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The aims of the present study were to investigate the macrobenthos communities in the Caspian Sea and to investigate the pollution of this ecosystem based on the pollution indices ABC (Abundance Biomass Comparison), BC (Biotic Coefficient) and ABC curve in 2018 (autumn and winter) and 2019 (spring and summer). According to the results, polychaetes, crustaceans, and bivalvia formed the major groups of macrobenthos communities with 4, 11 and 1 species, respectively. The polychaetes (mainly Streblospio gynobranchiata) included about 70% of the total abundance and the group of bivalvia (Cerastoderma glucaum) included about 76-93% of the macrobenthos in all seasons except in spring. The mean values of the Shannon index and evenness indices were calculated as (1.56) and (0.55), respectively. The annual pollution (ABC) and BC indices were obtained as -3.1 and 2.7, respectively. These values along with characteristics of ABC curve indicate severe stress caused by pollution in the Caspian Sea ecosystem. In this study, the percentage abundance of the invasive species S. gynobranchiata in macrobenthos communities was 52%, which is about 10% decrease compared to 2009 and 2010. This decreasing trend can be considered as positive evidence in the improvement process of the ecosystem in this part of the food chain. However the continuity of recovery trend needs more time, no force by new stressors, proper management, and reduced pollutions into the ecosystem.

Book review of The State and Dominant Groups in the Economy: The Approach of Institutional Political Eceonomy [published in Polish as Państwo wobec grup dominujących w gospodarce – perspektywa instytucjonalnej ekonomii politycznej] by Anna Ząbkowicz. By combining the achievements of political economics and institutional economics, Anna Ząbkowicz proposed the term ‘institutional political economics’ in the title. The book reflects on the state–economy relation, including the perspective synthetically combining these two approaches. Ząbkowicz aimed to study the dominant entities in the economy, and the state’s role in relation to them. Ząbkowicz claimed that the entities have enough power to impose their agenda on their environment, more often including the state. The state is subject to pressure from various interest groups, including big business, by building key institutions for the functioning of the economy and implementing public policies. In consequence, the modern economy results largely from a game between the state and said groups. In the perspective adopted by Ząbkowicz, what matters is the relationship between power and dependence, and the institutionalisation of the economic and political process. This approach differs significantly from the neoclassical mainstream in economics, making the reviewed book a very interesting read. The review will comprise two parts. The first one will discuss Ząbkowicz’s main ideas. The second one will evaluate the monograph by listing its merits and polemicizing with some of its theses.

By combining the achievements of political economics and institutional economics, Anna Ząbkowicz proposed the term 'institutional political economics' in the title. The book reflects on the state-economy relation, including the perspective synthetically combining these two approaches. Ząbkowicz aimed to study the dominant entities in the economy, and the state's role in relation to them. Ząbkowicz claimed that the entities have enough power to impose their agenda on their environment, more often including the state. The state is subject to pressure from various interest groups, including big business, by building key institutions for the functioning of the economy and implementing public policies. In consequence, the modern economy results largely from a game between the state and said groups. In the perspective adopted by Ząbkowicz, what matters is the relationship between power and dependence, and the institutionalisation of the economic and political process. This approach differs significantly from the neoclassical mainstream in economics, making the reviewed book a very interesting read. The review will comprise two parts. The first one will discuss Ząbkowicz's main ideas. The second one will evaluate the monograph by listing its merits and polemicizing with some of its theses. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Recent research shows that increasing diversity due to immigration can lead members of dominant ethnic groups (e.g., Whites in America) to experience prototypicality threat – the concern that their claim to best represent their national identity may be lost. Here we examine the emotional and behavioral responses to prototypicality threat in the domain of politics. Across eight years, five studies, two nations, and four electoral contexts (White Americans’ support for Trump in the 2016 U.S. Presidential Election; White Britons’ support for the 2016 Brexit Referendum; White Americans’ support for Congressional candidates in 2018 U.S. Midterm Election; and White Americans’ support for a fictitious Congressional candidate in the 2022 U.S. Midterm Election), we show that prototypicality threat explains support for nativist policies and candidates. Furthermore, when those high in prototypicality threat see their favored nativist politics as victorious, they report lower anxiety and threat after the election. By demonstrating the role of prototypicality threat in support for nativist politics specifically, this work helps us understand how people respond to broad societal issues and suggests novel strategies for addressing politics hostile to immigrants.

Copyright of Runa: Archivo para las Ciencias del Hombre is the property of Runa: Archivo para las Ciencias del Hombre and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Many scholars mentioned various dimensions and complex relations for manufacturing flexibility that implementing all of them is not possible for a manufacturing firm. On the other hand, today's dynamic environment convinces flexible organizations to create capabilities in order to take over competitors. Hence, the aim of this study is to determine dominant groups of flexibility for manufacturing firms and to prioritize them under the influence of dynamic organizational capabilities. In this research, firstly components of dynamic organizational capabilities and flexibility of manufacturing are identified by content analysis method. Then, based on that, taxonomy for Iran's manufacturing firms was determined using support vector machine algorithm. In the next step, based on experts' view using FDEMATEL method, conceptual model for relationship of manufacturing flexibility dimension as well as dynamic capabilities are provided. Conceptual model in three flexibility clusters was tested by structural equation modeling, and dominant groups were prioritized based on dynamic organizational capabilities. Results show that the best number of clusters is three. Results also show that dynamic organizational capabilities not only affect flexibility dimensions of manufacturing but also this influence is different in manufacturing firms with various industry fields. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of Environmental Science & Technology (10036504) is the property of Editorial Board of Environmental Science & Technology and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

National identity and nationalism have continued to influence economic, social, and political behavior despite their fluidity in a globalized and modernized world. Drawing on Benedict Anderson's concept of "imagined communities" and the Social Identity Theory by Henri Tajfel and John Turner, national identity as a part of social identity is dynamic and plastic. It is relatively influenced by external and internal factors of individuals, including time and space. This fluid trait makes national identity difficult to explain and measure. This study utilizes a qualitative method based on secondary sources to analyze national identity attachment variables that affect it by focusing on the individual level. This study found that education, age, gender, ethnicity, religion, and media access have contributed to an individual's national identity attachment. This study may contribute to improving the literature for understanding national identity attachment in diverse societies, analyzing its political behavior, and address the problems of racism or ethnoreligious-linguistic conflicts. By extension, it may also lead to better policymaking. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The study focuses on the Islamic ideological discursive manifestations in the second language multicultural classroom as to how they are enacted. The ESL classrooms involve the classroom participants in learning the nonnative language through the explanatory discourses as enacted by their teachers. The classroom participants in any setting prefer their own socially constructed religious values. Since, classroom is a constituent of the social growing practices; the classroom approved practices contribute a substantial part in developing and establishing social norms in terms of ideological preferences. All the universities of the Islamabad were taken as the sites of the study where the undergraduate four-year English program is offered. The study is a census enquiry where all the population (students) of the sites is taken as sample of the study for data collection. The data were collected through, closed-ended questionnaires. It was found that the ideologies of the dominant groups are prevalent in the ESL undergraduate classrooms discursive practices. Although the classrooms have religious freedom; however, Islamic ideology prevails in terms of its practice and preference. In order to get plausible academic results in the ESL multicultural classroom, the teachers need to understand, perceive and sensitize themselves to the cultural, ideological and social understanding of the students for a smooth academic process in the language classroom. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of Plural - Revista de Ciências Sociais is the property of Revista Plural and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Through this theoretical essay, we conceptualize what constitutes dominant group theory. We review existing literature on two essential aspects of dominant group theory: (1) power, privilege, and communication, and (2) co-cultural theory. Drawing from data from two recent studies, we then use the conceptual framework of co-cultural theory to generate an extension that explores the communicative strategies of majority group members. More particularly, we describe five premises, six factors of dominant group communication, nine communication orientations, and twenty-one specific dominant group strategies, all of which represent the key building blocks of dominant group theorizing. Finally, we conclude by offering strengths, limitations, and heuristic implications of this new line of theorizing. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Manufacturing flexibility is a multidimensional concept and manufacturing companies act differently in using these dimensions. The purpose of this study is to investigate taxonomy and identify dominant groups of manufacturing flexibility. Dimensions of manufacturing flexibility are extracted by content analysis of literature and expert judgements. Manufacturing flexibility was measured by using a questionnaire developed to survey managers of manufacturing companies. The sample size was set at 379. To identify dominant groups of flexibility based on dimensions of flexibility determined, Hierarchical Cluster Analysis (HCA), Imperialist Competitive Algorithms (ICAs) and Support Vector Machines (SVMs) were used by cluster validity indices. The best algorithm for clustering was SVMs with three clusters, designated as leading deliverybased flexibility, frugal flexibility and sufficient plan-based flexibility. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

A estrutura de poder não é uma abstração, ela se materializa em situações objetivas de posse de riqueza, se reproduz e se consolida graças a redes políticas, sociais e de parentesco. As redes políticas de poder são definidas neste artigo como conexões de interesses envolvendo, basicamente, empresários e cargos políticos no aparelho de Estado, no executivo, legislativo e no judiciário e, também, em outros espaços de poder buscando assegurar vantagens e privilégios para os participantes. Além da ideologia que lhe reforça a legitimidade, as redes podem utilizar artifícios tais como o nepotismo, o clientelismo e a corrupção. O estado do Paraná é apresentado como exemplo de modernidade, de racionalidade, de adesão aos valores e às práticas de um capitalismo regido pelos princípios de impessoalidade e de eficiência. Neste artigo mostraremos que isso é um mito. Para tanto, procederemos à genealogia de famílias que detêm poder e riqueza na atualidade, mas que estão associadas aos interesses dominantes há quase 300 anos. Nomes ilustres da política e da economia compõem uma surpreendente e intricada rede de relações familiares, de parentesco e de privilegiamento que assegura a estrutura do poder nas mais diversas conjunturas econômicas e políticas.The structure of power is not an abstraction; it is materialised in objective situations of possession of wealth, and is reproduced and consolidated thanks to political, social, and kinship networks. Networks of political power are defined in this article as connections of interest which basically involve businesspeople and political offices within the apparatus of the State, in the executive, the legislature, and the judiciary, as well as the other places of power seeking to secure advantages and privileges for their members. In addition to the ideology reinforcing their legitimacy, networks may use artifices like nepotism, clientelism and corruption. The state of Paraná is shown as an example of modernity and rationality, adhering to the values and practices of capitalism governed by the principles of impersonality and efficiency. This article will demonstrate that this is a myth by looking at the genealogy of the families currently holding power and wealth, but which have been associated to the dominant interests for nearly 300 years. Distinguished names in politics and the economy make up a urprising and intricate network of relations of family, kinship, and privilege that secures the structure of power in the most distinct economic and political scenarios.

We consider bidders who are simultaneously participating in private value second-price sealed bid auctions in multiple markets. While active in each market, each bidder is associated with a unique home market in which it can potentially serve as a ring center. Pairs of bidders can establish bilateral agreements to be members of bidding rings in each others' home markets. Rings can be weak or strong depending respectively on whether side payments are permitted or not. Weak multimarket rings have been shown to take the form of exclusive groups of completely connected bidders. We consider strong multimarket bidding rings and show that they assume a radically different architecture of dominant groups, stars, and interlinked stars. Since bidding rings are tacit, and therefore unobservable, we develop observable implications of multimarket rings that can detect the existence of collusion as well as its form (i.e., weak or strong). [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The christian base communities represent an important moment in the life of the Catholic Church. Such communities have become specially strong in Volta Redonda. Before the organization of the CEB the rule of the Catholic Church in Volta Redonda gave total support to the dominant groups. The arrival of D. Waldyr Calheiros in 1966 brought a significant change when the Church, from its base, started to give support to contesting civil society organized groups, stimulating the creation of CEB. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article investigates how unacknowledged power can affect the political actions of those in the dominant group, in this case white Australians. To do this we identify connections between the discourses used by white Australians involved in Reconciliation, the power and privilege of whiteness in Australia, and participants' understandings and actions towards Reconciliation. Using discourse analysis four discourses were identified from interviews and focus groups with white Australians involved in Reconciliation. These were labelled ‘indigenous project’, ‘institutional change’, ‘challenging racism’, and ‘bringing them together’. We argue that understanding the power relations that underlie the political actions of those in dominant positions is critical to ensuring the goals of anti-racism are achieved. Discourse analysis may allow us to gain a deeper understanding of the power and the potential impacts that may flow from particular positions and how power may be made more visible to the dominant group. Copyright © 2006 John Wiley & Sons, Ltd. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The phytoplankton community structure, in terms of species composition, total standing crop, and abundance of the dominant algal species, at four stations in Donghu Lake, Wuhan, China, was investigated monthly from January 1994 to December 1996. A total of 260 taxa was observed, of which Chlorophyta (106 taxa) contributed the highest portion of the total number of taxa, followed by Bacillariophyta (82 taxa) and Cyanophyta (32 taxa). The total standing crop measured by means of chlorophyllacontent, cell density, and cell biovolume, as well as the abundance of the dominant species, declined in the order of Station I to Station IV. Seasonal changes of the standing crop varied greatly among the four stations. Although the cell density at the four stations showed a single peak within a year, the peak density varied from July to November, dependent on the sampling year and the station. For chlorophyllacontent and cell biovolume, multiple peaks were observed at Stations I and II, but a single peak was found at Stations III and IV. The phytoplankton community structure indicated that the trophic status was the highest at Station I (most eutrophic), followed by Station II; Stations III and IV were the least trophic areas. The long-term changes in phytoplankton community structure further suggested that changes in phytoplankton community structure were correlated with water quality, and eutrophication of Donghu Lake had been aggravated since the 1950s. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]