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The processes that led to the collapse of the USSR continue to affect the development of the post-Soviet space. Interest in this is maintained not only in Russian but also in foreign academic science. Purpose: to analyze a practically unknown in our country monograph by Polish researcher W. Zajonczkowski on the history of national policy and nation-building in the USSR on the example of Bashkortostan, Tatarstan and Buryatia, to reveal the author's exclusive viewpoint on the role and influence of the ethnic factor in these processes. Methods: the authors apply system analysis of the problem, diachronic study of ethno-political processes throughout several historical epochs, study of political and public personalities, comprehensive use of non-contradictory provisions of the world's leading concepts of ethnicity. Results: the achievements and shortcomings of the author's research are identified, the practical relevance of his conclusions is shown, the degree of their importance for national science is determined.

The ethnic factor is important in the development of federalism. ethno-linguistic architecture and cultural-religious structure are the main elements. Switzerland and India are diff erent models of ethnic federalism. The Swiss model of federalism is cantonal-communal. Switzerland consists of 26 cantons; there is a multi-ethnic composition of the population. Switzerland escaped ethnic separatism. The state has centuries of experience in reconciling linguistic and cultural diff erences. The Indian model is postcolonial. The state is multi-ethnic. Indian federalism is highly centralized. India has a unique ethnic, linguistic and religious composition.

The article is devoted to the problem of the influence of the subethnic factor on ethnocultural and ethnopolitical processes in the Republic of Mordovia in the late 1980s – 2010s. The relevance of this topic is due to the fact that the stable development of the state largely depends on the nature of interethnic relations. Russia as a multiethnic state is a vivid example in this regard. The purpose of this study is to analyze the influence of the sub-ethnicity of the Mordovian people on the specifics of the ethnocultural and ethnopolitical situation in the Republic of Mordovia. Methodologically, the author of the article relies on the constructivist approach, in which the ethnos is interpreted, first of all, as a kind of social construct, the features of which (in our case, the binary character of the Mordovian ethnos, its division into sub-ethnoses) were formed during a long historical period. In the course of the study, the influence of the binary nature of the Mordovian ethnos, its division into Mokshans and Erzyans on the features of ethnopolitical processes in modern Mordovia was analyzed. Special attention is paid to the activities of the public organization Foundation for the Salvation of the Erzya language, whose activists deny the unity of the Mordovian ethnos and accuse the regional and federal authorities of an allegedly purposeful policy of assimilation of Erzya people. At the same time, it is concluded that the absolute majority of ethno-national organizations in Mordovia are building relations of social partnership and constructive cooperation with the regional authorities.

Indigenous peoples of Eastern Siberia have a controlled electoral culture, which affects the election results. It expresses in a high level of turnout and specific political preferences. In this regard, the degree of interconnection of the ethnic component with the two above indicators is analyzing using the correlation analysis of mathematical statistics.

The ethno-confessional dimension of the urban economics, employment, and management in the late imperial period of Russia has been obviously understudied, with there being no generalized data. The cities of Bessarabia, particularly Chișinău, have not been investigated in this aspect either. The adequate comparative assessment of the ethnic factor in various spheres of management and economics of Chișinău is based on the indices of ethnic representation and diversity used to precess the data of the 1897 census. The analysis has shown that the factor of multiethnic urban population of Chișinău clearly manifested itself in governance, economics, and employment. Ethnicity, the corresponding cultural capital, skills, communication resources, ethno-confessional ties (within the city, region, on the intercity and the interregional level), as well as the legal conditions for certain ethno-confessional groups (mainly, Jews) remained an important factor for modernizing urban governance, economics, and employment. The comparison of ethnic representation indices has shown that the three major ethnic groups – Jews, Great Russians, and Moldovans – have debeloped a kind of mutual complementarity in the distribution of employments. The Chișinău urban minorities (Little Russians, Poles, Bulgarians, Germans, and Armenians) occupied separate niches, complementing the basic sectoral distribution of the major groups. A more detailed sectoral analysishas shown a significant number of niches with primary specialization of all – major and minor – ethnic groups in the city.

The literature on ethnic minority development in China has a significant puzzle: in some studies, urban minorities perceive lower wages relative to the majority Han, while in other studies there is little to no evidence of this wage gap. There does not exist a clear theoretical expectation as to how these findings could simultaneously be true suggesting that new theory-building is necessary. We propose that the primary issue, and a potential solution to this riddle, is the failure to fully disaggregate ethnic minority groups’ labour market experiences. We thus leverage a new, large dataset solely looking at ethnic minorities in China to explore this divergence. We find outsider minorities – which includes Tibetans and Islamic-oriented groups such as the Uyghurs and Kazak – have a 20-25 percent wage penalty controlling for covariates, while minorities in aggregate do not appear to have a significant wage gap. These findings are robust across several different specifications, and have notable implications for ethnic minority development and public policies in China.

The regional machines created by the Russian governors in the mid-1990s turned out to be most effective in the ethnic republics. This phenomenon is supported by several facts, with the primary as follows: the density of the patronage networks among the rural ethnic minorities, and the economic heritage of the Soviet period and ethnical institutionalization. These factors allowed regional elites to integrate ethnic minorities into the clientelism structure to distribute symbolic and material benefits in exchange for their electoral support. However, at present, the federal authorities have considerably reduced the autonomy of the ethnic republics and deprived them of many ethnic preferences. Basing on the analysis of the electoral statistics from the Russian Presidential Election of 2018, this article researches the political consequences caused by the changed relationship between the center and the regions, as well as the changes in functioning of regional political machines in the circumstances where the governors’ institutional and resource autonomy has been reduced. The data analysis allowed for the discovery of the diversified electoral behavior of ethnic minorities in different republics. The reasons for the above diversification have been explained based on a comparative analysis of five case studies (the Republic of Bashkortostan, the Republic of Tatarstan, the Komi Republic, the Chuvash Republic, and the Republic of Sakha (Yakutia)).

We consider Tsna region territory in the late of 14th – early 17th century from the point of view frontier theory. We made a conclusion that about Tsna region of the first quarter of the 17th century, one can speak about the inner frontier, that is, as existing on the contact zone, where permanent Russian settlements interspersed in places of residence of the local autochthony population. Based on the sources analysis we identify ethnic composition of the population of Tsna region. In this study we raise the interaction problem of different ethnic groups in the border area. The study deals with the gradual formation of a local intercultural society within the inner frontier of Tsna region at the turn of the 14th – 17th centuries.

One of the determinant provisions of liberal world order that were announced at the Paris Peace Conference was the right of nations to self-determination of also known as the right to the national self-determination. Even a century after the Paris Peace Conference the problem of the right to self-determination remains relevant. Meanwhile, the implementation of the right to national determination contradicts the right of the state to maintain its territorial integrity and inviolability of its borders. Given the polyethnicity of many countries of the world, the political forces refer to an array of mechanisms (some of them can be destructive for the state) aiming at ethnical political mobilization of the minorities. The ethnic factor, therefore, becomes a factor of potential danger for the state and becomes a reason for interethnic and sometimes international clashes, acts of separatism or irredentism. Therefore, the states may single-handedly select the approaches to their ethnopolicies and ethnopolitical regimes to be applied practically and their state ethnopolitical models. The ethnopolitical regimes, as a form of already existing relations between the authority / state ethnonational communities, influence the conflict potential of the ethnonational factor and the states approach to setting ethnonational conflicts. Furthermore, specific types of the concepts of nations right to self-determination are theoretically substantiated.

As a result of an extensive fieldwork period in the Peruvian Andes, and of various research and teaching terms at different academic institutions in Perú, México, Bolivia and Nicaragua, the author develops a reflection upon specific practices within the collective of anthropologists. This paper analyzes the usage of professional strategies that respond to the anthropologist's need of linking the normative sphere of the discipline with essential elements of sociological nature, such as the ethnic factor or the central or peripheral condition of the anthropologist. The author initiates a search for explanations to this problem, starting from the conflictive framework of unsymmetrical relationships between metropolitan centers of production of theoretical knowledge and the centers where it is received, which persist unaltered to this day. This is done not only from the traditional politological perspective, but also from within the fields of epistemology and sociology of knowledge. En este artículo, el autor analiza determinadas prácticas en el colectivo de profesionales de la antropología, centrando su atención en el despliegue de estrategias que responden a la necesidad que tienen los antropólogos de articular el plano normativo de la disciplina con factores determinantes de carácter sociológico, como son el factor étnico o la condición central o periférica de los mismos. Partiendo del marco problemático de las tradicionales relaciones asimétricas mantenidas hasta nuestros días entre los centros metropolitanos de producción de conocimiento teórico y los centros receptores del mismo, el autor propone la búsqueda de explicaciones a dicha problemática, no sólo en el ámbito de la reflexión política, como generalmente se ha venido haciendo, sino también en los de la epistemología y la sociología del conocimento.

Keeping in view the multi-ethnic structure of Pakistan, the federal structure is designed in the country. Circumstantial evidence suggests that smaller ethnicities are not satisfied within the structure and therefore, crises and disturbances are continuously being witnessed. The ethnic factor becomes more visible, impacting not only the internal politics of Pakistan but also its evolving regional political interaction as well. The ethnicities located in the border region of the country, have been facing the dilemma to accept the geopolitical offers given to Pakistan by the neighboring countries. The sort of relations causes ethnic resentments if it doesnt recognize the rights of the community. Pashtun and Baluch ethnicities have been more relevant for study in this regard.

This research aims to assess county food retail environment (FRE) with multifaceted measurements and disentangle how racial/ethnic and income disparities contribute to geographic variations in obesity rates via FRE. County obesity rates, racial/ethnic and income factors, as well as the data of food stores, restaurants, and stores in the Supplemental Nutrition Assistance Program (SNAP) were obtained from the U.S. Department of Agriculture. FRE was assessed with availability (density), healthfulness (ratio of healthy to unhealthy stores), and accessibility (proximity to healthy stores measured by population-weighted distance). Obesity rates and FRE indicators were compared with t-test among 3,107 counties stratified by racial/ethnic vs. income factors. We used Varying Coefficient Models to quantify the influences of racial/ethnic and income factors on the FRE and obesity association. Our analysis indicates narrowing disparities in availability but persisting inequalities of healthfulness and accessibility between low- and high-income counties with low and high percentages of racial/ethnic minority populations. Furthermore, racial/ethnic and income factors play essential roles in shaping the obesity and FRE relationship. Among three indicators, healthfulness exhibits relatively consistent relationships with obesity rates as the income or the racial/ethnic factor changes.