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This study emerges against the backdrop of increasing global interest in gender representation, focusing on the portrayal of Arab women in media narratives across both Arab and Western contexts. It critically examines the discursive strategies used in the representation of Arab women in Arab and Western media. It employs Reisigl and Wodak's Discourse-Historical Approach as a theoretical framework for data analysis. Four newspapers: Washington Post, Daily Mail, Arab News, and Gulf Times were selected for this study where a total of 40 news discourses were analysed, with ten news discourses from each newspaper, to reveal how Arab and Western media narratives shape public perceptions and contribute to the discourse on Arab women's rights and societal roles. The findings reveal that Arab newspapers primarily highlight themes of empowerment and societal participation, aligning with national modernization efforts. Their portrayal is largely positive, emphasizing the achievements of Arab women and their significant roles in traditionally male-dominated sectors. On the other hand, Western newspapers present a broader spectrum of narratives. For instance, the Washington Post provides a balanced view that acknowledges both progress and ongoing challenges, while the Daily Mail focuses on sensationalism, emphasizing persecution and cultural conflicts, thus potentially reinforcing stereotypes and advocating Western norms of gender equality. It is revealed that while Arab media aim to project a progressive image of Arab women and align with broader governmental reforms, Western media often highlight negative aspects, influencing international perspectives and policy debates. The study underscores the significant impact of these media portrayals on public opinion and contributes to a deeper understanding of the media's role in shaping and challenging the narratives surrounding Arab women, highlighting areas for further scholarly exploration and policy consideration. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of Retos: Nuevas Perspectivas de Educación Física, Deporte y Recreación is the property of Federacion Espanola de Asociaciones de Docentes de Educacion Fisica and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

The retraction of a previously published research article, often due to the discovery of fraud or scientific error, can pose considerable threat to an author's career and reputation. This paper examines legitimation strategies in the retraction notice (RN), a document in which authors formally announce their decision to retract an article. By analyzing 300 RNs published between 2010–2021 in Q1 biomedical journals, this study finds that 76% RNs contain at least one legitimation strategy, with Mortification, Full/Partial Denial, and Corrective Action being the most frequently used. Moreover, a comparison of RNs that report fraud, misconduct, error, unreliable data/results, and other similar matters shows that fraud-related RNs have the highest incidence of legitimation strategies. Authors committing fraud often employ Mortification, Disclaimer, and Reassurance, while authors reporting scientific errors put more emphasis on Good Intention and Perseverance. This study contributes to the understanding of legitimation and image repair in scientific discourse. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This research aims to describe the perspectives of the Acehnese people on Qanun Putroe Phang. The theoretical approach employed is legal linguistics, utilising Critical Discourse Analysis. The focus of the research is on public opinion regarding the qanun, which is a regional regulation governing government administration and community life in Aceh, Indonesia. This qanun is known for prioritising the protection of women and children in Aceh since the reign of Sultan Iskandar Muda (from 1607 until 1636). The study involved interviews with 50 informants aged 20-80 years old, with 10 informants from each of the following districts: Aceh Besar, Pidie, North Aceh, South Aceh, and West Aceh. The interviews explored the participants’ perceptions of Qanun Putroe Phang and their understanding of its role in protecting the rights of women and children within Acehnese society. The results indicated that 84% of respondents believe the qanun is, and will continue to be, relevant even in contemporary life. However, 16% of respondents viewed the qanun as a burden for families, particularly those with many daughters or economic difficulties. Many respondents suggested that the qanun should be revised to encourage its implementation in a manner that is not mandatory but persuasive for the Acehnese people.

This paper presents a Critical Discourse Analysis of Joe Biden's inaugural address, using a qualitative research methodology to examine the discursive strategies employed to shape his self-presentation and critique opposing perspectives. Through a detailed analysis of the speech, the study identifies how Biden's use of topicalization emphasizes key themes of democracy and unity, positioning him as a unifying force while subtly critiquing previous administrations. By drawing historical parallels and addressing contemporary challenges, such as the COVID-19 pandemic and racial injustice, Biden constructs an image of resilience and forward-thinking leadership. The "Number Game" strategy enhances his rhetoric through quantitative comparisons, highlighting current issues and the perceived failures of past leadership. Polarization emerges as a central discursive technique, contrasting his administration's values with those seen as hindering national progress. Biden's use of illustration and victimization lends credibility and ethical weight to his narrative, while strategies such as lexicalization, metaphors, modality, and populism further reinforce his favorable self-image. By employing qualitative methods, this research uncovers how these rhetorical strategies are utilized to shape public perception and align Biden's vision for the nation with progressive and inclusive values. The study demonstrates how Biden's inaugural address strategically navigates political narratives to project leadership and foster national unity. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This research aims to describe the perspectives of the Acehnese people on Qanun Putroe Phang. The theoretical approach employed is legal linguistics, utilising Critical Discourse Analysis. The focus of the research is on public opinion regarding the qanun, which is a regional regulation governing government administration and community life in Aceh, Indonesia. This qanun is known for prioritising the protection of women and children in Aceh since the reign of Sultan Iskandar Muda (from 1607 until 1636). The study involved interviews with 50 informants aged 20-80 years old, with 10 informants from each of the following districts: Aceh Besar, Pidie, North Aceh, South Aceh, and West Aceh. The interviews explored the participants' perceptions of Qanun Putroe Phang and their understanding of its role in protecting the rights of women and children within Acehnese society. The results indicated that 84% of respondents believe the qanun is, and will continue to be, relevant even in contemporary life. However, 16% of respondents viewed the qanun as a burden for families, particularly those with many daughters or economic difficulties. Many respondents suggested that the qanun should be revised to encourage its implementation in a manner that is not mandatory but persuasive for the Acehnese people. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The widely-used social media have offered Chinese cancer patients online sites for self-disclosure. Collecting self-disclosing discourses from 200 Chinese cancer patients on TikTok and SnackVideo, this study systematically analyzes the discursive strategies employed by Chinese cancer patients and their emotions expressed during self-disclosure, with the help of NVivo 12 and LIWC 2015. As a result, it is found that: (1) Chinese cancer patients display self-disclosure oriented toward facts, relationships, desires, and experiences discursively; (2) Chinese cancer patients showed a higher proportion of positive emotions than negative emotions, with female patients being more conservative and stable than their male counterparts when disclosing positive emotions. To some extent, the findings above would shed insights into the provision of psychologically inclusive support for the cancer patients in Chinese culture and beyond. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The advances and proliferation of social media technologies have not only empowered Chinese users with more opportunities for opinion expression and public participation, but also provided the censors with increasingly sophisticated means to monitor and control the public discourse. In this game of cat and mouse, Chinese censors and users are intertwined with each other as new forms of censorship and counter-censorship stimulate both sides to further develop tactics to compete with each other. Drawing on (social) media discourse analysis, this study examines the strategies users adopted in an online relay campaign to keep a censored article alive on WeChat Public Accounts. The analysis highlights three major forms of creative strategies including textual reproductions, multi-semiotic and multimodal reproductions, and technically encoded forms. It also underscores platform censorship as a particular level of censorship where the platform takes responsibility for removing sensitive or perceived sensitive posts and content. This study adds to the growing literature that examines creative strategies of censorship engagement and a more nuanced understanding of the multi-layered online censorship mechanism in China. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of Culturas Midiáticas is the property of Programa de Pos-Graduacao em Comunicacao and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Copyright of CIRCULO de Linguistica Aplicada a la Comunicacion is the property of Universidad Complutense de Madrid and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

In the contemporary international order, marked by increasing global interdependence and complex power relations, understanding the role of the United States as a global actor is crucial. This paper explores the interplay between American identity, discourse, and U.S. foreign policy rhetoric, particularly in its engagement with the Middle East. Rooted in the concept of American exceptionalism, it investigates the selective and strategic nature of U.S. rhetoric towards key Middle Eastern actors. The research integrates linguistics and international relations, with Critical Discourse Analysis as the primary theoretical framework. By addressing research questions concerning American identity, discursive strategies and their linguistic realisations, and rhetorical selectivity, this paper contributes to a deeper understanding of U.S. foreign policy rhetoric towards the Middle East.

The article addresses the challenge of acquiring professional economic discourse among students pursuing a bachelor’s degree in economics. This institutional economic discourse is not merely a collection of terminological units but a complex and evolving system that exhibits a broad spectrum of genre, stylistic, and pragmatic relevance. The discourse in the economic field represents the interconnections of knowledge, various language units, and their meanings. In efforts to comprehend and elucidate economic phenomena, its practitioners employ diverse forms through which economic concepts are transformed into knowledge within an educational context. The study aims to identify effective methods for studying English-language economic discourse for students who have chosen economics as their future career. The authors utilize examples of non-codified language units from economic discourse and compared online machine-translated examples with translations produced by learners as empirical material for this research. Translating economic texts from English to Russian, editing texts translated by online translators, summarizing in English, and engaging in follow-up discussions emerged as the most effective strategies for learners to establish themselves as agents of economic discourse. These techniques ensure the comprehensive establishment, maintenance, and advancement of discourse practices. The study employs observation and analysis, logical juxtaposition, and the component analysis method. The authors conclude that the aforementioned methods for acquiring economic discourse should be given priority. This approach significantly enhances the effectiveness of converting acquired knowledge into communicative practices, transforming the discourse of the economic sphere into a dynamic tool for recreating professional expertise, with a high level of involvement from potential discourse agents in the acquisition process.

Introduction: A consequence of corporate influence on public policy is the potential for negative impacts on population health. Consequently, it is imperative that public health advocates and scholars stay abreast of emerging corporate practices designed to influence regulatory measures aimed at safeguarding health. To identify these emerging practices, we attended a national corporate affairs conference to identify tactics and gain insights from the range of commercial actors presenting at the event. Method: An observational design was used for the research. This involved observation of senior executives presenting at a national corporate affairs conference in Australia in 2023. The collected data was inductively and thematically analyzed by the authors. Results: Our findings revealed that the foremost concern for corporations was maintaining a "social license to operate." Notably, corporate actors perceived social media as a critical threat to social license as it can rapidly sway public opinion against them. Strategies identified for preserving social license included building relationships with the public and civil society, leveraging AI-driven data services to monitor and effectively respond to perceived threats, to convert dissenters into advocates, and applying the narrative of value creation and stakeholder capitalism. Conclusion: This study contributes valuable insights for public health advocates and scholars by shedding light on the mechanisms employed by corporations to counteract regulatory measures. These mechanisms include using stakeholder capitalist narratives to frame and reframe discussion and debate, engaging dissenters to convert them into advocates, and leveraging partnerships to camouflage actions and build social license halos. It also revealed the unprecedented power and new platforms that previously weak actors now have via social media. The observations from the conference offer a nuanced understanding of corporate strategies, enabling advocates to effectively challenge prevailing narratives that may undermine public health initiatives. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

AbstractThis study investigates the discursive devices deployed by the late former Zimbabwean President, Robert Mugabe, to represent social actors in his speeches, in order to unveil how these devices and the ideologies in them are mobilized to maintain political power and garner popular support. The data for the study comprise his: 2002 world summit on sustainable development speech in South Africa, 2005 party manifesto speech in Zimbabwe, 2003 Non-aligned speech in Malaysia, and 2007 UN speech in New York. These were subjected to qualitative analysis with insights from Teun A. van Dijk’s socio-cognitive model of Critical Discourse Analysis. The study reveals that Mugabe uses discursive polarization strategies to emphasize positive things/de-emphasize negative things about his in-group (himself, Zanu-PF, the majority black, majority Zimbabwean supporters, and the third-world country allies), but emphasizes negative things/de-emphasizes positive things about the out-group (the minority white Zimbabwean land grabbers, the USA, the UK, Tony Blair, George Bush, etc.). The discursive strategies identified were used to pursue land ownership, anti-imperialist, revolutionary, and Marxist ideologies. The study concludes that these strategies were employed by Mugabe as linguistic, rhetorical and political strategies to maintain power and mobilize the support of majority black Zimbabweans for years. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This study examines the image construction of front-line healthcare workers (HCWs) in Chinese government Weibo (microblogs) during the COVID-19 pandemic. Specifically, we rely on a discourse-historical approach to analyze 1,510 posts collected from an influential government Weibo account, @ healthchina (健康中国), during the first wave of the pandemic to investigate the diverse images of HCWs constructed, the discursive strategies employed, and the pragma-linguistic devices used by @healthchina. The data analyses find that Chinese HCWs are depicted as professional and competent in addressing the pandemic crisis, compassionate and caring to their patients, and responsible and devoted to public health. Two discursive strategies are found salient in HCW’s image construction—nomination and predication realized through the identity labels, attitude/judgment resources, metaphors and comparisons, pictures, and hashtags. We argue that Chinese government microbloggers intentionally constructed these images of the HCWs to elicit positive emotional responses, reinforce government trustworthiness, and foster social cohesion in the collective fight against the pandemic. This research underscores the strategic communication efforts aimed at shaping the perception of HCWs and their pivotal role in managing the pandemic. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Building on the argument that foreign policy identities are discursively constructed by the dominant elite, this study analyzes the construction and reconstruction of Turkiye’s foreign policy identity during the Early Republican and AKP periods in a comparative way, focusing on political narratives as discursive practices. Adopting a critical narrative analysis method, the study first distinguishes the linguistic construction of a common past, a common geopolitical imagination and a common perception of the international environment as substantive contents of foreign policy identity. It then addresses different strategies used within these three thematic areas. Finally, narrative analysis is adopted to extract the repeated themes and storylines used in the narratives of the Republican and AKP elites about history, geopolitical location, and the international environment as means of linguistic realizations. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Purpose: Previous studies show that the implementation of gender equality encounters resistance in military organizations, but it is often invisible or seen as confined to anonymous structures or troubled individuals. This paper aims to show how the Swedish Armed Forces (SAF) use organizational principles to resist implementing gender equality measures. Design/methodology/approach: The study is a qualitative analysis of discursive strategies in the SAF's 2013–2018 annual reports to government. Findings: The organizing principles of instrumentality and distance, while existing in parallel with gender equality efforts, actually pursue logics that prevents the SAF from implementing gender equality. The principle of instrumentality in this context means that gender equality in the SAF is of secondary interest to organizational members. The principle of distancing from the problem includes strategies that alienate female from male officers. Originality/value: The contribution of this paper is the finding that the use of organizing principles represents conscious organizational resistance to gender equality efforts. This kind of use needs to be revealed and criticized to change military organizations. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

How do mothers deal with chronic violence and the constant presence of guns in their neighborhoods? How do they build situated meaning and discursive practices out of their experiences and relationships with armed actors? We compare the experiences of women in two poor and working-class neighborhoods in Caracas. Through this comparative ethnographic project, we aim to show how, in the midst of state-sponsored depredation and with an overwhelming presence of guns in their lives, women use their cultural roles as mothers to perform everyday forms of resistance vis-à-vis the different armed actors that impose their presence in the barrios. In the mothers’ daily struggles, dramatic discursive actions—from more openly oppositional ones, such as shouting, scolding, and talking, to more hidden ones, such as both “circulating gossip” and “captive gossip,” to more vulnerable ones, such as whispering—are main resources in the micropolitics of their neighborhoods. Our findings suggest that strategies are context dependent and most likely vary according to numerous factors, including the history of civic organizing, policing practices, and the type of armed actor with whom they cohabitate in their neighborhood.

How do mothers deal with chronic violence and the constant presence of guns in their neighborhoods? How do they build situated meaning and discursive practices out of their experiences and relationships with armed actors? We compare the experiences of women in two poor and working-class neighborhoods in Caracas. Through this comparative ethnographic project, we aim to show how, in the midst of state-sponsored depredation and with an overwhelming presence of guns in their lives, women use their cultural roles as mothers to perform everyday forms of resistance vis-à-vis the different armed actors that impose their presence in the barrios. In the mothers’ daily struggles, dramatic discursive actions—from more openly oppositional ones, such as shouting, scolding, and talking, to more hidden ones, such as both “circulating gossip” and “captive gossip,” to more vulnerable ones, such as whispering—are main resources in the micropolitics of their neighborhoods. Our findings suggest that strategies are context dependent and most likely vary according to numerous factors, including the history of civic organizing, policing practices, and the type of armed actor with whom they cohabitate in their neighborhood. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Nowadays it is commonplace for Chinese women to drive cars either as a means of transportation or for a job. Meanwhile, the varied voices as to women's capacity to drive are heard in media reports. This article examines media representations of Chinese women drivers on the official news website Chinanews.com. News reports from 2012 to 2021 were collected, sorted in Nvivo 11, and analyzed under the guidance of van Leeuwen's socio-semantic approach. The results of the analysis revealed three dominant discourses about women drivers: problematic discourse, commendable discourse, and victim discourse, in which categorisation strategy, nomination strategy and passivation strategy, along with the description of material actions and semiotic actions were employed. This study sheds light on the contradictory expectations placed on Chinese women and the perplexity felt by media regarding the social context of the increased mobility and freedom women have attained due to recent economic and social changes. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Non-communicable diseases (NCDs), such as heart disease and diabetes have a high mortality rate, which inspired governments to develop plans to manage NCDs. The Malaysian government produced the National Strategic Plan for Non-Communicable Diseases 2016-2025 (NSPNCD 2016-2025) and various brochures to enhance NCD prevention and management, and to inform the public about heart disease and diabetes. However, healthcare is one of the most prevalent contexts where stigmatization occurs. Unequal power relations in health discourse exists where language tends to tacitly blame chronic disease patients for poor health conditions. Motivated by these linguistic issues, the present article performs a critical discourse analysis of the National Strategic Plan and health brochures using the Discourse-Historical Approach (DHA). Strategies in the DHA were chosen to deconstruct how social actors are linguistically referred to and predicated, and how argumentation transpires in the texts. While heart disease is represented as a lethal NCD, diabetes is represented as an NCD and a risk factor for heart disease. The former is caused by hereditary factors and unhealthy lifestyles, but the latter is manageable yet uncurable. However, the two NCDs are depicted as a threat to the economy and country. Moreover, the government and citizens are contrasted. The government is given a positive evaluation because it helps to control the two NCDs while Malaysian NCD patients seem to burden the health services, and they need to endeavor to avoid NCDs. The contrast is exemplified by the topoi of threat and urgency to justify actions and decisions regarding health. The National Strategic Plan and various brochures convey a consistent ideology that the two NCDs should be prevented, and individual responsibility is required. This study sheds light on the underlying ideologies that shape the texts, particularly the portrayal of NCDs as an individual responsibility. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Considering the power that journalism and media have and the will to truth that they aim to generate, this article has as its corpus of analysis the Case of Escola Base, an event that happened between March and June 1994, in São Paulo (SP). This paper seeks to analyze the discursive strategies in the investigation about the Escola Base Case by reporter Valmir Salaro, which were aired on Jornal Nacional, and in the headlines of newspapers published at the time, for the construction of the will to truth. In the light of Discourse Analysis, we base our proposal on authors such as Foucault (2011), Sargentini and Carvalho (2021), Marques (2021), and Possenti (2021). As a methodology, we studied some clippings of the documentary Escola Base - Um repórter enfrenta o passado, available on Globoplay, in which we researched the discursive strategies in the reports published at the time. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of Dixit. Comunicación, Profesión, Conocimiento is the property of Universidad Catolica del Uruguay Damaso Antonio Larranaga and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Equipped with balanced budgets and international praise for his work, António de Oliveira Salazar became Minister of Finance on April 27, 1928, with reinforced powers as per usual at the time. After several crises caused by the instability of the government, which gave rise to a new formation of the executive, the resolution of the last one is followed by the third speech made in public by Salazar, on October 21, 1929, in the Sala do Conselho de Estado, for the occasion of the homage paid to him by the Municipal Councils of the country. The main theme of the paper is precisely the aforementioned speech, entitled "POLÍTICA DE VERDADE; POLÍTICA DE SACRIFÍCIO; POLÍTICA NACIONAL", where the Minister sets out his ideas on the future of the country and calls for the writing of a new Constitution, capable of creating a stable political order. The study intends to identify some of the linguistic strategies applied by Salazar to gain the trust of his public and, in this specific case, to gain consensus regarding the legitimation of the dictatorship. To this end, we will focus our analysis on aspects such as the ethos and the regime's association with the dichotomy of truth and lie, which suggests that ditadura is true politics and, indisputably, the politics of truth. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of Other Modernities / Altre Modernita / Otras Modernidades / Autres Modernités is the property of Altre Modernita and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Achebe's There was a Country became controversial due to the author's recount of the civil war story. The text has been criticised for its bias by different people. However, these kinds of explorations, mainly literary reviews, have merely focused on its bias in terms of ethnicity and the civil war story, with little attention paid to the linguistic strategies used by the author in emphasising certain ideologies. This study, therefore, seeks to unearth the different discursive strategies used in the ideological representations of social actors and actions in the text. Wodak's approach to discursive strategies is found helpful for this study for its ideological and contextual approach to the use of language. Data are randomly selected from the different parts of the text and subject to content analysis and critical discourse analysis. The study reveals the 'us and 'them' dichotomy and provides concrete linguistic evidence as to the author's bias in representing social actors and actions. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of Íkala: Revista de Lenguaje y Cultura is the property of Universidad de Antioquia and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

The goal of this study is to provide a sociocognitive critical discourse analysis of Donald Trump’s 75th UNGA (The UN General Assembly) speech 2020 to demonstrate how Trump (re)framed America and other political actors. The study’s methodology has been divided into three stages: (a) identifying the speech’s macrostructures (major themes) embodying the speech’s global meanings, (b) analyzing the speech’s explicit and implicit local meanings, and (c) laying out Trump’s subjective context model. Findings revealed that (1) the semantic (cognitive) structure and textual arrangement of Trump’s speech are meant to draw attention to two ideologically opposed discourse worlds with skewed, hegemonic intergroup and outgroup representations; (2) a polarized context model, based on the WE/THEY schema, has motivated and controlled Trump’s speech for the purposes of persuading the audience, stigmatizing other social actors, and managing opinion formation; and (3) Trump’s context model has been shown to control the production of specific microstructures that correspond with a variety of discursive strategies. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

IntroductionA consequence of corporate influence on public policy is the potential for negative impacts on population health. Consequently, it is imperative that public health advocates and scholars stay abreast of emerging corporate practices designed to influence regulatory measures aimed at safeguarding health. To identify these emerging practices, we attended a national corporate affairs conference to identify tactics and gain insights from the range of commercial actors presenting at the event.MethodAn observational design was used for the research. This involved observation of senior executives presenting at a national corporate affairs conference in Australia in 2023. The collected data was inductively and thematically analyzed by the authors.ResultsOur findings revealed that the foremost concern for corporations was maintaining a “social license to operate.” Notably, corporate actors perceived social media as a critical threat to social license as it can rapidly sway public opinion against them. Strategies identified for preserving social license included building relationships with the public and civil society, leveraging AI-driven data services to monitor and effectively respond to perceived threats, to convert dissenters into advocates, and applying the narrative of value creation and stakeholder capitalism.ConclusionThis study contributes valuable insights for public health advocates and scholars by shedding light on the mechanisms employed by corporations to counteract regulatory measures. These mechanisms include using stakeholder capitalist narratives to frame and reframe discussion and debate, engaging dissenters to convert them into advocates, and leveraging partnerships to camouflage actions and build social license halos. It also revealed the unprecedented power and new platforms that previously weak actors now have via social media. The observations from the conference offer a nuanced understanding of corporate strategies, enabling advocates to effectively challenge prevailing narratives that may undermine public health initiatives.

Academic writing is a crucial aspect of undergraduate education, particularly for students in English as Second Language (ESL) situations. This study investigates the use of interactive resources as discursive strategies in enhancing the academic writing skills of ESL undergraduate students in Nigeria. The research employs both qualitative and quantitative designs. The qualitative component analyses the types and usages of discursive strategies employed in the selected expository writing, while the quantitative component involved calculating the frequency of occurrence of these strategies. A sample of 100 expository essays were used. The results reveal transitional markers, frame markers, and code glosses were the most frequently used interactive markers in the academic writing produced by ESL undergraduate students, while evidential and endophoric markers were used less frequently. These findings highlight the importance of incorporating interactive resources and discursive strategies in the teaching of academic writing skills to undergraduate students in an ESL context.

The present study aims to reveal novel aspects of the involvement of the journalist Sandu Tudor in the press campaigns initiated by Nae Ionescu, the director of “Cuvântul” [The Word] newspaper. The confrontation of ideas between the interwar intellectuality elite and the church’s hierarchy should not be perceived as a hostile relationship. In our opinion those press campaigns should be perceived as an exercise of the maturity of intellectual elite, which aims to engage actively in essential matters to the fulfilment of its mission to outline a pattern of Christian’s behaviour religious of man, both in the public as well as inside the Ecclesia. Articles signed by Sandu Tudor, on this issue, focus on the need to revive the Tradition, the only effective way of preserving intact a nation’s religious life. His theological criticisms regarding any canonical deviations, in general, expressed in register of the journalism, have as a purpose the creation of an authentic conviviality between laity and Church, beyond the rigid and sterile traditionalism.

The article reconstructs the plot related to the unknown book by L. Gogotishvili “The Phenomenology of Speaking,” prepared for publication in 2009, but never published. A hypothesis is put forward according to which the book successively develops the main concept of Gogotishvili’s magnum opus, her only lifetime monograph “Indirect Speaking” (2006), while differing in its methodological guidelines and degree of completeness. On the basis of materials from the personal archive of Gogotishvili, the article provides with a comparison of the history of creation, variants of the title and structure of both books, and reveals conceptual similarities and differences between them. Particular attention is paid to the unfinished article “Analytical Ornaments of Symbolism and Symbolic Traceries of Analytism,” which was not included in the final composition of the second book. This example demonstrates the internal contradictions between the general idea and its implementation, which apparently influenced the author’s refusal to publish. The article presents one chapter of an unpublished book on the typology of symbolist discursive strategies (the paradigm of no-linear multi-layered “polyconcepts”), which contains the substantiation of the key idea of this concept, which was further developed in the late works of Gogotishvili.

ABSTRACTThis study analyzes Chinese online science communication and discussion about genetically modified foods (GMFs). Based on data collected from one of the largest Chinese GMFs science popularization website, it utilizes Wodak’s discourse analysis to investigate how Chinese genetically modified (GM) scientific discourse is characterized by a range of discursive strategies that construct specific identity of Chinese GM scientists and explore science hegemony underlying Chinese GMFs debates. Findings show that discourse features of Chinese GM scientific discourse is objective as well as emotional, particularly conveying a strong sense of superiority realized by trope, argumentative strategies and intertextuality. The unequal power relationship between scientists and the public as well as Chinese intellectuals’ knowledge hegemony could partly explain why those discursive strategies are employed in science communication practices of GMFs debates in Chinese context.

Este ensayo tuvo como objetivo analizar el discurso político como una estrategia persuasiva, ello a partir del caso particular del último discurso ofrecido por Jaime Roldós Aguilera. El análisis del discurso se realizó a través de una metodología de análisis sistemático de contenido discursivo ajustado a la determinación de tres antagonistas: la reducción, el trasvase y el aumento, todo ello, desde la perspectiva persuasiva como estrategia de oratoria política. Una vez aplicada la metodología se descubrió que el discurso del fallecido expresidente ecuatoriano presentaba un uso extendido del antagonista basado en la reducción, en especial las exaltaciones. También se halló una utilización predominante del trasvase, ello dentro de la estrategia de desplazamiento en la dimensión antagónica del trasvase. Las estrategias menos implementadas por el político fueron las relacionadas con el antagonismo de aumento, las cuales se pudieron detectar en un total de siete apariciones, donde la culpabilidad era la predominante. Se concluyó que Jaime Roldós, en su último discurso, imprimió una narrativa contundente pero suavizada, apoyándose en elementos históricos y en la culpabilidad, así como en la deuda-deber del Estado, como forma de acercar sus palabras de manera efectiva y convincente a la audiencia.

This research investigates the dominant rhetorical/ discursive strategies in the British mainstream news media regarding their reports on Ukrainian refugees in the United Kingdom (UK). While news media have negatively constructed the non-European refugees, as previous studies have revealed, this research is unique because it specifically focuses on European refugees as its research sample. The ultimate objective was to demonstrate how the news media in the UK portrayed the incoming Ukrainian refugees on British soil. The data were 40 Ukrainian-refugee-related news reports published in four mainstream news media in the UK from March until July 2022. The data was then analysed by using Wodak’s Discourse-Historical Approach (DHA), consisting of six analytical categories: Referential, Predication, Argumentation (Topoi), Perspectivisation, Mitigation, and Intensification (Reisigl Wodak, 2008). The research found that regardless of their ideologies, all four news media consistently employed the discursive strategies of humanization and individualization and pervasively established a positive argumentative strategy on Ukrainian refugees. These dominant strategies depict a positive representation of Ukrainian refugees. Moreover, despite the overall negative picture of third-world refugees in British news media, the finding of this research is distinctive from the previous ones, showing that the British news media actively constructed the Ukrainian refugees positively and sympathetically. It is argued that the news media’s ideological stance of Eurocentrism and biased racial values played a decisive role in framing the pictures of European/Ukrainian and non-European refugees in their reports.

One strategy that eases the process of teaching argumentative writing might be teaching them how to express their thoughts, beliefs, and in general, ideologies in academic essays. This study aimed to investigate the effect of teaching writing skills on ideology transfer in the academic writings of EFL students. To this end, a sequential mixed-methods design was used. Participants were 80 male and female IELTS candidates who were selected based on some criteria such as proficiency level, age, and educational background. A sample Mock Writing Task 2 and a sample IELTS Writing Task 2 were used as instruments in the pre-test and post-test respectively. Learners’ essays produced during these stages were analyzed based on Fairclough’s (2001) three-dimensional model of critical discourse analysis: description, interpretation, and explanation. To analyze the data, content analysis methods were applied during which discursive strategies used by the candidates were identified and coded, and the frequency and percentage of them were calculated. After the analysis, the following themes were extracted in the participants’ writings, as representing ideology transfer: tendency towards representation of identity, use of active voices, use of first-person pronouns, social views, author visibility, ideology-laden concepts, and idea development. Moreover, there were significant changes in the post-test writings of the participants in terms of the number of discursive strategies used to express ideology. This shows that teaching writing skills can significantly affect EFL learners’ ability to transfer their ideology into academic writing. The findings can have some implications for EFL learners, teachers, and curriculum planners.

The paper analyzes the discursive strategies of apparent empathy and ideological polarization that were used to legitimize discrimination against covered female students in the Republic of Turkey. We approached this complex social problem from the point of view of critical discourse analysis, which represents an interdisciplinary research area centered on the interest in researching the manipulative use of language. The ban on wearing headscarves in universities in Turkey was the fruit of the Kemalist conception of modernism and hegemony established by the Kemalist elites. An important role in preserving that hegemony was also played by the media, whose primary goal was to legitimize social injustice and protect the social order based on an asymmetric distribution of power. They performed this role of the media through the manipulative use of language within clearly recognizable discursive strategies, which was shown by the analysis of the newspaper text that is the subject of this paper.

Fadhma Aïth Mansour Amrouche scholars tend to victimize her, underscoring her submission to the patriarchal order, embodied chiefly through her husband Belkacem and the most famous of her sons, the poet Jean Amrouche, under whose instigation she wrote her autobiography, Histoire de ma vie. The purpose of this article is to refute such a reading by arguing that this autobiography challenges, rather than complies with, the patriarchal code. Instead of lamenting her poor luck or accepting her condition as a subaltern, the author seeks various empowering compensations, whether they be her advantageous looks, her education and ease with the French language--a rare asset in her time--or a set of idiosyncratic rhetorical strategies. These strategies include an intensive recourse to the trope of appropriation through the use of the possessive adjective "mon" (my) and verbs expressing agency and strong will. Simultaneously, Amrouche rejects features supposed to be intrinsic in women's writing, such as subjecttivity, modesty, and meekness of tone, displaying instead both pride and assertiveness. Finally, one major technique deployed by this autobiographer is the reversal of the traditional gender schema through feminizing male characters, particularly her husband and her father-in-law, while endowing women like her mother and herself with the "male" traits of courage and both physical and moral resilience. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The candidature of Eric Zemmour, a far-right polemicist journalist, in the 2022 presidential election has aroused the indignation and amazement of political leaders of all stripes. The polemicist held on December 5, 2021 in Villepinte his first major meeting since his announcement, where he tried to restore his image and present an ethos of the ideal leader. The purpose of this article is to analyze the images that Zemmour broadcasts of himself during the meeting as well as the different strategies he uses to convey an ethos favorable to his person. It is a question of determining the different constructions that the candidate makes of his own image. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

In this article, we trace the histories of discourses concerning student identity in post-war Greece. Making use of the discourse-historical approach (DHA), textual data are analyzed in student journals published by students' unions, factions and collectives of the University of Thessaloniki. Student identity is theorized as being constructed and negotiated in discourse, in close relation to sociopolitical context. In light of the discourse-historical approach it is assumed that the intensification of discursive strategies, such as nominations, predications and argumentations, and the reconceptualization of ingroup and outgroup dichotomy relate to student identity shifts. The findings from such an analysis detect successive shifts in student identity during the post-war period. Student identity is constructed upon the 'Us' and 'Them' dichotomy. Students sometimes self-identify as agents of change and at other times as followers or recipients thereof, while their discourse is tuned with domestic sociopolitical developments. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

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This article analyses Turkish parliamentary discourse about Turkish communities living outside of Turkey from 1988 to 2016. It focuses particularly on the usage of the bridge metaphor in discursive strategies towards these communities; concentrated mainly in former Ottoman territories and parts of Eurasia. The article argues that Turkish parliamentarians used the bridge metaphor to frame Turkish communities as part of both the Turkish nation and the nation where they lived, thereby constituting their liminal and in-between identity. Parliamentarians continuously (re-)imagine, (re-)construct, and (re-)produce the Turkish nation by using different discursive strategies that included uniqueness, sameness or difference. They used identity markers as ethnicity, language, geography, history, and religion to address these strategies. Metaphorically framing Turkish communities as a bridge provided them a dominant bridge role, namely that of friendship and peace. By transforming Turkish communities into a bridge of friendship and peace, through different dimensions, they believed that they would have a positive and crucial role for the country where they live and for Turkey. This bridge role provided opportunities as well as limits, illustrating the interplay between discourse and foreign policy developments.

The postmodern medical paradigm has empowered online users in the (de)legitimating process of health-related topics. By employing a co-occurrence analysis, this study identifies the thematic patterns used by Romanian online users in their multimodal comments to the #storiesfromvaccination Facebook campaign run by the Romanian government. The findings show that the commenters assessed source credibility through two thematic patterns: 'source exemplarity' and 'source distrust'. Health experts were more legitimized than laypersons and role models as sources in the COVID-19 vaccination campaign. Two thematic patterns emerged in the assessment of vaccination, namely: 'immunization – past and present challenges' and 'vaccination supporter versus opponent cleavage'. In the discussion on immunization, a polarization between a nostalgic longing for the past and a present corrupted medical and political system prevailed, whereas the important feature of discursive antagonism could be observed in the latter thematic pattern. The co-occurrences of (de)legitimation strategies are explained with reference to the political and medical context, along with the challenges of social media usage in online vaccination communication campaigns. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article focuses on a rabbinic controversy between the Greek Jewish scholar Elijah Mizrah.i and his Iberian colleague Jacob Ibn Ḥabib in the Ottoman Empire at the beginning of the sixteenth century. The case at hand concerned specific legal questions regarding levirate marriage. These had become particularly difficult with the involvement of converts, posing fundamental questions about Jewish group affiliation. Analysing the related but contrasting legal opinions of Mizrah.i and Ibn Ḥabib, I suggest distinguishing between an intellectual approach and a traditionalist approach to answering these questions. Whereas earlier scholarship has attributed the scholars' diverging conclusions mainly to their different cultural backgrounds, I argue that Mizraḥi and Ibn Ḥabib chose different lines of reasoning for strategic reasons, grounded in their particular political situations. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

One strategy that eases the process of teaching argumentative writing might be teaching them how to express their thoughts, beliefs, and in general, ideologies in academic essays. This study aimed to investigate the effect of teaching writing skills on ideology transfer in the academic writings of EFL students. To this end, a sequential mixed-methods design was used. Participants were 80 male and female IELTS candidates who were selected based on some criteria such as proficiency level, age, and educational background. A sample Mock Writing Task 2 and a sample IELTS Writing Task 2 were used as instruments in the pre-test and post-test respectively. Learners' essays produced during these stages were analyzed based on Fairclough's (2001) three-dimensional model of critical discourse analysis: description, interpretation, and explanation. To analyze the data, content analysis methods were applied during which discursive strategies used by the candidates were identified and coded, and the frequency and percentage of them were calculated. After the analysis, the following themes were extracted in the participants' writings, as representing ideology transfer: tendency towards representation of identity, use of active voices, use of first-person pronouns, social views, author visibility, ideology-laden concepts, and idea development. Moreover, there were significant changes in the post-test writings of the participants in terms of the number of discursive strategies used to express ideology. This shows that teaching writing skills can significantly affect EFL learners' ability to transfer their ideology into academic writing. The findings can have some implications for EFL learners, teachers, and curriculum planners. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This qualitative study examines the indexical nature of given names and their role in self-positioning within diverse social contexts. The study centers on the pronunciation of Hispanic given names in the United States. The analysis is grounded in interviews with six young adults who recognize that their names have Spanish and English variants, and it demonstrates that bearers' phonological awareness plays a critical role in distinguishing name variants and mispronunciations, as evidenced through metalinguistic comments. These distinctions are additionally shaped by personal criteria. By examining the participants' narratives and one participant's discursive strategies in particular, I show that the pronunciation of given names constitutes a significant linguistic resource intentionally mobilized and managed to negotiate social positionings. Moreover, this research highlights that conferring Hispanic given names in the U.S. constitutes a sociocultural strategy that extends beyond an indexical ethnocultural naming practice across generations. This practice is found to be a means of fostering and maintaining intergenerational relationships. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]