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Cet article propose de repenser la notion de paysage à partir des récits contemporains qui témoignent de l’exploitation de la mine de Sadiola au sud du Mali et de l’industrialisation de l’orpaillage guyanais. Tandis que le paysage suppose la projection d’un regard vers le lointain, l’extractivisme aurifère oblige à se confronter à la matérialité du minerai et à plonger dans les profonds – selon le mot d’Édouard Glissant. À l’instar du paysage, la profondeur induit une perspective et une vision, qui invite à projeter son regard dans les lointains. À l’inverse, les profonds supposent une autre réalité souterraine qui permet de ressentir la vie terrestre dans la terre et donc en dessous de ce que l’on voit sur terre. C’est ce que Glissant appelle aussi la « concrétude de la profondeur ». Il s’agit donc avec les textes d’entrer dans les profonds, cette concrétude énergique qui, il me semble, manque singulièrement au paysage. D’une part, les récits-témoignages guyanais et maliens s’appuient sur une poétique de la concrétude qui associe la matérialité de l’or et le corps des travailleurs pour souligner que les questions écologiques ne sauraient être séparées des questions sociales. D’autre part, la thématique du gigantisme qui se déploie dans les textes, témoignant de la monstruosité du système extractivisme qui se joue à l’échelle mondiale, dépassant la notion de « paysage ». Enfin, les voix des différents acteurs relayées dans les textes s’ancrent profondément dans les lieux spoliés pour mettre en question les conséquences humaines et écologiques de l’exploitation aurifère des sous-sols.

The article investigates how the narrative that speaks of large-scale mining (LSM) by multinational companies as a pathway to development is formed and sustained. The promotion of capitalism as a mode of production, in general, and for the profit of multinational companies, in particular, is legitimised by a positively connoted notion of 'development'. This builds on modernisation theory and complies with the neoliberal paradigm. By using Burkina Faso as a case study, this article demonstrates how the said narrative draws on a storyline of artisanal and small-scale mining (ASM) as dangerous, unorganised, and uncontrolled, constructed by state and corporate actors, and supported by some non-governmental organisations (NGOs) to legitimise the expansion of LSM. It illustrates that the narrative is efficacious as it is supported by a variety of actors that are able to pursue their interests by promoting LSM as a pathway to development: for the companies and state authorities it fulfils the function of legitimising the expansion of LSM; for the NGOs, it enables them to raise funds. Moreover, the analysis reveals that the narrative promotes certain policies and, therewith, excludes others and thus social reality, e.g. the establishment of institutions. The article concludes by highlighting insights into moral economy illuminated by the provided analysis. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Context: Leading up to the March 2020 global COVID-19 lockdown, an important movement was building power across so-called Canada. What began as a continuation of the decades-long, localized struggle for self-determination in Wet’suwet’en territory quickly became a focal point for nationwide Indigenous resistance, refusal, and solidarity. Analysis: Drawing from literature on media framing, this article examines the use of war frames in early 2020 news depictions of mobilizations in solidarity with Wet’suwet’en. The analysis suggests that war frames are operationalized to simultaneously naturalize police violence while also validating the sovereignty of Indigenous nations. Conclusion and implications: This work contributes not only to the literature on the framing of protests by the mainstream media but also to the ongoing project of unsettling conditions of settler colonial power in Canadian society. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of Canadian Journal of Law & Society/Revue Canadienne Droit et Societe (Cambridge University Press) is the property of Cambridge University Press and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Copyright of VertigO is the property of La Revue Electronique en Sciences de l'Environnement VertigO and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Copyright of Review of African Political Economy is the property of Review of Political Economy (ROAPE) and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

What can we learn from the ecological struggles in which women are involved from North to South? This was the issue debated at the conference organised on June 4th and 5th, 2021 by Université Paris 1 Panthéon-Sorbonne and the University of Chicago Center in Paris. Its leading topic was women's struggles against extractivism (mineral extraction, oil and gas drilling, as well as deforestation, shrub, or agricultural plantations designed for export, and industrial fisheries). The issues debated related to materialism and spirituality, environmental justice and led on to care, in a reflexive look into questions arising from struggles which although they do not always refer to ecofeminism, throw light on the stakes involved, i.e., the connections between the twin oppression of women and nature. Although ecofeminism is often accused of naturalisation or essentialisation, what emerged from the debate was the plurality of references to nature as well as of the forms of emancipation. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Drawing connections between an extractivist economy, the forms of cowboy culture (and rugged, white, working-class masculinity) that have a long history of entanglement with extractivism on the territory now defined as the province of Alberta (in western Canada) and the high rates of sexualized colonial violence against Indigenous women in the province, the authors argue that Alberta has a transient white guy problem. By analyzing the Calgary Stampede as a case study of forms of white masculinity that are supported, encouraged, prioritized and, at times, glorified in Alberta, the authors demonstrate how this transient white guy problem is proving exceedingly dangerous to many Indigenous women in particular (as well as to women, girls and 2SLGBTQQIA people more broadly) and diverse local communities, the land and the environment. Their analysis aims to unpack how settler-colonial logics of extractivism and cultural practices of placemaking, too often viewed as innocuous and as central to an Albertan identity, come to be deeply implicated in ongoing violence against Indigenous women. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This essay draws on Brand's storying of an encounter in Kalinago territory in order to think about diaspora and indigeneity simultaneously in relation to, and against histories and contemporary practices of extractivism. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This essay focuses on the relationship between archive and territory. I relate a research stay in the Nitassinan of Pessamit, a territory reconfigured in the 1960s by COMMposite, 23(1), 2023 the development of extractive infrastructures, such as a hydroelectric complex and mining projects. While engaging this territory as an archive, that is to say as a repertoire of techno-ecological hybridizations left by these projects, I made, during my passage in these places, an an/archivistic herbarium. This repertoire of my interactions with the territorial archive deliberately blurs the traces of Quebec’s settler colonialism. In this reflexive and critical essay, I present this process and its floristic an/archive in order to suggest that the territorial archive constitutes a technique of colonial governance, based on extractive and infrastructural mechanisms. It follows that an an/archival methodology works to make these modalities visible while creating a space in which to claim alternatives. Perspectives from infrastructure theory, decolonialism and queer approaches inform this reflection. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of Études Inuit Studies is the property of Centre interuniversitaire d'etudes et de recherches autochtones (CIERA) and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Copyright of Bitácora Urbano/Territorial is the property of Bitacora Urbano/Territorial and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Copyright of Collectivus. Revista de Ciencias Sociales is the property of Universidad del Atlantico and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

This statement about musicking in the Anthropocene draws out three aspects of the author’s practice. The first is an unlearning of categories and definitions of music and music-making encouraged and sometimes enforced by the dominant culture, which is often based on extractivist and patriarchal values. The second is a privileging of listening as an active practice, cultivating and increased presence to other beings, human and beyond. The third is a belief that even small acts can propagate like fractals through a system, that what we pay attention to grows, and that, at least, we can stop amplifying exclusions and oppressions. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of Revista Catalana de Dret Ambiental is the property of Universitat Rovira I Virgili and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Copyright of Scienze del Territorio is the property of Firenze University Press and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

English Abstract: This article analyzes the extractivist and dispossession modalities in the Mexican neodevelopmental proposal to face the multiple crises accentuated by the COVID-19 pandemic. With the qualitative narrative method applied to social processes, four infrastructure and extractivist megaprojects are analyzed. Neodevelopmental policies of the current government insist on carrying out works as a strategy to create jobs, reactivate the economy, and promote well-being, especially for the southeast region with high rates of socioeconomic inequality. The findings point to an increase in investment and job creation and a rejection by various communities and organizations that consider that their ways of life are being threatened by the efforts of the neodevelopmental government to build megaprojects before and during the pandemic. Spanish Abstract: Este artículo analiza las modalidades extractivistas y de despojo en la propuesta neodesarrollista mexicana para enfrentar las crisis múltiples acentuadas por la pandemia de la COVID-19. Con el método cualitativo narrativo aplicado a procesos sociales, se analizan cuatro megaproyectos de infraestructura y extractivistas. Las políticas neodesarrollistas del gobierno actual insisten en realizar obras como una estrategia para crear empleos, reactivar la economía y fomentar el bienestar, especialmente para la región sureste con altos índices de desigualdad socioeconómica. Los hallazgos señalan un incremento en la inversión y en la generación de empleos pero también un rechazo de varias comunidades y organizaciones que consideran que sus formas de vida están siendo amenazadas frente a los esfuerzos del gobierno neodesarrollista por construir megaproyectos antes y durante la pandemia. English Abstract: This article analyzes the extractivist and dispossession modalities in the Mexican neodevelopmental proposal to face the multiple crises accentuated by the COVID-19 pandemic. With the qualitative narrative method applied to social processes, four infrastructure and extractivist megaprojects are analyzed. Neodevelopmental policies of the current government insist on carrying out works as a strategy to create jobs, reactivate the economy, and promote well-being, especially for the southeast region with high rates of socioeconomic inequality. The findings point to an increase in investment and job creation and a rejection by various communities and organizations that consider that their ways of life are being threatened by the efforts of the neodevelopmental government to build megaprojects before and during the pandemic. Spanish Abstract: Este artículo analiza las modalidades extractivistas y de despojo en la propuesta neodesarrollista mexicana para enfrentar las crisis múltiples acentuadas por la pandemia de la COVID-19. Con el método cualitativo narrativo aplicado a procesos sociales, se analizan cuatro megaproyectos de infraestructura y extractivistas. Las políticas neodesarrollistas del gobierno actual insisten en realizar obras como una estrategia para crear empleos, reactivar la economía y fomentar el bienestar, especialmente para la región sureste con altos índices de desigualdad socioeconómica. Los hallazgos señalan un incremento en la inversión y en la generación de empleos pero también un rechazo de varias comunidades y organizaciones que consideran que sus formas de vida están siendo amenazadas frente a los esfuerzos del gobierno neodesarrollista por construir megaproyectos antes y durante la pandemia. French Abstract: Cet article analyse les modalités extractivistes et de dépossession incluses dans la proposition néo-développementaliste mexicaine afin de faire face aux crises multiples accentuées par la pandémie de Covid-19. Avec la méthode narrative qualitative appliquée aux processus sociaux, quatre mégaprojets d'infrastructures et d'extraction sont analysés. Les politiques néo-développementalistes du gouvernement actuel insistent sur la réalisation de travaux comme stratégie pour créer des emplois, réactiver l'économie et promouvoir le bien-être, en particulier pour la région du sud-est qui connaît des taux élevés d'inégalités socio-économiques. Les résultats indiquent une augmentation des investissements et de la création d'emplois, mais aussi un rejet de la part de diverses communautés et organisations qui considèrent que leurs modes de vie sont menacés par les efforts du gouvernement néo-développementaliste pour construire des mégaprojets avant et pendant la pandémie. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

English Abstract: This article analyzes resistance and negotiation processes between different sectors of the population of Mazapil, Zacatecas, and the management of the Peñasquito mining company. This analysis is done through an assessment made from the perspective of environmental privatization and resistance movements to this type of activity. The research included a qualitative methodology with an ethnographic approach that was carried out in rural and marginalized areas, where the presence of the State is weak, and the population lacks adequate mechanisms and tools for negotiations in equitable conditions. The results indicate that most of the interviewees are in favor of negotiation, although the type of relation among them tend toward conflict over the control of available resources. Spanish abstract: Este artículo analiza los procesos de resistencia y negociación entre diferentes sectores de la población de Mazapil, Zacatecas y los responsables de la empresa minera Peñasquito, a través de una valoración desde el enfoque de la privatización ecologista y los movimientos de resistencia ante este tipo de actividades. La investigación incluyó metodología de corte cualitativo con un enfoque etnográfico que se ejecutó en áreas rurales y marginales donde la presencia del Estado es débil y la población adolece de mecanismos y herramientas adecuadas para una negociación en condiciones equitativas. Los resultados señalan que en su mayoría los entrevistados se encuentran a favor de la negociación, aunque el tipo de relación entre estos tiende hacia el conflicto por el control de los recursos disponibles. English Abstract: This article analyzes resistance and negotiation processes between different sectors of the population of Mazapil, Zacatecas, and the management of the Peñasquito mining company. This analysis is done through an assessment made from the perspective of environmental privatization and resistance movements to this type of activity. The research included a qualitative methodology with an ethnographic approach that was carried out in rural and marginalized areas, where the presence of the State is weak, and the population lacks adequate mechanisms and tools for negotiations in equitable conditions. The results indicate that most of the interviewees are in favor of negotiation, although the type of relation among them tend toward conflict over the control of available resources. Spanish abstract: Este artículo analiza los procesos de resistencia y negociación entre diferentes sectores de la población de Mazapil, Zacatecas y los responsables de la empresa minera Peñasquito, a través de una valoración desde el enfoque de la privatización ecologista y los movimientos de resistencia ante este tipo de actividades. La investigación incluyó metodología de corte cualitativo con un enfoque etnográfico que se ejecutó en áreas rurales y marginales donde la presencia del Estado es débil y la población adolece de mecanismos y herramientas adecuadas para una negociación en condiciones equitativas. Los resultados señalan que en su mayoría los entrevistados se encuentran a favor de la negociación, aunque el tipo de relación entre estos tiende hacia el conflicto por el control de los recursos disponibles. French abstract: Cet article analyse les processus de résistance et de négociation entre différents secteurs de la population de Mazapil, au Zacatecas, Mexique, et les responsables de la société minière Peñasquito, à travers une évaluation fondée sur la privatisation environnementale et les mouvements de résistance à ce type d'activité. La recherche s'appuie sur une méthodologie qualitative et une approche ethnographique menées dans des zones rurales et marginales où la présence de l'État est limitée et où la population manque de mécanismes et d'outils adéquats pour négocier dans des conditions équitables. Les résultats indiquent que la plupart des personnes interrogées sont favorables à la négociation, alors que leurs relations s'organisent autour du conflit pour le contrôle des ressources. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Since March 2020, borders have been the instruments of simultaneous closure rationales throughout the world. At the same time, the continuation of migratory movements underlined their porosity. We focus on Latin America's state borders because this unprecedented situation shown once again how they are subject to contradictory processes and schizophrenic rationales that come into tension and reflect the current dynamics of the sub-continent. From an approach based on the border studies theoretical framework, and more specifically through the political geography of borders one, this article deals with the bordering processes at work on the Latin America borders’s and the contradictory dynamics that we can observe there today. Around borders, new complex realities are emerging, which sometimes give the image of a fragmented continent and sometimes a increasing integration to the sub-continental. The political, economic and social tensions to which the Latin American borders are subjected today can be summarized around three notions - power, preservation and predation - which seem us reflecting the major issues at stake in these spaces today. Each of these three notions crystallizes strong dialectics which will be considered in turn: political over-investment vs. abandonment of the margins, cross-border integration vs. securitization, preservation vs. predation.

The "mining renewal" policy in metropolitan France, which emerged in the 2010s, encountered fierce critics. They live on the rising power of territorial and environmental mobilizations, leaving industrial and developing projects governance short of breath. Defined as a problem of social acceptance by the major actors supporting mining renewal, they lead the latter to implement tools for governing its critics. This article studies three of these tools (participative, sociometric, communicational) and their underlying frames of reference : environment and territory. The participative tool's failure shed a light on the incompatibility between civil society's stances on one side, and administrative and productive actors on the other side, leading to the persistence of corporatist reasoning in mineral resources' governance. The increasingly fine apprehensions of territory and the world's social diversity carried out by sociometric tools have also proved insufficient for a better acceptance of mining projects. If the communicational tools' effect need time to be fully grasped, one can speculate their feeble impact on mining renewal contestations, because of their particularities. Thus, tools for critic's government do not declare war on the mining industry's underlying economic (capitalist and extractivist) paradigm, while critics profoundly call extractivism into question (as an economic model based on resource extraction and as a political regime resting on the hoarding of common goods). [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The NTFPs refer to any biological resource except that obtained from timber from woods or any other forested ecosystem. Thus, the NTFPs are ecologically forest-based, whether they come from the spontaneous flora or crops (home gardens, agroforestry, rural orchards) or from wild animals (Tabuna, 1999). They include vegetables, mushrooms, fruit and their extracts, essential oils, edible insects, honey, medicinal plants, game animals etc. Extractivism refers to collecting NTFPs for commercial purposes (Nguenang et Feteke, 2000). [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of Trace: Travaux et Recherches dans les Amériques du Centre is the property of Centro de Estudios Mexicanos & Centroamericanos and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Copyright of Trace: Travaux et Recherches dans les Amériques du Centre is the property of Centro de Estudios Mexicanos & Centroamericanos and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Copyright of Trace: Travaux et Recherches dans les Amériques du Centre is the property of Centro de Estudios Mexicanos & Centroamericanos and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Le partage, sur Internet, est polysémique. Il a notamment été mobilisé politiquement par le mouvement du libre dans sa lutte contre l’extension de la propriété intellectuelle mais fait l’objet d’un investissement nouveau — non sans un glissement sémantique — par les plateformes exploitant les contenus générés par les utilisateurs. Les modèles économiques de ces plateformes supportent l’absence d’exclusivité sur les droits de propriété intellectuelle et les licences libres qui perdent alors leur puissance politique. Nous explorons la manière dont le partage est devenu le moteur du renouvellement d’une ressource dont la valorisation s’apparente aux modèles extractivistes et explorons la piste d’un extractivisme dans le domaine numérique.

Canada's fossil fuel industry and its supporters have developed robust, aggressive, and affectively powerful forms of petro-nationalism to promote extractivism as a public good and demonize critics as anti-Canadian. This article investigates how industry critics and pipeline opponents have responded to this appropriation and instrumentalization of Canadian national identity. It conducts a multi-modal survey of the Facebook communication strategies of a broad spectrum of progressive English-Canadian civil society groups (political parties, environmental groups, Indigenous organizations, think tanks, labour groups, and alternative media) with a focus upon how Canada is represented. While some groups develop alternative accounts of the nation, they tend to be technocratic and depoliticized. Conversely, more politicized organizations that cultivate left-populist mobilization against extractivism and its state and corporate elites generally avoid framing their communication around ideas of the nation and signifiers of national identity. The article concludes by speculating upon the value and prospects of scaling up left-populist narratives around energy and climate in mounting a stronger challenge to petro-nationalism. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of Revista Catalana de Dret Ambiental is the property of Universitat Rovira I Virgili and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Copyright of VertigO is the property of La Revue Electronique en Sciences de l'Environnement VertigO and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Résumé: La relativisation de la souveraineté est à la fois au cœur de la critique du pluralisme juridique et le résultat concret de la globalisation néolibérale. Cet article propose ainsi la notion d'écosystème normatif comme milieu pour la structuration des communautés politiques. Il énonce trois hypothèses concernant la configuration de l'écosystème normatif extractif canadien : 1) des enjeux constitutionnels y sont traités par le biais de relations contractuelles entre entreprises et communautés autochtones; 2) la responsabilité sociale des entreprises y fait office de régime de véridiction; et 3) l'impératif d'efficacité y prend préséance sur les visées téléologiques en présence. Ces hypothèses configurent une gouvernementalité moralisante peu amène aux communautés politiques. Cet article propose donc de renouveler la charge critique du pluralisme juridique en insistant sur l'hétéronomie de la norme comme condition de possibilité de la liberté politique. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

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Copyright of Bitácora Urbano/Territorial is the property of Bitacora Urbano/Territorial and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)