st-century global commodity markets in restructuring Mexico's energy sector. Etileno XXI is described as a major step toward privatising petrochemical processing in the country and as a significant creator of jobs, albeit low wage, at the site of production. Yet the project and corresponding oil-sector reforms will have impacts on the surrounding area that compromise pre-existing livelihoods both ecologically and via erosion of earlier protections on labour secured through the national oil workers union. The article thus argues for a conceptualisation of displacement induced by extractive industry that incorporates into its analysis the effects of industrial restructuring and expansion on extant production relations, in both the short and longer term. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

In response to the report by Anne Tomiche on the frequent overlap between comparative literature and European literature, this paper aims to deal with some of the questions asked by Tomiche without any claim to reach definitive answers, but rather to highlight new questions and new considerations about the role of comparative literature today. Essential to the achievement of a "new humanism", as a compass needed to guide us in a concert of discordant voices, in a time when new frontiers are being established, comparative literature at this time requires an epistemological shift. In contrast to the universalist ideology, the role of the comparatist must now be reconsidered on an ethical level, aimed at overcoming certain forms of exclusion and marginalization that too often the concept of culture generates. The comparative literature, should be understood as a non-category literature, a literature of expatriation, landless, that refuses language barriers and / or cultural borders, open to all literatures of the world, in a constant exchange that can lead to the creation of a comprehensive system of interactions, which must not be identified with a theory, but should opt for a space, a desert where the theoretical reflection becomes objective and universalizes in differentiation.

Copyright of Caderno CRH is the property of Universidade Federal da Bahia and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)