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Governments around the world have paid considerable attention to Information and Communication Technology for Development (ICT4D) initiatives. However, there is no clear evidence that current digitization strategies are meeting the expectations of inclusive and sustainable development. Based on panel data from Chinese prefecture-level cities, this paper constructs a quasi-natural experiment with the establishment of the National Comprehensive Big Data Pilot Zones (BDPZ) to examine whether and how big data-based digital policies can address the digital divide. The results show that the construction of the BDPZ significantly contributes to addressing the territorial digital divide. And this policy effect is influenced by factors such as regional innovation capacity, geographical location, and administrative authority. The mechanism analysis shows that the institution-led diffusion effect and administrative supply diffusion effect under the authoritative diffusion model, and the market-driven diffusion effect under the induced diffusion model are the intrinsic mechanisms of BDPZ in addressing the digital divide. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of Policy & Internet is the property of Wiley-Blackwell and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Amidst the growing importance of digital governance, the need to formulate a governance framework and integrate policy and regulation mechanisms is also increasing. There is also a need to assess the digital governance paradigm in terms of how citizens are responding to it. In doing so, we have carried out a three-level analysis: app developers’ claims, app users’ opinions, and finally, the gap between these levels - is compared by using ten citizen-centric applications from ten different countries hosted on Google Play Store. These applications are assessed based on their self-declaration on Google Play Store on 15 preset parameters, second by sentiment analysis of reviews through VADER and RoBERTa models and finally, a ten-parameter analysis. The paper comprehensively reviews the governance aspect of citizen-centric applications and highlights key elements of digital governance.

This study examines Nigeria’s National Information Technology Development Agency Code of Practice for Interactive Computer Service Platforms as one of Africa’s first push towards digital and social media co-regulation. Already established as a regulatory practice in Europe, co-regulation emphasises the need to impose duties of care on platforms and hold them, instead of users, accountable for safe online experiences. It is markedly different from the prior (and existing) regulatory paradigm in Nigeria, which is based on direct user regulation. By analysing the Code of Practice, therefore, this study considers what Nigeria’s radical turn towards co-regulation means for digital policy and social media regulation in relation to standards, information-gathering, and enforcement. It further sheds light on what co-regulation entails for digital regulatory practice in the wider African context, particularly in terms of the balance of power realities between Global North platforms and Global South countries.

We analyse the rhetoric and reality of EU digital sovereignty by looking at content control. The control of online content is central to sovereignty because it relates to fundamental freedoms and democratic competition. Our main data source is the unique International Organizations in Global Internet Governance (IO-GIG) dataset which contains internet policy output documents across international institutions and issue areas between 1995 and 2021. By assessing policy output, we show structural trends in content control output in volume, bindingness, and orientation. By analysing policy discourse, we show the evolution of frames on content control over time. We find evidence for a comprehensive but still ongoing trend towards digital sovereignty in policy output and a shift from prioritising free access to the public order in discourse. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

In recent years, the language of digital sovereignty has become ubiquitous in Europe. However, we still lack systematic knowledge if and to what extent the discourse on digital sovereignty is accompanied by actual policy change in different areas of EU policymaking. Drawing on a range of both qualitative and quantitative methods, the various contributions to this special issue examine discursive and policy change in nine major areas of EU digital policymaking. While they find policy change towards more control of the digital across all policy areas examined, this shift is only sometimes accompanied by discursive change towards digital sovereignty. This, we argue, is the result of ideational trade-offs actors face when using the language of digital sovereignty in different venues, policy areas, or countries. Considering current geo-political and geo-economic challenges, this special issue sheds light on recent transformations of EU digital policymaking and its discursive politics in the digital age. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Recent studies show that, when salience is high, 'heterogeneous lobbying coalitions' uniting business and civil society groups are more successful in achieving their lobbying objectives than homogeneous coalitions. It is therefore surprising that a coalition of tech firms and civil society activists failed to prevent the adoption of the EU's contested 2019 Copyright Directive, which constitutes a significant shift in the Union's approach to online content regulation. This article argues that proponents of the policy change successfully undermined the lobbying coalition by invoking notions of 'digital sovereignty' and by delegitimizing activists as Silicon Valley's 'useful idiots'. Combining process-tracing of the lobbying processes and content analysis of European Parliament debates, the article shows how legislators employed delegitimation and sovereignty claims to justify their non-responsiveness to public protests. The article contributes to the interest group literature and debates on 'digital sovereignty' by demonstrating its strategic use in the policy-making process. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The fear of falling behind has been a driving force of European integration. Historically, Europe's response to the looming angst of declining competitiveness has been more market-creation, not market-direction. Recently, however, Europe has – in the name of safeguarding Europe's technological sovereignty – taken on a much more active role in directing economic activity towards sectors and technologies deemed geopolitically or geoeconomically important. In this paper, we attempt to explain this 'geo-dirigiste' turn. We reconstruct the evolution of EU industrial policy through the lens of Europe's fear of falling behind, drawing not only on primary (including archival) and secondary sources, but also on original interviews and deep transfer learning applied to an original dataset of 66.548 documents. Focusing on Europe's changing technological and geopolitical context, its coalitional underpinnings, and the role of ideational politics, we document and explain the historic shift away from market-creation and towards supranational market-direction in EU industrial policy. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

In the context of promoting sustainable development and innovative growth, few studies have examined the signaling role of digital policy texts and its effects on enterprise innovation. Focused on the pilot project of China's National Big Data Comprehensive Pilot Zone (NBCPZ), this article applies the modified PMC index model to measure the quality of the 81 digital policies issued by the NBCPZ from 2016 to 2022 and uses a regression model to assess the impact of the digital policies' quality on the enterprise innovation levels. The results show that the quality of digital policies released by NBCPZ in China shows temporal fluctuation and regional heterogeneity. High-quality digital policies positively promote enterprise innovation, and this relationship exhibits heterogeneity based on enterprise and industry characteristics. High-quality digital policies can enhance enterprises' innovation level by optimizing the regional data innovation environment and enhancing the willingness of enterprises to innovate with data. These findings reveal the potential effects of digital policy in fostering sustainable enterprise practices and driving enterprise innovation capabilities. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Music Streaming Services (MSS) have recently emerged as the main format for showcasing and monetizing sound recordings by record labels and artists in the international recorded music sector. In the Caribbean, however, stakeholders have been slow to adopt and integrate these digital music platforms into their overall recorded music strategies. Within this context, this paper explores the key economic opportunities and challenges associated with the late adoption of the platform-based streaming music model. Using self-administered structured interviews with nine regional experts from the three major music markets, as well as an analysis of audio-visual and digital materials and review of documents, the information is derived using a qualitative research approach, supported by a grounded theory strategy of inquiry. The findings illustrate that on one hand there is cautious optimism with respect to the potential for the re-construction of revenue streams, due to stronger royalty inflows associated with new uses of music in the digital arena. The extent to which this is realized contends with the quantum of royalty payouts actually received by rights-holders and their overall willingness to licence their rights to MSS. Additionally, MSS provides the platform for rights-owners to reach glocal audiences. However, this is reliant on the content and user-friendly features embedded in the platforms and the readiness of regional artists to be discovered and monetized via third party playlists. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

[Purpose] This article analyzes the Colombian Artificial Intelligence (AI) Strategy and seeks to answer the formulation process of Colombia’s digital transformation and Artificial Intelligence strategy. [Methodology/approach/design] The study utilizes a case study analysis approach to explore factors that may have influenced the Colombian AI policy formulation process. We conducted an elite interview and documentary research on public policy documents. [Findings]. This study identifies the inherent challenges of the national strategy for artificial intelligence. The implementation of the Colombian AI Strategy is guided by a market-oriented state model that promotes self-regulation regarding AI. [Practical implications] National strategies are an increasingly important theme of scholarly debate in AI policy. This article aims to contribute to analyzing such strategies, including the challenges inherent in their design and implementation. [Originality/value] This article examines how Latin America’s third most populous country, Colombia, shapes AI governance strategies. The uniqueness of this study lies in its proposition to outline the model of AI governance based on a detailed analysis of public policies.

This study explores officials’ perspectives on Swedish policies for rural digital transformation (RDT). Through the lens of Social Acceleration and systems thinking, employing Critical Systems Heuristics collecting empirical data, we explore how officials perceive that Swedish digitalisation policies impacts inclusive RDT. We investigate whether the possibility to implement Swedish digitalisation policies support or hinder inclusive RDT. Our results emphasize the importance of Social Acceleration based on the aspirations of rural residents, encompassing technical acceleration, social change, and the pace of life. The rapid societal acceleration driven by digitalisation impacts the implementation of digital services in rural areas. Policies do not address the needs of tailored digital services; officials strive to manage this through creative methods despite inherent challenges.

The Internet has become central to economic exchange and political communication, placing regulatory initiatives high on European policy agendas. What cleavages shape the political conflicts surrounding Internet policy? I argue that proposals to regulate the Internet frequently affect not only economic interests but also the civil liberties of citizens in the online environment. Political parties must therefore balance their stance on market regulation and their socio-cultural preferences on the 'liberal-authoritarian' dimension of political contestation. To explore party competition on Internet policy in the European Union, I analyse all Internet policy roll-call votes in the European Parliament from 1999 to 2014. Ideal point estimation shows that political competition in this policy field is best explained by the 'liberal-authoritarian' dimension. Reinforcing this finding, two case studies illustrate how civil liberty concerns motivate left-wing parties and the liberal party group to form voting coalitions despite diverging economic preferences. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

[Purpose] This article analyzes the Colombian Artificial Intelligence (AI) Strategy and seeks to answer the formulation process of Colombia's digital transformation and Artificial Intelligence strategy. [Methodology/approach/design] The study utilizes a case study analysis approach to explore factors that may have influenced the Colombian AI policy formulation process. We conducted an elite interview and documentary research on public policy documents. [Findings]. This study identifies the inherent challenges of the national strategy for artificial intelligence. The implementation of the Colombian AI Strategy is guided by a market-oriented state model that promotes self-regulation regarding AI. [Practical implications] National strategies are an increasingly important theme of scholarly debate in AI policy. This article aims to contribute to analyzing such strategies, including the challenges inherent in their design and implementation. [Originality/value] This article examines how Latin America's third most populous country, Colombia, shapes AI governance strategies. The uniqueness of this study lies in its proposition to outline the model of AI governance based on a detailed analysis of public policies. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

AbstractOver the last decade, the companies behind major digital platforms such as Facebook, Instagram, X, etc., have risen to unprecedented power. Society, in the meanwhile, is still grappling with how to regulate them. One of the main challenges to effectively regulate digital platforms is the lack of available information about how they operate and what impact they have on society. Transparency measures have been hailed by many as a possible remedy to address this information asymmetry, but proponents of transparency often fall short of specifying what transparency means in the practice of digital platforms and how it can be implemented. This paper aims to bring conceptual clarity to the conversation around platform transparency. It contextualizes the debate in the existing literature, identifies key features of the discourse, and locates these features on a typology matrix. The goal is to delineate the core dimensions of the debate to encourage more nuanced and effective transparency policies. The paper argues that transparency is necessary to enhance public understanding of platforms, make platforms more accountable, and inform better regulation. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper examines the concept of data sovereignty as a discursive practice in light of the populist idea of popular sovereignty and analyzes the digital policies of Western European right-wing populist parties (WEPs). It argues that WEPs use popular sovereignty and data sovereignty in a similar way: as discursive tools to legitimize drawing power back to the national level (with divergent and often contradictory interpretations), rather than workable foundations for policy plans. The paper also discusses how international cooperation, which populists often reject, is a useful tool to achieve data sovereignty. With this contradiction in mind, the paper develops an agent-based typology of data sovereignty as a discursive practice. It then analyzes the most recent official electoral programs of several WEPs: AfD in Germany, PVV and FvD in the Netherlands, UKIP in the UK, Vlaams Belang in Belgium, and Rassemblement National in France. It uses a comparative policy analysis to compare the cases along several data points such as the proposed roles of governments, private companies, and cyber diplomacy. Most of the WEPs under discussion see data sovereignty as synonymous with individual privacy, do not acknowledge the role of international cooperation, and use digital policy as a means of reinforcing their image as challenger parties. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Against the backdrop of the ever‐increasing importance of digital services, the European Union (EU) is promoting deepening of its digital single market (DSM). Whilst the single market has often been portrayed as the Trojan horse of neoliberalism, recent rhetoric on digital sovereignty indicates a desire for more control over the digital sphere. A historical case study of key elements of the DSM, namely digital services regulation and data protection, shows that EU governance has become less market‐liberal and more public‐interventionist. In response to challenges associated with the digital economy, policy goals have been broadened to include further objectives in addition to competitiveness. Stakeholders and public authorities rather than business actors have become more important in governance processes, and more market‐correcting instruments have been introduced. These reforms have been made by adding more interventionist elements and also by redirecting the role of the European Commission to overseeing very large online platforms. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Gigatown (2013–2014) was a joint initiative between the telecommunications company Chorus and the New Zealand government to award a town 'The fastest internet in the Southern Hemisphere' through a social media competition. Gigatown involved the production, by participating towns, of social media content that demonstrated the economic and other benefits of ultra-fast broadband and gigabit connectivity. This paper argues that the competition's logics are biopolitical in the valorization of citizenship as tied to social media and information and communications technologies (ICT) proficiency. Focusing on the South Island city of Dunedin, and drawing on the conceptual framework of somatechnics for understanding the embodied relationship between governance and technology, I show how the competition somatechnically positions residents as consumer-citizens whose social media proficiency and digital labour facilitate their participation in policy planning and development. In order to meet infrastructural planning priorities for the penetration of ultra-fast broadband into business and consumer domains, the competition incited and relied on residents' civic love and volunteer labour for their city's future. Such labour is 'spaced-off' as de-materialized and de-territorialized, construed as something done for fun in spare time, which left some participants experiencing burnout in their somatechnical embodiment of active digital citizenship. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article examines the National Health Data Network (RNDS), the platform launched by the Ministry of Health in Brazil as the primary tool for its Digital Health Strategy 2020–2028, including innovation aspects. The analysis is made through two distinct frameworks: Right to health and personal data protection in Brazil. The first approach is rooted in the legal framework shaped by Brazil’s trajectory on health since 1988, marked by the formal acknowledgment of the Right to health and the establishment of the Unified Health System, Brazil’s universal access health system, encompassing public healthcare and public health actions. The second approach stems from the repercussions of the General Data Protection Law, enacted in 2018 and the inclusion of Right to personal data protection in Brazilian’s Constitution. This legislation, akin to the EU’s General Data Protection Regulations, addressed the gap in personal data protection in Brazil and established principles and rules for data processing. The article begins by explanting the two approaches, and then it provides a brief history of health informatics policies in Brazil, leading to the current Digital Health Strategy and the RNDS. Subsequently, it delves into an analysis of the RNDS through the lenses of the two aforementioned approaches. In the final discussion sections, the article attempts to extract lessons from the analyses, particularly in light of ongoing discussions such as the secondary use of data for innovation in the context of different interpretations about innovation policies.

As rivalry between China and the United States (US) for global dominance of the digital landscape intensifies, countries across the globe are responding to the impact, with serious implications for their foreign policy postures. This article extends the concept of rational choice to an examination of strategies directed by China and the US to influence African policy positions. By applying this framework to an examination of the Huawei ban in the US and pressure on its allies to follow suit, the article distinguishes the overriding emphasis of research on global power competition and foreign policymaking on the interests and values of China and the US from an emerging strategy of agency in Kenya. The rational choice perspective enables us to understand what informs Kenya’s interests, preferences, choices, and foreign policy decisions in the US Huawei ban. By focusing on the role of domestic factors shaping Kenya’s foreign policy choices, we come to see how individuals, local businesses, consumers, interest groups, bureaucracies, and policymakers in Kenya are self-interested rational actors influencing collective action and shaping the country’s policy choices rather than passive recipients of great power influences. The article aims to contribute to a strategy of re-centring domestic actors in Kenya’s foreign policymaking and exerting their agency in the rivalry between China and the US. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The digital divide gained new importance since the outbreak of COVID-19 pandemics. However, the phenomenon is far from being fully conceptualized or effectively measured. The key question, whether digital divide is a mere extension of other social inequalities, or it has significant new meaning, remains largely unanswered; a reason is the lack of effective instruments of quantitative study of the phenomenon that would capture its complex nature. The present paper addresses both conceptualizing and measurement issues, suggesting that separation of supply- and demand-side considerations is crucial in understanding the digital divide and introducing a composite Digital Life Index, measures separately the digital supply and demand across seven independent dimensions. The Index is based on Internet-borne data, a distinction from traditional research approaches that rely on official statistics or surveys. Though the empiric part of the paper is focused on the sub-national digital divide in Russia we argue that its methodology can be applied on many other levels and its conceptual findings are relevant to understanding the phenomenon globally. The hierarchical regression analysis is used to determine the relative importance of factors like income, human capital, and policy in shaping the digital divide. The result of the analysis suggests that the digital divide is driven more by the differences in demand than in supply; the role of income is insignificant, and the quality of policy and human capital is the key determinant of the divide. The paper advances the existing conceptual and methodological literature on the issue and can also inform practical decision-making regarding the strategies of national and regional digital development. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article analyses the recent use of European Union (EU) terminology of digital sovereignty and strategic autonomy, aiming to identify tensions between policy considerations of fundamental rights, free market principles and geopolitical concerns. These tensions are rooted in the disparity between the EU's considerable economic and regulatory power in digital matters and its limited mandate and capabilities in foreign policy. The article also explores the translation of the notions of digital sovereignty and strategic autonomy into EU policy. It identifies three important trends in the geopoliticisation of the EU agenda on digital technologies: (1) the instrumental use of 'classic' internal market policies to exert geopolitical influence; (2) the imposition of foreign policy imperatives on national markets; and (3) new 'hybrid' digital policies that combine internal market concerns, fundamental rights and geopolitical concerns. Ultimately, digital sovereignty has inherent tensions with the EU's normative power in digital issues and may also result in a strategic cacophony. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

For decades, tax policy has shaped the outer boundaries of the policy agenda for the nonprofit sector. In this research note, we argue that the breadth and implications of the sector’s digital dependencies necessitate an expanded policy agenda that includes the regulatory domains defining digital spaces. Digital policy issues matter existentially to the sector writ-large, and thus deserve greater attention from scholars, funders, nonprofit leaders, and policy makers. We make this case by drawing on findings from two recent reports. The first one evaluates awareness of digital policies in the nonprofit sector. The second explores the role of nonprofits on digital policy issues during the first year of the Covid-19 global pandemic. Overall, we highlight the many digital policy issues that matter across the sector, and we underline why opportunities for future advocacy and coalition work are numerous, diverse, and existential.

This article examines the evolution of public policy for cultural and creative industries in the context of building India as a digital nation. How has the rise of digital industries in the building of the country permeated policies related to cultural industries, and what have been the consequences of this trend? It will also explore the tensions regarding the evolution of the role of the State in shaping and regulating such industries in the broader context of culture being increasingly associated with national identity. This article starts by showing that in a context where cultural policies remain centered on heritage, the support to culture by the state has remained limited, both in financial terms as well as regarding the implementation of specific regulations which would require protection from traditional market forces. Then, it analyzes several action plans that have been developed as part of the Digital India government initiative and assesses emerging issues for the cultural and creative industries, which are increasingly associated with the functioning of digital devices and operators. Finally, it discussed recent modalities of state intervention through the transfer of the role of cultural operator to digital platforms and the attempts to control expressions. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

While digital policies provide significant value within contemporary governance, not many governments' digital policies are adapted to rapidly changing technologies and associated expectations. The limited adaptability can be explained by governments' focus on institutional shifts as an instrument to generate policy changes. Therefore, this article examines the impact of institutional shifts on digital policy by leveraging the Punctuated Equilibrium Theory (PET) as a lens to explore the Belgian federal government between 2000 and 2020. This is done through performing a distributional application of the PET and an explaining‐outcome congruence case study. The results highlight the role of institutional shifts in directing digital policy, but also underscore the importance of other factors (i.e., policy image, attention allocation and/or structure of the political system) and the presence of policy entrepreneurs to explain the (in)stability of digital policy. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of Revista de Ciencias Sociales (13159518) is the property of Revista de Ciencias Sociales de la Universidad del Zulia Venezuela and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

The European regulatory landscape for digital markets is undergoing a transformative change. There is an observed shift toward the protection of public values and fundamental rights, as the market mechanism and market values that traditionally led regulatory processes in digital markets seem to have fallen short. In the context of the user‐centric digital economy, a clear commitment to safeguarding citizens' interests is ever‐more salient. This article provides a comprehensive account of hypernudging—dynamically personalized user steering, which represents the next generation user influencing techniques online, with the potential to lead to multifaceted individual and collective harms. However, problematizing the phenomenon for digital policy purposes is not a straightforward task. Due to the complexity and opaqueness of its underlying mechanisms and effects, policymakers are operating under conditions of uncertainty, necessitating a shared understanding of what impact hypernudging has on users as well as crafting a shared vision of values that ought to be embedded and safeguarded in digital choice architectures. To highlight the developing European approach in relation to hypernudging, the assessment of the recent legislative initiatives—the Artificial Intelligence Act, the Digital Markets Act, and the Digital Services Act—showcases underlying learning opportunities for addressing emergent challenges. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The rapid development of digital technologies and the pandemic experience at the international and national levels have made it clear that every day all key areas are undergoing digital transformation. From this perspective, the diplomatic service is no exception. Information and communication technologies have become the tools or means by which, at little or less cost and within a given time frame, a country can ensure the implementation of its foreign policy priorities. Furthermore, the possibilities of the digital world are not limited by borders. Therefore, the purpose of this article is to explore the legal aspects of digital diplomacy, especially in the context of the Vienna Convention on Diplomatic Relations of 19611. The authors of the Convention could not foresee that digital platforms could be created and foreign policy goals could be implemented remotely between representatives of states by using information and communication technologies. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The European Commission defines the concept of European digital sovereignty as the capacity to make “autonomous technological choices” and the ambition to shape rules and standards at the international level. The idea of “digital sovereignty” responds to the demands of the European public and private sectors to increase the uptake of indigenous technology. However, neither the official policy and discourses, nor the academic literature analyse the actors involved and the power distribution within this process. This article aims to investigate on what is digital sovereignty and who is the “owner” of this new type of sovereignty and the impact of this rhetoric on European integration. It does that by engaging the theoretic lenses of principal-agent framework, drawing on the development path of the European policymaking in the technological area, from the 1980’s until today. The paper concludes that the heterogenous preferences of the member states create the impetus to delegate powers to the European Commission. Furthermore, digital sovereignty rhetoric helps overcome the problems of delegation politics by building coalitions and consensus.

Based on the understanding that the EU is building a value-based digital society, this research aims to recapture the narrative of the smart city and to introduce the latter as an actor in EU digital policy. It starts from the acknowledgement that smart cities are reduced to mere business-led strategies and lack direct grassroots engagement that would bring value to the urban landscape. Then, it deconstructs the main pillars of the digital society as proposed by the current Commission and searches for areas of congruence between smart cities and the model for the digital society. To illustrate this congruence, the article analyses policy documents at the European and local level and features a case study of Darmstadt, designated Germany’s Digital City in 2019.

Whether in banks, pharmacies, trade and many servicesoffers and transfers everywhere are becoming digital and displacing analogue options. But this not only changes the mediations superficially, but also shifts instrumental tasks from the provider to the addressees, for example. This article traces these transformations and uncovers their conditions. In the longer term, the digital transformations could also bring social upheavals. If they are still available at all, analogue services will become so expensive that only a few will be able to afford them. Therefore, in any case, all public service and administrative tasks must retain analogue versions alongside the digitalisations that are currently being publicly pushed, an analogue life must remain possible for those who want it or cannot do otherwise. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of European Policy Analysis is the property of Wiley-Blackwell and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

The creation and deployment of digital technologies throughout the agro-food system contribute to achieving Sustainable Development Goal nine. However, various digitalization studies offer limited insight into the policy issues and solutions around emerging technologies and big data systems in agriculture. There is a need for an additional understanding of how agricultural policymaking should respond to the usage of digital technologies in the agri-food sector. Furthermore, evidence is limited on how existing agricultural government programs such as land reform can be linked with digitalization policy. This systematic review of literature sought to determine the transformation that is needed in the political and economic environment for the digital revolution to take place within South African land reform agriculture. A thematic analysis of data sampled from ProQuest Central, Scopus, Dimensions, and Google Scholar reveals five areas of intervention from agricultural policymaking. The digital revolution in agriculture can be brought about by transforming digital infrastructure, data interoperability and governance, digital markets, the compatibility of government incentives with the private sector, and the digital cultural landscape. This essay contributes to agricultural policy and decision-making dialogues that pay attention to digital technologies and land reform programs in South Africa. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Introduction. The article is devoted to identifying and interpreting the reasons and forms of protest activity of representatives of the youth cohort in the context of the institutionalization of modern digital society and digital policy. The common and specific features of the protest activity of Russian and foreign youth in the context of the content and level of their digital culture are characterized. The attention is focused on the dominant trends in the transformation of the practices of protest behavior in online and offline formats, taking into account the restrictive measures caused by the spread of COVID-19. Methods. The work was prepared within the framework of political science discourse using modern scientific theories and concepts. The authors rely on the main provisions of the activity-activist approach (A. Giddens, V. Yadov), the concept of “traumatic changes” (P. Sztompka) and “network society” (M. Castells). At the same time, the characterization of digital transformations and innovations (society, politics, culture) is carried out in the context of the ideas of “digital counterculture” (C. Gere), domestic researchers analyzing the consumer behavior of youth in the digital environment (T. Beregovskaya, S. Grishaeva). The work uses theoretical and empirical methods for analyzing the results obtained by leading domestic and foreign research centers, as well as with the direct participation of the authors in the implementation of grant activities. Results. An attempt is made to conduct political science analysis of the modern approaches to understanding the phenomenon of youth protest activity, its dominant forms in the context of the institutionalization of digital policy and the transformation of value orientations in the new structure of “digital culture”. The relationship between the protest activity of representatives of domestic and foreign youth, the practices of their destructive/constructive protest behavior using digital technologies in order to legitimize/ delegitimize the political regime is traced. Highlighted the real and potential resources of the authorities and administration, civil society institutions to minimize destructive factors that contribute to the strengthening of protest (civil, political, etc.) activity of various groups of young people in the context of the spread of the global pandemic. The results of theoretical and empirical studies that reveal the regional specifics of institutional forms of protest activity in modern Russia are interpreted. Discussion. The question of the forms and technologies of transformation of protest activity, taking into account the substantive characteristics of the digital culture of youth, its inclusion in the system for ensuring the stable and safe development of the Russian Federation, remains poorly studied. Authors’ contributions. S.A. Pankratov developed the theoretical basis of the research and carried out the general scientific edition of the article. S.I. Morozov analyzed the dominant tendencies of youth protest activity. S.D. Gavrilov interpreted the results of theoretical and empirical studies characterizing the process of institutionalization of digital policy.

The world economy is witnessing the rapid digitization of global production, trade, and consumption of goods and services, which is significantly impacting economic activities in both developing and least developed countries. In this article, we examine and review the evolving framework of the national e-commerce policy in India and map digital policies in the broader contours of the industrial policy framework. Findings of this article show that interventionist policies such as localization of data and restrictions on cross-border data flows are vital for building domestic digital infrastructure, firms, platforms, and capabilities. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The study aims to analyse the strategies adopted by the Brazilian Federal Chamber of Deputies during the period 2019–2022 (56th legislature) on social media platforms. The survey with political advisers includes the following platforms: Facebook, Instagram, YouTube, Twitter, WhatsApp, Telegram and LinkedIn. The sample consists of 155 informants, 30.21% of the total of 513 parliamentary offices. The conclusions show that 65% of the offices adopt specific strategies for each type of social media, although there is a wider principle, which is the constitution of multi-networks, in a coordinated and complementary way. Within these strategies, the disclosure regarding the parliamentarian's own actions and the agenda of their electoral bases is prioritized over institutional legislative activities. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

• The median increase in EU residents with basic or above basic digital skills rose by approximately 5%, from 53.53% in 2015 to 58.03% in 2021. • Throughout 2015–2021, a consistent spatial distribution of digital skills in the EU has been observed, with concentrations in 'high–high' and 'high–low' clusters in the northern and central EU countries and a 'low–low' cluster in the southern EU countries. • To assess the spatial and temporal evolution of digital skills, criteria such as education, infrastructure, demography, culture and others, selected through tree-based and random forest features, are employed. • The spatial model proves more suitable for indicators related to the economy, technology and innovations, and ICT infrastructure. • The need for diversity in digital skills policy is argued by the proven influence across all considered domains and the existence of spatial associations. Digital skills, integral to the functioning of the digital economy and information society, show temporal and spatial variations measured by various indicators. In this article, we assess the spatial and temporal evolution of digital skills under the influence of key factors and domains in the EU countries from 2015 to 2021. Applying spatial autocorrelation analysis, robust geographical heterogeneity and consistent spatial patterns in digital skills are outlined, resulting in two 'high–high' and 'high–low' clusters in the North and Center, and a 'low–low' cluster in the South. Using feature importance selection, key indicators within aggregate domains driving digital skills policy are identified. Spatial lag regression analysis highlights the significance of all domains, revealing spatial and spillover effects on digital skills, with the primary influence observed in the social sphere, technology and innovations, and demography domains. Although the ICT infrastructure domain is statistically more significant in our spatial model along with the economy and technology and innovations, its spillover effects appear relatively modest, indicating a corresponding degree of within-country localization. This study contributes to the understanding of the evolution of digital skills by revealing both spatial relationships and temporal dynamics and strengthening spatial digital policy measures in the EU. The spatial coherence of digital policies, the spatial network of technological and innovation centers in both 'high–low' clusters and cross-border locations, and improving the social, demographic, and economic profiles of citizens are critical among other measures to improve digital skills in EU countries. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper addresses a critical gap in telecom regulators' awareness of the climate impact of their policy decisions and highlights the substantial potential of broadband technology to reduce greenhouse gas emissions (GHGe). Empirical evidence shows that broadband can achieve a GHGe reduction of approximately 15–20%, a notable efficiency given its relatively low direct emissions of around 0.4–1.0% of global emissions. This analysis substantiates the premise that effective telecom policy serves as robust climate policy. The paper argues for a global alignment of telecom and climate policies, advocating for an integrated approach that acknowledges the deep interdependencies between these sectors. Key policy recommendations include targeted subsidies for broadband in rural areas, strategic spectrum allocation, and comprehensive incentives for green technology adoption across consumers, industries, and governments. The goal is to prompt a reevaluation of policy frameworks, urging advanced economies to harness the full potential of digital infrastructure to combat climate change. • Broadband technologies contribute only about 0.4–1.0% of direct GHGe within the ICT sector, underscoring their efficiency as sustainable technologies. • Broadband adoption can enable a significant reduction in GHGe, estimated at 15–20%, by facilitating low-carbon consumer behaviors, optimizing industrial practices, and enhancing government services. • There is a significant gap in awareness among telecom regulators about the climatic consequences of their decisions. • Targeted education and collaboration initiatives are essential to increase awareness and integrate climate considerations into telecom policy. • The pressing nature of the climate crisis necessitates translating academic findings into concrete policies. • This includes removing regulatory barriers to network investments, optimizing spectrum allocation for energy-efficient technologies, and developing comprehensive incentive programs for consumers, industries, and governments. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of Central European Political Studies / Środkowoeuropejskie Studia Polityczne is the property of Faculty of Political Science & Journalism, Adam Mickiewicz University and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Copyright of Moderne Staat is the property of Verlag Barbara Budrich GmbH and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

The European Commission defines the concept of European digital sovereignty as the capacity to make "autonomous technological choices" and the ambition to shape rules and standards at the international level. The idea of "digital sovereignty" responds to the demands of the European public and private sectors to increase the uptake of indigenous technology. However, neither the official policy and discourses, nor the academic literature analyse the actors involved and the power distribution within this process. This article aims to investigate on what is digital sovereignty and who is the "owner" of this new type of sovereignty and the impact of this rhetoric on European integration. It does that by engaging the theoretic lenses of principal-agent framework, drawing on the development path of the European policymaking in the technological area, from the 1980's until today. The paper concludes that the heterogenous preferences of the member states create the impetus to delegate powers to the European Commission. Furthermore, digital sovereignty rhetoric helps overcome the problems of delegation politics by building coalitions and consensus. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]