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This paper analyses 'human trafficking' with a focus on the unique vulnerabilities and experiences of Cameroonians who migrated to the Gulf Cooperation Council states to work, including those coerced into domestic roles. It critically examines 'human trafficking' as a migration category and scrutinises-related binaries. Ethnographic findings informed by the concept of 'infrastructural violence' indicate that exploitation is embedded in gendered macro-structures and institutions regulating labour migration, intersecting with micro-level interactions that either reinforce or mitigate the structural/institutional impacts. Furthermore, there are discrepancies between policy-induced migrant categories and migrants' navigation of multiple categories, undermining categorical rigidity. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Domestic workers used to be treated virtually as members of the family in South Asian contexts, with much evidence of various forms of exploitation. Presently, the increasing prevalence of formal patron–client dynamics among part-time domestic labourers in urban India takes specific hybrid forms that require further research. The article examines to what extent efforts to establish purely commercial arrangements in the domestic service sector may avoid traditional forms of exploitation. Or do more formal professional relationships still tend to benefit employers more, allowing them to assign additional tasks without offering corresponding extra benefits? The findings identify that establishing and maintaining purely professional relationships remains challenging in India due to deep-rooted ethical and cultural considerations and adaptability issues. Employers often unwittingly perpetuate traditional personalised domestic work settings. The article shows how both sides in this complex relationship struggle to identify and practice new modalities of fair interaction. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Background: Due to urbanization and changes in family structure, the need for domestic workers has surged in many developing countries, including Rwanda. While being employed as a domestic worker presents financial benefits to many of them and their dependents, it also comes with risks and difficulties that might harm the domestic worker's mental health. Aim: This study aimed to determine the prevalence and factors associated with suicidal behaviors (i.e., suicidal ideations, plans, and attempt(s)) among domestic workers in Rwanda. Method: In this cross-sectional study, data was captured from 884 domestic workers in Kigali, Rwanda. Suicidal ideation was measured using questions from the General Health Questionnaire (GHQ-28), while suicide attempts and plans were measured using questions adopted from previous studies in the region. The methods used/plan to attempt suicide were also captured from individuals with a recent history of suicide plan/attempt(s). Three separate regression models were employed to ascertain the factors associated with suicidal behaviors. Results: The prevalence of past-year suicidal behaviors was 32.5% for suicidal ideations, 9.5% for suicide plans, and 7.8% for suicidal attempts. Being female and having a chronic medical illness were linked to a higher risk of participating in any form of suicidal behavior. Suicidal ideations were less likely to occur among those who attained secondary education. However, more years of working as a domestic worker were associated with an increased likelihood of suicidal ideations. Having more than five dependents at work increased the likelihood of experiencing suicidal plans or attempts among domestic workers. For those who attempted suicide, overdosing with medications/drugs was the most common method of attempting. Conclusion: Domestic workers have prevalent suicide behaviors, especially among females and those with a chronic medical illness, more years of work experience, and those with many household members at work. Based on the present study, for domestic workers at risk, there is a critical need for focused mental health interventions and support networks in various sectors of the domestic labor force. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article takes the study of informal work and resistance to oppression in a new direction. The literature assumes that subaltern resistance is either collective, open, and occasional; or individual, covert, and habitual. The author argues that the reality is a complex mix of these responses, shaped by social power structures and legal frameworks. Based on ethnographic fieldwork with paid domestic workers in Brazil, Colombia, and Peru, the author demonstrates that worker resistance is principally individual and multifaceted, including overt and covert, as well as habitual and occasional strategies. In all cases, entrenched racist and patriarchal structures and behaviors as well as the making and implementing of labor law shape social understandings of the nature of remunerated domestic labor and choices of resistance strategies. In this context, collective rights claiming remains challenging. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Abstract Background Due to urbanization and changes in family structure, the need for domestic workers has surged in many developing countries, including Rwanda. While being employed as a domestic worker presents financial benefits to many of them and their dependents, it also comes with risks and difficulties that might harm the domestic worker's mental health. Aim This study aimed to determine the prevalence and factors associated with suicidal behaviors (i.e., suicidal ideations, plans, and attempt(s)) among domestic workers in Rwanda. Method In this cross-sectional study, data was captured from 884 domestic workers in Kigali, Rwanda. Suicidal ideation was measured using questions from the General Health Questionnaire (GHQ-28), while suicide attempts and plans were measured using questions adopted from previous studies in the region. The methods used/plan to attempt suicide were also captured from individuals with a recent history of suicide plan/attempt(s). Three separate regression models were employed to ascertain the factors associated with suicidal behaviors. Results The prevalence of past-year suicidal behaviors was 32.5% for suicidal ideations, 9.5% for suicide plans, and 7.8% for suicidal attempts. Being female and having a chronic medical illness were linked to a higher risk of participating in any form of suicidal behavior. Suicidal ideations were less likely to occur among those who attained secondary education. However, more years of working as a domestic worker were associated with an increased likelihood of suicidal ideations. Having more than five dependents at work increased the likelihood of experiencing suicidal plans or attempts among domestic workers. For those who attempted suicide, overdosing with medications/drugs was the most common method of attempting. Conclusion Domestic workers have prevalent suicide behaviors, especially among females and those with a chronic medical illness, more years of work experience, and those with many household members at work. Based on the present study, for domestic workers at risk, there is a critical need for focused mental health interventions and support networks in various sectors of the domestic labor force.

This article presents the main acts of international law and the jurisprudence of European courts that aim to ensure decent working conditions for domestic workers. The author analyzes the legal status of this group of workers in Poland from the times before the Second World War until now. The publication argues that Polish legislation should be complemented by specific provisions concerning domestic workers. The introduction of such measures to the Polish legal system is necessary to align national law with the ILO legal acts. Moreover, the author proposes that state financial incentives for natural persons employing domestic workers should be available in certain cases to encourage the legalization of this type of work.

Since Malaysian authorities developed the Maid Online System (MOS) to recruit foreign domestic workers remotely, including Indonesian workers, the government of Indonesia has enacted a moratorium policy. The system allows Malaysian employers to have low-cost overseas workers. Nevertheless, it offends the bilateral agreement signed in the Memoranda of Understanding between Indonesia and Malaysia. Within the system, the sending countries like Indonesia cannot appropriately protect the workers who utilize MOS independently. In contrast, the host countries dominate the process from pre-departure to arrival. Without proper protection from the country of origin, the workers are more likely to become victims of human trafficking and slavery. This study investigates the positive support of online Indonesian public opinion for Indonesia's moratorium policy concerning Malaysia's Maid Online System (MOS) to recruit foreign domestic workers, including Indonesians. The paper focuses on secondary data from YouTube, Instagram, and online news. The data analysis of this paper utilizes netnography to elaborate on domestic politics in which public opinion (comments on YouTube, Instagram, and online news) strongly supports Indonesia's moratorium policy. Considering Putnam's two-level game theory, this article argues that netizens support Indonesia's moratorium policy because of cost and benefits considerations, rivalry among states, and meritocratic authorities. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article explores connections between domestic worker activism and anti-fascism in the United States—two topics that historians have usually considered separately. Through the lens of Black domestic worker and organizer Rosa Rayside, we see the strong links between the two political movements. In 1934, after co-founding the New York Domestic Workers Union (DWU), Rayside attended the World Congress of Women against War and Fascism in Paris. That congress defined fascism broadly, around nationalism, racism, repression of radicals, denial of civil liberties, capitalist and imperialist greed and warmongering, and threats to women. Notably, the congress specifically identified challenging U.S. racism and defending labor rights for domestic workers as part of a global anti-fascist fight. Influenced by this congress, and by communist organizing in Harlem during the Great Depression, Rayside and the DWU drew on anti-fascism ideologically and organizationally in the years that followed. Rayside worked to include domestic workers in labor and social security legislation, testifying before U.S. Congress in 1935 and helping to form the anti-fascist National Negro Congress (NNC) in 1936. Although their immediate legislative achievements were limited, the strategies that Rayside and the DWU pioneered—collaborating with community and political organizations, spearheading legislation, and shaping understandings of Black women's "triple oppression" based on race, class, and gender—were vital to the Black anti-fascist movement in the United States and shaped gains by domestic workers in later decades. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

While digital platforms that connect domestic workers with employers have proliferated over the past two decades, academic research on this phenomenon remains limited. These platforms have the potential to improve working conditions in the sector, however, they often seem to perpetuate the job insecurity that has historically characterized domestic work. This article explores whether the working conditions of domestic workers on digital platforms differ significantly from traditional ones. Based on 24 interviews with workers in Mexico, it examines four key aspects of their conditions: (i) hours and schedule flexibility; (ii) workload; (iii) income and benefits; and (iv) discrimination, violence, and harassment. The findings reveal incremental improvements in the conditions of digital workers but no significant break from the historical precariousness. The article is intended to enrich the emerging literature on platforms dedicated to domestic work, especially in the context of the global south and Latin America, where they have received little attention so far. It focuses on the in-person employment relationship between workers and their employers, which has been little explored in previous research. The study contributes to a more comprehensive understanding of labor dynamics in this emerging work modality and highlights the need for labor regulations that include domestic workers connected through digital platforms. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

In the last few years, the proliferation of digital labour platforms has led to the transformation of business models and labour relations in an increasing number of economic activities, including highly feminized and informal traditional sectors, such as care and domestic work. Drawing on an analysis of 37 digital care platforms in Spain, this research compares the distinctive features and structural power dynamics they engender, and it constructs a taxonomy of business models of these care platforms. By analysing the main features of their operational models, we are capable of distinguishing three main types of platforms: marketplace, on‐demand, and digital placement agencies. First, the paper argues that the distinctive features of each digital platform business model have differentiated impacts on working conditions in terms of access to tasks, remuneration, flexibility and means of control. This differentiation allows us to understand what is transformative and what is continuous in platforms' precarization or formalisation of care work and working conditions of carers, mainly women and migrants. Each business model has its differentiated outcomes in terms of labour control and reorganization of women's and migrants' reproductive work. Second, more broadly, while digital care platforms may have contributed to facilitating workers' access to jobs, reducing transaction costs and standardising processes, this has often been through the creation of more flexible and insecure forms of work and to increased market pressures. Therefore, this study contributes to existing research addressing the degree of formalization of labour relations in digital platform work through a nuanced analysis of their business models. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article explores the lives and labour dynamics of domestic workers in Delhi, focusing on their work in planned colonies and residence in jhuggi jhopri (JJ) clusters, or squatter settlements. Through narratives and in-depth interviews, it explores the complex interplay between these women's employment and the broader urban landscape. The study investigates the intergenerational journey of domestic workers, tracing their migration from rural areas to urban centres in search of better opportunities. Further, it unpacks the realities of exclusion faced by domestic workers, residing in JJ clusters, which often lack legally secured tenure rights and access to basic amenities. The article examines the systematic flow of labour from JJ clusters to nearby planned colonies, where domestic workers play a crucial role in the functioning of households. Despite contributing significantly to the urban workforce, domestic workers remain in the shadows of planned development, enduring informality and inadequate legal protections. Through an interdisciplinary approach, this research highlights the socio-spatial dynamics that confine domestic workers to their settlements and restrict their mobility options. By understanding the intricate relationships between gendered work and urbanisation, this study aims to contribute to the creation of more inclusive and equitable urban spaces, shelter and employment in Delhi and beyond. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Introduction: Adolescents' attachment security toward parental figures has been assessed in multiple cultures and languages. In some cultural contexts, the presence of a secondary parental figure is ubiquitous, though its effect on children's and adolescents' well‐being has been understudied. The present study aimed to validate a culture‐specific Arabic instrument of attachment security, in an adolescent sample of Qatar. Since foreign domestic workers (Khadama) play a key role as secondary caring figures in Middle Eastern countries, the new instrument included parents (i.e., mother and father) and domestic workers as providers of attachment security. Methods: A sample of 387 adolescents (ages 12–17 years; 48.3% females) participated in the study in the 2020–2021 school term. While 286 students completed the version in modern Arabic, 101 counterparts attending international schools filled in the English version for comparison purposes. Results: Confirmatory Factor Analysis for all three forms (i.e., mother, father, and domestic worker) showed the one‐dimension of the Arabic tool. Optimal Tucker's Phi coefficient indicated a comparable one‐factor structure of attachment security across linguistic versions. Moderate correlations (positive and negative, respectively) of attachment security towards father and mother (but not towards domestic workers) with family cohesion and family conflict dimensions of the Family Environment Scale provided evidence for the concurrent validity. Discussion: Gender differences in the links between adolescents' attachment security and family conflict were observed; culturally relevant relationship family patterns are stressed. The practical implications of the Arabic Inventory of Parent and Domestic Worker Attachment (A‐IPDWA) validation are discussed. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Increasing numbers of rural girls and young women in Ethiopia are migrating to urban towns and cities and taking up employment as domestic workers, some of whom continue their education by attending evening classes. For urban households, rural migrants help to fill the domestic work gaps created by the entry of urban women into employment. For rural young women, migrating as a domestic worker is an important strategy for achieving social mobility and empowerment. However, domestic workers are vulnerable and largely hidden in the city and we know little about their lived experiences. In this paper, we start to address this gap, drawing on interviews with eight rural female migrants who are working as domestic workers in the city and attending evening classes in urban secondary schools. Informed by a critical framing of empowerment, we explore the extent to which intersecting inequalities in rural areas disempower these young women, and how migration and education become important strategies for improving their lives. We show how the support of social network members is crucial in enabling participants' migration, yet how this also leads to power asymmetries and exploitation. We reflect on how the ability of rural young women to achieve better futures is limited due to their status as poor, rural, female migrants, yet how many wait in the city in the hope of a better future. Our analysis demonstrates the importance of critical approaches to female empowerment that includes a focus on structural inequalities and power imbalances. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The globalization of work raises important questions related to the employment of workers across geographies and how the complementarity or substitution of workers across country borders influences firm profitability. In particular, tension often exists regarding the substitution or complementarity of workers located outside the U.S. or within the U.S. for American firms. We investigate this question in the context of information technology (IT) professionals and assess how domestic and foreign IT professionals contribute to firm profit by utilizing a rare firm-level dataset with information on the locational composition of IT professionals within and outside the U.S. Exploiting a labor market supply-side exogenous shock induced by the American Competitiveness in the Twenty-First Century Act (AC21), which increased the availability of H-1B visas in the U.S. in 2001, we find that foreign IT professionals located offshore and American IT professionals located onshore complement each other in generating profits. Our model and empirical findings are important both for informing firm choices and for shaping and creating public policies that so far appear to have been informed more by emotion than by data and science. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

In March of 2020, the World Health Organization (WHO) declared a global pandemic, provoking uncertainty around the world. In particular, the pandemic produced instability in domestic workers’ employment in Mexico. During the surge of COVID-19, such instability revealed the marginal importance that Mexican society has placed on the lives of domestic workers, especially on their health, independence, and labor rights. This uncaring attitude and impassivity triggered a spiral of instability where the domestic worker’s emotional and socioeconomic state fluctuates in the face of historical events. Through literature and film, the domestic worker’s spiral of instability phenomenon is confirmed in the unfavorable situations that occurred in The Corpus Christi Massacre in 1971, evidenced in Alfonso Cuaron’s Roma (2018), returning the domestic worker to everyday life, revealed in Elena Poniatowska’s “Esperanza número equivocado” (1979) and Andres Clariond Rangel’s Hilda (2014) and, again, placing the domestic worker in a state of instability during the COVID-19 pandemic in 2020 explained through press report interviews. I will compare the aforementioned works to the domestic workers’ situation in Mexico during the COVID-19 pandemic to identify the oppressive conditions described in literature and film and to highlight the urban numbness that has lessened solidarity.

Recently, a renewed history of foreign immigration in Italy, focusing on the very first migration flows after the Second World War, has offered a more appropriate periodisation of the phenomenon. Women have been at the forefront of these flows, which were initially determined by the new postcolonial setting of the former Italian colonies (Eritrea, Somalia and Ethiopia). Subsequently, the immigrants came from various other countries (Spain, Cape Verde, Portugal, El Salvador, Peru, Philippines, Sri Lanka, Ceylon, India, Bangladesh, Pakistan). At the same time, the majority of them were employed in a specific sector of the labour market: domestic work. This article focuses on female immigrants who were employed as domestic workers, their presence in public discourse in Italy in the 1960s and 1970s, and government policies in this area. Drawing on statistical data and surveys, press and audiovisual materials, and feminist theory and practices, it aims to analyse the construction of paradigms – visibility, invisibility, subalternity, rights and racialisation – associated with female immigration and domestic work as a specific sector of employment. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The new Domestic Workers Dataset is the largest single set of surveys (n = 11,759) of domestic workers to date. Our analysis of this dataset reveals features about the lives and work of this "hard-to-find" population in India—a country estimated to have the largest number of people living in forms of contemporary slavery (11 million). The data allow us to identify child labour, indicators of forced labour, and patterns of exploitation—including labour paid below the minimum wage—using bivariate analysis, factor analysis, and spatial analysis. The dataset also helps to advance our understanding of how to measure labour exploitation and modern slavery by showing the value of "found data" and participatory and citizen science approaches. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Throughout the twenty‐first century the Philippines has sent more people abroad to work than almost any other country. Among them have been millions of women hired in New York, Los Angeles, London, Dubai, Hong Kong, Singapore, and other locales as domestic workers. Building on organizing experience and political knowledge they acquired as activists while still in the Philippines, overseas Filipina domestic workers have organized for better working conditions and fairer immigration policies in countries around the world. Among those are Waling Waling, a UK movement named after a Philippine orchid that grows in the dark. Some of the women of Waling Waling have been active since the 1980s. They are now seeking to organize a movement together with other Filipina domestic worker groups in countries around the world. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

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Objective: This study examines the relationship between domestic outsourcing, housework evaluations, and marital conflict, while also comparing the effects of parents' informal help and paid domestic workers' formal help on marital relations. Background: Whereas the role‐strain perspective asserts that shifting the housework burden to a third party can reduce marital conflict arising from housework division, the conflict perspective contends otherwise, especially when an additional family member is involved. Methods: We analyzed household survey data with a representative sample of full‐time dual‐earning married couples in Hong Kong (N = 1,197). We used bivariate analysis and linear regression models to evaluate the relationship between domestic outsourcing, housework evaluations, and marital conflict. Results: Results showed that getting help had significant indirect effects on marital conflict through housework evaluations. However, the two types of help were also positively associated with marital conflicts. The two types of help had simultaneously positive direct effects and negative indirect effects on marital conflicts, canceling out the effect of each other. Implications: Our study illuminates the positive effect of outsourcing through housework evaluation. However, the benefit of domestic outsourcing cannot be realized if the conflicts induced by domestic outsourcing are not resolved. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

India is facing a period of seismic backlash against feminist and progressive politics and the pace of change, particularly over the last ten years, has been breakneck with serious consequences for women's equality and human rights. Drawing on an examination of the reversals and pushbacks against women's rights in three areas - the citizenship rights of Muslim women, the rights of domestic workers, and the impacts of restrictions on foreign funding on women's rights organising - this article seeks to contribute not just to an understanding of the nature of the backlash faced by women's rights in India, but also to the wider debates on backlash from global South feminist perspectives. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of Revista Electrónica de Psicología Iztacala is the property of Facultad de Estudios Superiores Iztacala and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

The article focuses on analyzing the impact of the COVID-19 pandemic on domestic workers in Brazil, and it highlights the issues such as loss of employment, occupational health and safety risks, and violations of labor and human rights. It reports that the pandemic exacerbated existing social inequalities and legal exclusions, leading to widespread vulnerabilities among domestic workers, and it emphasizes the need to address the deficit of decent work to prevent similar crises in the future.

While digital platforms that connect domestic workers with employers have proliferated over the past two decades, academic research on this phenomenon remains limited. These platforms have the potential to improve working conditions in the sector, however, they often seem to perpetuate the job insecurity that has historically characterized domestic work. This article explores whether the working conditions of domestic workers on digital platforms differ significantly from traditional ones. Based on 24 interviews with workers in Mexico, it examines four key aspects of their conditions: (i) hours and schedule flexibility; (ii) workload; (iii) income and benefits; and (iv) discrimination, violence, and harassment. The findings reveal incremental improvements in the conditions of digital workers but no significant break from the historical precariousness. The article is intended to enrich the emerging literature on platforms dedicated to domestic work, especially in the context of the global south and Latin America, where they have received little attention so far. It focuses on the in-person employment relationship between workers and their employers, which has been little explored in previous research. The study contributes to a more comprehensive understanding of labor dynamics in this emerging work modality and highlights the need for labor regulations that include domestic workers connected through digital platforms

Abstract Background The growth of labour migration and associated risks of human trafficking and exploitation remain significant global human rights and health challenges. There is increasing policy interest in addressing structural determinants of adverse migration outcomes such as migrants’ use of informal employment recruiters. In Ethiopia, “safe migration” policies have introduced regulations for registered private employment agencies and penalties for anyone else placing migrants into work overseas. Yet migrants continue to use informal facilitators who are often demonised as traffickers without evidence of their motivations, experiences or perceptions. We conducted qualitative interviews with 28 informal facilitators as part of a study into how recruitment practices shape risks for female migrants seeking domestic work in the Middle East and Gulf States. We present the realities of irregular recruitment on the ground, and how these practices are affected by policies that dichotomise recruiters into legal/safe and illegal/unsafe categories. Results We identified four main themes. First, arranging migration from rural areas differs from in the capital, Addis Ababa, where laws and regulations originate. Outside Addis Ababa, registration was difficult for facilitators to arrange, with little incentive to do so due to its lack of importance to prospective migrants. Second, the ability to circumvent legal requirements was considered an advantage of informal facilitators because it reduced costs and expedited migrants’ departure. Third, facilitators did not work alone but operated in long “chains” of diverse actors. This meant migrants’ safety was not determined by any given individual, but spread across numerous people involved in sending a migrant abroad, some of whom might be registered and others not. And finally, facilitators did not believe they could realistically safeguard migrants once they were outside of Ethiopia and working under different laws and employers. Conclusions Findings from this study add to a growing body of work demonstrating the diversity of people involved in the migration process, and consequent oversimplification of popular policy solutions. A more effective approach might be to constructively engage informal facilitators and identify ways they could assist with referring migrant workers to registered agencies and safe employment, rather than criminalising their participation.

Purpose: This pilot study of a culturally adapted online mental health literacy (MHL) program called 'Tara, Usap Tayo!' (C'mon, Let's Talk) aims to assess the acceptability, appropriateness, feasibility, and potential effectiveness in improving the help-seeking behavior of Filipino migrant domestic workers in the United Kingdom (UK). Methods: Using mixed methods, we conducted a non-randomized single-group study of the online MHL program with 21 participants. The development of this intervention was guided by the Medical Research Council Framework for developing complex interventions and utilized Heim & Kohrt's (2019) framework for cultural adaptation. Content materials from the WHO Mental Health Gap Action Program (mhGAP), WHO Problem Management Plus (PM +) and Adult Improving Access to Psychological Therapies (IAPT) were modified and translated into the Filipino language. The MHL program was delivered online in three sessions for two hours each session. Data were collected at three time points: (T1) pretest; (T2) posttest; and (3) follow-up test. Quantitative data on participants' attitudes towards help-seeking and level of mental health literacy as outcome measures of potential intervention effectiveness were collected at T1, T2 and T3, while focus group discussions (FGDs) to assess participants' feedback on the acceptability, feasibility, and appropriateness of the online MHL program were conducted immediately at T2. Data analysis was done using a thematic approach for qualitative data from the FGDs and descriptive statistics and repeated-measures ANOVA were used to assess the difference in the T1, T2, and T3 tests. Both quantitative and qualitative results were then integrated and triangulated to answer the research questions. Results: The online MHL program is generally acceptable, appropriate, and feasible for use among Filipino migrant domestic workers. Preliminary findings lend support for its possible effectiveness in improving mental health literacy and help-seeking propensity. The cultural adaptation made in the content, form, and delivery methods of the intervention was acceptable and feasible for this target subcultural group. Conclusion: By improving their mental health literacy and help-seeking propensity, this online MHL program has the potential to provide support to the mental health and well-being of Filipino migrant domestic workers in the UK. Further feasibility study or large-scale randomized controlled trial is needed to confirm the preliminary findings of this study. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Domestic workers were one of the most negatively affected groups by COVID‐19 in Latin America, yet they have also been resisting and mobilizing in impressive and innovative ways. This article shows that domestic workers' organizations were able to adapt to an extremely adverse context in order to protect their members and defend their rights. Furthermore, their mobilizations provide an alternative vision of society grounded on love and solidarity and offer concrete ways forward to "build back better." Indeed, their core campaign, "Care for those who care for you", demands the recognition of care work as real work and fair treatment for those who provide this care. Based on an analysis of this campaign, I have identified 3 repertoires of care‐resistance: the promotion of self‐care and well‐being, concrete practices of solidarity through the distribution of humanitarian aid, and legal mobilizations for the recognition of care as a fundamental right. I argue that these forms of action contribute to feminist ethics and theories of care and that putting forward the right to care and be cared for in times of crisis is an act of resistance. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of Environmental & Social Management Journal / Revista de Gestão Social e Ambiental is the property of Environmental & Social Management Journal and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Background: The growth of labour migration and associated risks of human trafficking and exploitation remain significant global human rights and health challenges. There is increasing policy interest in addressing structural determinants of adverse migration outcomes such as migrants' use of informal employment recruiters. In Ethiopia, "safe migration" policies have introduced regulations for registered private employment agencies and penalties for anyone else placing migrants into work overseas. Yet migrants continue to use informal facilitators who are often demonised as traffickers without evidence of their motivations, experiences or perceptions. We conducted qualitative interviews with 28 informal facilitators as part of a study into how recruitment practices shape risks for female migrants seeking domestic work in the Middle East and Gulf States. We present the realities of irregular recruitment on the ground, and how these practices are affected by policies that dichotomise recruiters into legal/safe and illegal/unsafe categories. Results: We identified four main themes. First, arranging migration from rural areas differs from in the capital, Addis Ababa, where laws and regulations originate. Outside Addis Ababa, registration was difficult for facilitators to arrange, with little incentive to do so due to its lack of importance to prospective migrants. Second, the ability to circumvent legal requirements was considered an advantage of informal facilitators because it reduced costs and expedited migrants' departure. Third, facilitators did not work alone but operated in long "chains" of diverse actors. This meant migrants' safety was not determined by any given individual, but spread across numerous people involved in sending a migrant abroad, some of whom might be registered and others not. And finally, facilitators did not believe they could realistically safeguard migrants once they were outside of Ethiopia and working under different laws and employers. Conclusions: Findings from this study add to a growing body of work demonstrating the diversity of people involved in the migration process, and consequent oversimplification of popular policy solutions. A more effective approach might be to constructively engage informal facilitators and identify ways they could assist with referring migrant workers to registered agencies and safe employment, rather than criminalising their participation. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

In 2013, Argentina promulgated Law 26844, transforming household workers' juridical status from "servants," with almost nonexistent labor rights, to "workers," with rights virtually equal to all other workers under the law. This article examines how household workers in Buenos Aires who share amicable or kin‐like relationships with their employers and the people they care for experience the transition from a discriminatory normative order of patronage and servanthood into an egalitarian normative order of full labor rights. The article shows, first, that rather than adopting a purely contractual rationality of labor rights and obligations, workers instead often make claims to labor rights in the registers of reciprocal obligation extant in their relationships with their employers and the people they care for. Second, the article shows that, as a type of social capital, the intimate capital that workers accrue in their relationships with their employers and the people they care for, in the form of relational ties with them, sometimes enables workers to access labor rights. Thus, the article demonstrates how household workers claim and access their legal equality against the backdrop of enduring intersectional inequalities between them and their employers in a context of widespread violation of household workers' labor rights. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Migrant workers have higher rates of mental health problems than non-migrant workers, with Ethiopian migrant workers in the United Arab Emirates appearing to be overrepresented in the psychiatric inpatient population compared with their numbers in the general population. We sought to investigate the pattern of psychiatric inpatient admissions in Ethiopian migrant workers over a 10-year period (2011–2020) in order to highlight demographic and clinical characteristics, and to investigate factors predicting the length of hospital stay. We reported the mean and frequency of demographic and clinical data of Ethiopian psychiatric inpatients at one of the largest governmental hospitals in eastern Abu Dhabi between 2011 and 2020, and investigated factors predicting length of stay in hospital using linear regression. Our results show that Ethiopian expatriates made up 7.9% of all admissions over a 10-year period, had a mean length of hospital stay of almost 20 days, with 98.1% of them being female, 92.8% being domestic workers, 90.1% having a language barrier, 57.4% being single and 55.5.% having one or more recent stressors prior to admission. The most common diagnoses were acute stress reaction (31.6%), psychosis (29.3%), bipolar disorder (14.8%) and adjustment disorder (11.0%). Work-related stress, termination of employment and several clinical factors significantly predicted length of stay in hospital. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Presently, over 700,000 Californian workers — primarily immigrant women and women of color — provide homecare for nearly three million older adults and people with disabilities. Researchers examined homecare in California by surveying 500 workers and 103 consumers, conducting in-depth interviews with workers and consumers, and reviewing homecare agencies and residential facilities for the elderly.Lives & Livelihoods: California’s Private Homecare Industry in Crisis finds that the California homecare industry is facing critical issues that strain workers and consumers alike, amid growing demand that further intensified during the COVID-19 pandemic. Among other findings, the report notes how the lack of infrastructure in homecare leaves both consumers and workers struggling. Over half of consumers determined employment terms on their own or turned to their friends and family for guidance. Only 22% of workers reported ever taking paid sick leave. Nearly two-thirds of homecare workers did not earn enough to cover their daily expenses and 74% reported they did not have any type of personal retirement savings.Many families need financial support through public investment in order to pay their homecare workers a living wage. Three quarters of consumers stated they would like to pay higher wages and 85% of consumers strongly supported a universal long-term care insurance program in California.Meaningful and timely public investment in the state’s homecare workforce and infrastructure is imperative to the sustainability of the industry over the next decade and beyond. Report authors provide the following recommendations: 1) Make it easier for consumers to find care and workers to find fair employers 2) Formalize the industry and make workers rights real through education, tools, and increased enforcement efforts 3) Address the crisis of low wages, and 4) Increase public investment in long-term care to help consumers access and afford homecare and other long-term care.

Economic expansion requires jobs and safe, dignified workplaces. India’s growth story has remained incomplete due to a lack of required employment growth. The new law consolidates 44 primary labour laws into four main labour codes: pay, industrial relations, occupational safety, working conditions and social security. It was a conniving move on the part of the government to completely overhaul our labour laws. Given that we typically lack mean labourers by a significant margin, the question that remains is whether or not this can attract investors. There are several challenges that must be overcome before the economy can reach $5 trillion in 2025.

This article explores domestic workers’ experiences of ‘lockdown work’, which refers to working conditions during the level 5 to level 3 lockdown period in South Africa during the Covid-19 pandemic. Drawing on in-depth interviews with female black African South African and African migrant domestic workers from Zimbabwe and Malawi, the article provides crucial insights into how the pandemic altered existing working conditions and employment relationships. We use the sociological concept ‘boundary work’ to illustrate the relational dynamic and consequence of social and physical distancing during the pandemic. We argue that social and physical distancing deepened the public-private divide in employers’ private households and domestic workers’ intimate workplaces. The findings show that domestic workers experienced limited or no control over decisions regarding Covid-19-related protocols in their workplace, intensified workloads without additional remuneration, and felt voiceless regarding working conditions because they feared losing their jobs. The experience of lockdown work highlighted domestic workers’ vulnerability because of the asymmetrical and intimate nature of domestic work under new management imperatives that positioned most domestic workers as a high-risk group or perceived carriers of Covid-19. We conclude that the experience of personalism/maternalism and distant hierarchy as forms of boundary work undermined domestic workers’ sense of dignity and employment rights.

After decades of deliberate exclusion from labour laws and social protection in South Africa, domestic workers have slowly been able to taste the fruits of years of laborious fights for recognition, inclusion, and dignity. On 19 November 2020, the Constitutional Court ordered the inclusion of domestic workers in the Compensation for Occupational Injuries and Diseases Act (COIDA). This marked another victory for domestic workers. Textual inclusion is a relatively easier feat compared to the real challenge of implementation to give effect to such inclusion. The monitoring of implementation and progress of domestic workers who have benefitted from this inclusion has been relatively underexplored. This study explores the progress made in the development of social protection following the recent inclusion of domestic workers in COIDA, together with the implementation of this law. The article uses desktop research to investigate barriers to the development and implementation of social protection in the domestic work sector. The article highlights the importance of multi-stakeholder collaboration, clear policies from the Department of Labour, and the provision of constructive support for employers in the domestic work sector to facilitate compliance with COIDA.

Domestic workers in South Africa continue to tread the blurry line between formal and informal work. Despite attempts to regulate remuneration and organise workers, around 863,000 domestic workers earn their livelihoods within homes across the country. Comprised predominantly of black, semi-skilled women, authors have argued that this often-invisible workforce is vulnerable to exploitation, violence, and an insurmountable workload. Literature, however, hardly acknowledges that many domestic workers can be credited with harmoniously running the home, fulfilling elements of the role of the employer, and ensuring the employer’s children are cared for and supervised. Muslim female employers in particular teach and entrust their domestic workers to clean their home in line with Islamic principles and, more importantly, ensure their children are cared for and guided towards an Islamic path when left under the supervision of the domestic worker. The role of the mother in the home is emphasised in Islam, and thus, her helper must be an extension of that role, be it dusting with a ‘paak’ (clean) cloth or ‘deening’ (practicing tenets of an Islamic lifestyle). Building on previous qualitative research, this paper argues that domestic workers in South African Muslim homes must not only be ‘good’ cleaners – they must also understand, absorb, and display elements of Islam, both as cleaners and carers, in order to successfully fulfil their role as a trusted part of the Muslim home in South Africa. This paper also explores gendered bonds shared between employers and domestic workers, as mothers and wives, and how religion and remuneration influence this dynamic.

Despite the large body of scholarly research that has addressed the various challenges encountered by female domestic workers, there exists a notable gap in understanding the experiences of male domestic workers in South Africa. The present study seeks to bridge this gap by exploring the experiences of ten black African migrant male domestic workers in Johannesburg. Drawing upon Katz’s framework of disaggregated agency, encompassing resilience, reworking, and resistance strategies, the study demonstrates that in the absence of collective resistance through unionisation, male domestic workers employ resilience and reworking strategies to improve their material well-being. Decision-making processes regarding migration to South Africa, engaging in job-hopping, and engaging in multiple piece jobs are examples of the resilience and reworking strategies used by male domestic workers to improve their living conditions. This study shows that paid domestic work in South Africa, whether performed by men or women, is not without challenges, but that male domestic workers exhibit agency by utilising various strategies to navigate and mitigate some of these challenges.

Digital platform technologies have brought about a new labour form in the occupation of domestic work, in which domestic cleaning work is now being managed and organised virtually through an online platform, or ‘app’, operated by private technology companies and provided to householders on a convenient and on-demand basis. This paper analyses the emerging impact of this new form of ‘platform domestic work’ in South Africa’s domestic sector using an interpretivist case study done in Cape Town on ten platform domestic workers and their platform companies. Using evidence obtained through in-depth interviews and analysis of published company discourse material, this paper argues that far from formalising and modernising domestic work through the twin forces of commercialisation and digital platform technology, the phenomenon of platform domestic work is deepening informalisation in paid domestic work as a form of insecure ‘gig work’, and also through the widespread practice of platform leakage by domestic workers on the platform.

Myrtle Witbooi, a pioneering leader of the domestic worker movement, died on January 16 in Cape Town at age 75. Under South Africa’s apartheid rule, she began to organise women in the garage of her employer and went on to become president of the first global union led by women. For 52 years she advocated for the rights of domestic workers, upholding her presidency in both South Africa’s national union of domestic workers and the International Domestic Workers Federation, throughout her struggle with a rare form of bone cancer. Ms. Witbooi’s experience as a domestic worker under apartheid guided her life on the front lines of both a national and global movement to recognise and protect women once considered ‘servants’ without rights. She fought for domestic workers’ first legal protections in South Africa’s democracy, which set basic conditions of employment and allowed over 100,000 women to receive maternity and unemployment insurance over the past twenty years.

Prof. David du Toit of the University of Johannesburg talks to Prof. Jacklyn Cock, author of Maids and Madams.

In this study I return to an announcement of a new club that appeared in The Times in 1902. It remained in my mind over many years because of the description of a black cook who was expected to take a post in the Columbia Club's kitchen. Though brief, this reference to a black Southern woman working in a London kitchen raised several questions, many of which I was unable to answer. Focusing on this announcement, I return to this nameless domestic worker within a strand of my current book project that explores how people lived together in the multi-ethnic cities and towns in the Victorian fin de siècle. Using reports and advertisements in newspapers, I explore the labour undertaken by black working-class men and women within the hierarchies of domestic labour, specifically the spaces of London's kitchens, and how we can reconstruct or imagine the experiences of those who (may have) cooked in them. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

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Labour exploitation has long been considered from two opposing perspectives, either as an omnipresent feature in the employment market or as an extreme occurrence in labour relationships. Recent studies, however, claim that exploitation can be better understood as a continuum of heterogeneous practices. Our paper contributes to this debate by focusing on the case of migrant workers in Spain. The main objective is to access and bring to the surface the 'hidden voices' of migrant workers employed in four sectors: agriculture, construction, domestic service and hospitality. Using in-depth interviews and focus groups has allowed us to go beyond the dominant narratives on the phenomenon by embracing the privileged perspective of migrant workers on labour exploitation. This paper shows that labour exploitation cannot be fully understood without considering the relation that exists between two factors: the first operates at the structural level and relates to the extent to which discrimination, harm and exploitation of specific groups are intrinsic in the legitimate legal-economic system; whilst, the second factor revolves around migrant workers' wilful agentive capacity for being recruited into exploitative situations and simultaneously their capacity for coping with exploitative practices and for working towards solutions aimed at improving their quality of life. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Worker scarcity in US agricultural field jobs has occurred often, particularly before COVID‐19. Because US domestic workers typically forgo field jobs, their participation could potentially alleviate the scarcity. We implement an attribute‐based discrete choice experiment administered before and during COVID‐19 to evaluate US domestic workers' willingness to accept field jobs and valuation for non‐pecuniary benefits. Domestic workers' average pre‐pandemic reservation wage rate of $23.57 per hour was 68% larger than the 2019 national average field‐worker wage of $13.99. Non‐pecuniary benefits (insurance, housing, food allowance, and transportation) lower their reservation wage. Respondents' willingness to accept agricultural field work increased during the COVID‐19 pandemic. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Before the COVID-19 pandemic, thousands of Moroccan women crossed the border between Melilla and Morocco on a daily basis to work in domestic employment, a consolidated niche sector of cross-border employment for low-skilled working-class women. When the border closed due to COVID-19 lockdowns in 2020, many decided to remain in Melilla. Following the precepts of grounded theory and using biographical interviews, the paper investigates the survival strategies these women deployed following the border closure. An ambivalent process began: on the one hand, their labour conditions worsened, exposing them to worse situations of violence; on the other, they developed strategies of resistance and agency, assuming the role of breadwinner for their families and opting for a process of emancipation through inclusion and training opportunities in the city of Melilla.