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Copyright of Journal of Latino-Latin American Studies (JOLLAS) is the property of Journal of Latino-Latin American Studies and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Ceuta and Melilla are considered exemplary models of the border spectacle. The fences of these cities typify the notion of ‘Fortress Europe’ and impel the emotional engagement of the inhabitants with migration control policies. This article focuses on the experiences of local activists who have resisted migration containment policies. Through a close examination of the emotional geographies of activism in border areas, and the effect of migration policies on the everyday, this article aims to uncover the civic emotions underlying the lived realities of activists. Furthermore, by addressing the methodological challenges of investigating social emotions, this study integrates visual elicitation methods into ethnographic research. The evocative power of cinema allows films to act as visual stimuli that convey the intimate narratives of activists, which encompass compassion, outrage, or fatigue in the context of pro-migrant mobilization. By drawing on the mundane experiences of borders, this article delves into the intersection of emotions, activism, and borders to elucidate experiences against migration control. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The aim of this case study is to analyze the migratory flow in the Amazon region, considering cross-border migratory trends from a diachronic perspective. The evolution of the mobility of Amazonian countries by nationality and territorial entity of destination is observed, especially considering Brazil, Colombia, Venezuela, Ecuador, Peru, and Bolivia, based on a review of the geographical, political, and economic aspects. In the first section, we address delimitations, inaccessible territories, and cross-border, documenting it since the eighteenth century. In the second section, we give an account of the main contemporary trends, in which the difficulty of the state to populate and control remains the existing connection between their localities and the political and economic centers in the interior and exterior of each country. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

During the COVID-19 pandemic, several jurisdictions have exerted controls over people's mobilities as a way of containing viral spread. In Australia, international borders were closed for almost two years and internal borders were periodically shut and policed as part of strong public health measures implemented by federal and state governments. In this article, we discuss how Australians conceptualized risk in relation to border controls, drawing on a set of interviews conducted in 2021 in which participants were asked to recount their experiences of the pandemic. Our analysis builds on social and cultural scholarship to understand the symbolic meanings and socio-spatialities of our participants' accounts of living in COVID times, in which they were confined within both national and internal borders. Our findings suggest three main socio-spatial imaginaries at work in participants' accounts of life behind closed borders during COVID-19. The first imaginary is an idea of immunity as a spatial property, supporting the concept of geographic immunity. The second is an ambivalent distinction between Self and Other produced through borders hastily thrown up along state lines. The third is the experience behind closed borders of living in a state of 'suspension', whereby risk is provisionally held off spatially, yet projected into the future. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The article aims to discuss hybrid governance as part of a long-term peace project that began in 2016 and reaches the project of the government of Gustavo Petro, signed in the form of a law, based on the idea of a pact, or truce, which starts from a specific arrangement called "Paz Total". Colombia's border with Peru and Brazil is examined in order to understand the distribution and disputes of the Carolina-Ramírez Front, the First-Front, and the Border-Commandos (BC). Through a review of these groups' interests and repertoires of violence, it is possible to distinguish three key clusters in the persistence of the armed conflict where these groups create social orders rivaling the peace objective of the current government. We propose to question how violence is regulated in these municipalities as a result of the established pact and the forms of hybrid governance, the latter understood as the juxtaposition of typical formal state governance, and local governance of a nonstate nature. Following this objective, this research combines a geo-referencing of the presence of dissident groups in the Amazonian border and their violence through Arcgis (Arc Geo-informatic System) software, the findings are supported by a review of secondary sources such as early warnings from the Ombudsman's Office and press reviews. We intend to highlight the importance of understanding these two dimensions of violence regulation: a) in regions where there is a juxtaposition between the presence of ex-combatants and a hybrid governance mode practiced by non-state actors, and; b) the importance of the contextual dimension to discuss the invisible pacts that allow a certain mode of governance and possible peace. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Beyond its discontented thesis, globalization has had a difficult time in the last few years, owing to the global financial crises of 2008–2009 when its vacuous premises and promises were widely contested for being an unfair deal. The recent rise of nationalist and populist movements across the West and the East, boosted by the COVID‐19 pandemic, now threatens its survival. However, globalization experts are largely divided in charting its future; while some predict the demise of the existing world order, others believe globalization will continue with some restructuring. By analyzing the global political dynamics and reviewing political and scholarly news and views, we argue that globalization is currently undergoing a transitional era with a new paradox—one characterized by the emergence of a multipolar world but with local identity and tradition‐based politics. The upshot is that the state with the border is re‐emerging alongside authoritarian and hybrid regimes. Related Articles: Kane, John, and Haig Patapan. 2010. "Recovering Justice: Political Legitimacy Reconsidered." Politics & Policy 38(3): 589–610. https://doi.org/10.1111/j.1747‐1346.2010.00250.x. Quinn, Adam. 2007. "The Great Illusion: Chimeras of Isolationism and Realism in Post‐Iraq U.S. Foreign Policy." Politics & Policy 35(3): 522–47. https://doi.org/10.1111/j.1747‐1346.2007.00071.x. Zaidi, Syed Muhammad Saad. 2021. "American Global Supremacy Under Threat? The Chinese Factor." Politics & Policy 49(2): 502–28. https://doi.org/10.1111/polp.12402. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of Memorias is the property of Fundacion Universidad del Norte and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Copyright of Revista Iberoamericana (Liverpool University Press) is the property of Liverpool University Press / Journals and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Geopolitical bordering practices affect not only migrants and refugees, but also non-human animals, environments, and Indigenous communities. But metaphorical borders also exist inside and are imposed on everyone. These include emotional, psychic, and cultural borders that limit freedoms. This article examines the potential solidarities for and multi-scalar politics of building an abolitionist praxis rooted in this expansive notion of borders and our collective struggles to cross or abolish them altogether. It examines US-based artist Patricia Vázquez Gómez’s art exhibition BorderXer, first exhibited in Portland, Oregon, U.S.A. in 2019, to develop a geographical analysis of ‘borderXers’ (border crossers) that operates at scales from the flesh, to body, to community, to the transnational. The artist uses photographic, installation, textual, and video works to connect audiences’ own experiences of borders imposed on their bodies and psyches to the material geographies of the US/México borderlands. These borders limit both freedom of movement and freedom to be in relation and community with others. These works unsettle dominant and dominating notions of borders and reveal possibilities for the remaking of exclusionary border relationalities. I argue that the aesthetics of the exhibition develop an abolitionist perspective on borders that exceeds the artist’s explicit calls for ‘open borders’. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of Journal of Latin American & Caribbean Anthropology is the property of Wiley-Blackwell and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

There is a growing trend of nation states invoking national security and emergency declarations to build state‐sponsored infrastructure projects for border defense, energy production, and transportation. Established laws, regulations, and agreements for the protection of nature and cultural heritage within and between countries are becoming secondary to national security, compromising the function of protected areas, such as national parks, wilderness areas, and biosphere reserves that safeguard biodiversity, climate, and human health. We considered cases where decades‐long multinational cross‐border endangered species recovery programs have been jeopardized by waivers of environmental protection laws to facilitate rapid construction of border barriers that impede the movement and migration of animals, such as at the US–Mexico and Poland–Belarus borders. Renewable energy megaprojects, such as the Pinacate solar plant in Mexico, coupled with power transmission lines and road networks likewise cast a large footprint on the land and are being carried out with minimal to no environmental compliance under the guise of national security. National sovereignty likewise has been used as justification for bypassing laws to proceed with similar projects, such as Mexico's Dos Bocas refinery and Poland's Vistula Spit canal. Emphasis on security is also apparent in increasing military expenditure by the world's largest economies, which has created a mismatch with improvement in environmental policy stringency. Decisions to prioritize security can undermine democratic principles and environmental review protocols, trivialize humanity's dependence on functioning ecosystems, and contradict the United Nation's resolution on the human right to a healthy environment. Framing infrastructure projects as matters of national security also foments civil and political unrest by the labeling and casting of dissenters, including conservation scientists and environmental defenders, as antinational. World leaders must refrain from misusing extraordinary powers, adhere to laws and international agreements, and consult experts and local people before taking unilateral action on projects that affect ecological and human communities. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

La Amazonia se divide entre nueve países. Sin embargo, las fronteras políticas no dividen los ecosistemas ni los habitantes de la región, pese a los innegables efectos regulatorios, la incidencia en las formas de habitar y relacionarse entre los diversos vecinos identificados 'nacionalmente' y sobre las prácticas que atraviesan las fronteras – las mismas que pueden entenderse como 'transfronterizas'. Por otra parte, las ciudades amazónicas han sido presentadas 'sin indios' y poco articuladas a redes y sistemas urbanos que a veces son transfronterizos. Cuando se habla de pueblos indígenas amazónicos, difícilmente se menciona su relación con las ciudades, confinándolos en ruralidades selváticas desligadas de lo urbano – obviando los procesos de producción del espacio atados a negociaciones y tensiones de carácter social, político y económico que se expresan en la íntima conexión de 'la ciudad' con 'el campo' y que definen procesos de urbanización. Por lo tanto, intentando ofrecer nuevas miradas, proponemos hacer visibles algunos vínculos entre los procesos de urbanización, las fronteras políticas y los pueblos indígenas en el Complejo Urbano Transfronterizo (CUT) configurado entre Benjamín Constant (Brasil), Caballo Cocha (Perú) y el par urbano de Leticia (Colombia) y Tabatinga (Brasil), en la Amazonia, haciendo énfasis particularmente en este último. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

In the present article we are going to analyse an attempt by the colonial government of Virreinato del Río de la Plata to re-group some indigenous communities of the Charrúa and the Minuano through negotiation with two Charrúa Caciques (Chieftains) as mediators. We are going to examine the conditions proposed in the agreement, the role of the Caciques as mediators in the peace talks, the objective conditions to achieve a lasting peace as well as the actions of deserters that inhabited the tolderías. By the end of the eighteenth century, the countryside of Banda Oriental del Uruguay was traversed by diverse problematic conditions as a consequence of its complexity as a political, international and interethnic frontier. On one hand, the condition of the political frontier between the Spanish and the Portuguese generated an increasing conflict due to military tensions, smuggling, livestock driving to Brazil, illegal slaughtering and the resulting violence towards the rural inhabitants and indigenous populations. On the other hand, the internal frontier with the Charrúa and the Minuano natives seemed more and more convulsed as result of the hispanic-creole population advance encircling the indigenous lands as well as the actions of gauderios, changadores and deserters [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

In the Hispanic-American colonial frontiers with indigenous peoples of Mapuche culture, elaborate diplomatic traditions anchored in prehispanic protocols and ceremonies took form between the end of the sixteenth and beginning of the eighteenth centuries. During the parlamentos (diplomatic encounters) that took place in the Araucanian frontier (Chile today), Spaniards progressively substituted the traditional Winter’s bark or Canelo tree branches -considered by the Mapuche as symbols of peace-for batons of command, meant to define those who received and used them as friendly caciques, holders of a pacifying and receptive power. In the frontiers of Mendoza and Buenos Aires (Argentina today), on the contrary, command batons appear as a purely colonial innovation that the Cacique considered a source of prestige. Spaniards used these objects as a means to increase internal hierarchies as well as to promote dissension among different groups. I intend to retrace the overall lines of the process through which the Canelo tree branch -a sign of high symbolic value in Mapuche diplomacy-was appropriated and gradually replaced by the hispanic baton of command, thus distorting its initial meaning as a peace sign to turn it into the materialisation of a delegated power, dignity and rank flowing from the Spanish king. I will also illustrate how this sign was manipulated to raise rivalries and conflicts among indigenous groups [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper addresses the theme of communications between the province of Mato Grosso and the Atlantic through the territory of the province of Paraná, using as sources, preferably, the reports of the presidents of the two provinces, and having as a background the concerns of the Brazilian national state due to the remote and border condition of Mato Grosso. It is shown that the routes sought were initially terrestrial-fluvial and, later, rail-fluvial, and that the leaders of Paraná had a greater interest in such communications than their counterparts in Mato Grosso. In addition to envisioning the possibility of Paraná becoming the "emporium" of Mato Grosso commerce, those leaders also sought the benefits brought to their province by the central government's investments in roads to Mato Grosso. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of Fronteras de la Historia is the property of Instituto Colombiano de Antropologia e Historia and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Copyright of Journal of Latino-Latin American Studies (JOLLAS) is the property of Journal of Latino-Latin American Studies and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Este artículo profundiza en la evolución del arte en la era digital y su influencia en la estética y el pensamiento artístico contemporáneo. La tecnología ha desencadenado una revolución en la creación y apreciación artística, trasladando la creatividad desde los lienzos tradicionales al vasto dominio digital. Esta transformación hacia el pensamiento digital ha llevado a los artistas a cuestionar y redefinir las normas convencionales, explorando nuevas formas de expresión y colaboración. Las obras de arte digital se distinguen por su flexibilidad y maleabilidad, permitiendo la creación de experiencias interactivas y obras en constante transformación. Este artículo explora cómo la estética digital se basa en conceptos como la interactividad, el dinamismo y la influencia mediática abriendo horizontes ilimitados en el ámbito creativo. Además, se analiza la construcción epistemológica en el arte digital y su impacto en la concepción contemporánea del conocimiento. En última instancia, el arte digital se presenta como una manifestación vívida de la creatividad humana que trasciende las limitaciones físicas y redefine nuestra comprensión misma del arte en el contexto del siglo XXI, desafiando y expandiendo las fronteras tradicionales de la expresión artística y explorando nuevas dimensiones de creatividad e interpretación.

En el artículo se discute la gobernanza hí­brida como parte de un proyecto de paz de largo plazo que comenzó en 2016 y alcanza al gobierno de Gustavo Petro, firmado en forma de ley, basado en la idea de pacto o tregua, que parte de un arreglo específico denominado “Paz Total”. Se examina la frontera de Colombia con Perú y Brasil pa­ra comprender la distribución y las dispu­tas del Frente Carolina-Ramírez, el Primer Frente y los Comandos Fronterizos (CF). A través de una revisión de los intereses y repertorios de violencia de estos grupos, es posible distinguir tres grupos clave en la persistencia del conflicto armado, donde estos grupos crean órdenes sociales que ri­valizan con el objetivo de paz del gobierno actual. Proponemos cuestionar cómo se re­gula la violencia en estos municipios como resultado del pacto establecido y las formas de gobernanza híbrida, entendida esta úl­tima como la yuxtaposición de la típica gobernanza estatal formal, y la gobernan­za local de carácter no estatal. Siguiendo este objetivo, esta investigación combina una georreferenciación de la presencia de grupos disidentes en la frontera amazónica y su violencia a través del software ArcGIS (Arc Geo-informatic System), los hallazgos se sustentan en una revisión de fuentes se­cundarias como alertas tempranas de la Defensoría del Pueblo e informes de pren­sa. Pretendemos resaltar la importancia de comprender estas dos dimensiones de la regulación de la violencia: a) en regiones donde existe una yuxtaposición entre la presencia de excombatientes y un modo de gobernanza híbrido practicado por actores no estatales; b) la importancia de la dimen­sión contextual para discutir los pactos invi­sibles que permiten un determinado modo de gobernanza y una paz posible.

El caso del Soconusco «neutral» y su proceso de incorporación a México continúan siendo temas vigentes en la discusión académica reciente. Entre los pendientes en la materia, se encuentra lo relacionado con la actuación del clero en la disputa por dicho territorio entre México y Centroamérica/Guatemala. En este marco, el presente texto pretende proporcionar algunas aproximaciones históricas para analizar la actuación del clero parroquial y de la jerarquía eclesiástica chiapaneca en el contexto de la indefinición política del Soconusco, esto tomando en cuenta el perfil y las relaciones de los eclesiásticos dentro del obispado puesto que, a pesar de su estatus de «neutralidad» política, en lo eclesiástico la región continuó dependiendo de la mitra chiapaneca.

Reseña de: Hiralal, K. y Jinnah, Z. (2018). Gender and Mobility in Africa. Borders, Bodies and Boundaries. Palgrave Macmillan, 259 pp.

Copyright of Journal of Latin American & Caribbean Anthropology is the property of Wiley-Blackwell and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Copyright of Revista Foco (Interdisciplinary Studies Journal) is the property of Revista Foco and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Copyright of Relaciones Internacionales (1699-3950) is the property of Autonomous University of Madrid, Spain, International Relations Studies Group (GERI) Law Faculty and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Este artículo se basa en una investigación académica del ámbito de Trabajo Social que partió del caso de Costa Rica y tiene como objetivo determinar las dinámicas políticas, sociales y económicas inmersas en la situación actual de las políticas restrictivas de traslado humano entre fronteras. Además, propone una discusión desde el ámbito de Trabajo Social, al reconocer la incidencia de las trasformaciones geopolíticas y la doctrina de seguridad en la obstaculización de la garantía de los derechos humanos de las poblaciones que se movilizan, con la criminalización de su tránsito entre las fronteras. Para ello, se realizó una contextualización de aquellos eventos coyunturales, que justifican las transformaciones en el accionar de la policía de fronteras frente al paso de población migrante. Posteriormente se generó un análisis de la seguridad nacional y su incidencia directa en la garantía del acceso de las poblaciones migrantes a los derechos humanos. De esta manera, se identifica un impacto de las trasformaciones históricas de la política, reflejado en el endurecimiento de las políticas migratorias, lo que permite concluir que esto provoca procesos de obstaculización, configurándose así, en políticas migratorias a favor de las necesidades del mercado del sistema capitalista. Ello, repercute directamente en la garantía de los derechos de las personas migrantes, que, poniendo en riesgo su propia vida, deben movilizarse de sus países de origen.

Reseña de libro

La gestión de la movilidad humana en España y la UE ha estado presidida en las últimas décadas por una orientación de seguridad que no prioriza reforzar una perspectiva de Derechos Humanos. La generalización del uso de las nuevas tecnologías en el control migratorio y fronterizo añade nuevos retos en esta materia, como una configuración político-jurídica de su aplicación respetuosa con los derechos fundamentales de las personas migrantes durante todo su periplo migratorio. En el presente artículo analizamos el estado en que se encuentra este proceso a nivel europeo y español, que desafortunadamente incide en la misma línea que en la etapa “analógica”, proponiendo alternativas para una aplicación “virtuosa” de las nuevas tecnologías a la gobernanza de la movilidad humana.

En el marco de los estudios sobre la organización social indígena en los Andes orientales de Colombia, se ha debatido la filiación étnica de sus pobladores para los periodos prehispánico tardío y colonial temprano (siglos XI-XVI d. C.). Los trabajos en la región han propuesto que el límite entre el altiplano cundiboyacense y el macizo de Santander figuró como una frontera entre dos grupos, conceptualizados como muyscas y guanes. No obstante, es posible criticar dicha postura, por medio de un análisis basado en la articulación de fuentes arqueológicas y documentales. Esta aproximación pone en evidencia la diversidad cultural imperante en el territorio y permite plantear que aquel modelo biétnico constituye una invención, sustentada en la óptica de los conquistadores europeos.

Outer space holds a special place in the geographical imagination of techno-utopianism. At a time of climate crisis, the mining of celestial bodies, including asteroids, is cast as a possible "tech-driven" response to the need for "green transition" mineral resources in a context of rising geopolitical tensions and concerns over terrestrial extraction. Although still a long way from commercial-scale implementation, outer space mining no longer appears as far-fetched science fiction within the context of a booming "New Space" industry and privatization of celestial commons. Drawing from a growing body of research and critiques of responsible mineral sourcing, we explore some of the legal, political, ethical, and environmental dimensions of outer space mining, and compare them with land-based and deep-sea terrestrial mining. We then point to key areas for further geographical and social sciences enquiries into outer space extractive frontiers, including the uneven distribution of space mining wealth, the impacts on terrestrial mining communities in the Global South, and the reconceptualization of the mining enclave. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of Latino Studies is the property of Palgrave Macmillan Ltd. and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Este documento analiza el impacto económico y social de un programa de ayudas estatales dirigido a incentivar el desarrollo de las provincias fronterizas en la República Dominicana. La modalidad de intervención se basó en exenciones fiscales, lo que genera una posible tensión entre el objetivo de cohesión territorial y el objetivo de defensa de la competencia en los mercados. En el ámbito competitivo, el estudio analiza si los efectos de la referida ley aumentaron el poder de mercado de las empresas beneficiarias. En el ámbito social, se establece un criterio de similitud regional y se compara la evolución de las provincias fronterizas con la evolución de otras provincias similares. Estos elementos permiten obtener una medida global del impacto de la iniciativa. Además de la evaluación del caso particular, el artículo contribuye a la definición de un abordaje metodológico para el análisis económico y social de intervenciones regionales. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

El objetivo de este artículo es analizar el proceso de (in)securitización de las movilidades por salud definidas como “turismo de trasplante”. Específicamente indaga el surgimiento y circulación de la categoría “turismo de trasplantes”, así como ciertos usos políticos del concepto en regulaciones sobre trasplante y migración en Argentina. Sostiene que el “turismo de trasplantes” fue construido como un problema de (in)seguridad asociado a los peligros y amenazas que determinadas movilidades representan para el “orden nacional” de los trasplantes y para la “seguridad internacional” a partir de su asociación con modalidades ilícitas de extracción y comercialización de órganos. El artículo adopta una metodología cualitativa que articula análisis de diversas fuentes documentales y entrevistas con funcionarias/os de gobierno del contexto argentino.

Central Americans with irregular migratory status in transit through Mexico heading toward the United States experience immigration containment by both the U.S. and Mexican governments. This article uses official and pro-migrant organization sources to argue that during the 2020-2021 sars-cov2 pandemic, and in the context of Mexico's northern border, both spatial and socio-demographic changes took place in the processes of detention and deportation of Central American migrants. The author maintains that, beyond the simple exercise of Mexican immigration law, detentions and deportations are a central part of the national and regional migratory containment strategies in the framework of the U.S. anti-immigrant agenda. The article's contribution is to show that the northern border, as a territory that concentrates detentions and deportations, acts as a national regional space to de-articulate Central American migration. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This study aimed to analyze, from the perspective of the Regional System of Cross-border Innovation (SRIT) governance, the structure and actions of the Trinational NAPI for the development of research and innovation on the triple frontier. For this, it was first necessary to identify the characteristics (geographical scale, structural patterns and interactions, structure and organizational processes, decision making, actors, themes and legal status) of the Trinational NAPI for research and innovation in the region of the triple frontier; to analyze the stage of integration from the perspective of the SRIT and also suggest ways to do so, to consolidate itself as a cross-border governance structure for the development of research and innovation in the triple border region. To achieve the objectives desired, a qualitative case study of exploratory nature was made, based on categories of analysis obtained in theoretical survey and empirical evidence obtained in documents, interviews and participant observation. From this, it was identified that the Trinational NAPI is an arrangement of research and innovation for the development of the region of the triple border between Foz do Iguaçu, Ciudad del Este and Puerto Iguazú, through a partnership between Brazil and France, together with Argentina and Paraguay, with financing from the Araucária Foundation, linked to the government of Paraná, Brazil. Three dimensions were identified as a mode of governance: institutional, technical-institutional and technical-operational. It is concluded that the Trinational NAPI is at the semi-integrated stage in relation to the different levels of cross-border international interaction. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of Confluenze. Rivista di Studi Iberoamericani is the property of Universita di Bologna, Dipartimento di Lingue, Letterature e Culture Moderne and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

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En este trabajo abordaré algunos aspectos de la mixtura prismática de la lengua –portunhol salvagem– y de la construcción del cuerpo textual-sexual de la marafa –personaje central de la novela– en Mar paraguayo (1992) de Wilson Bueno. Me propongo explorar los bordes, desbordes, excesos y juegos-de-jugar que se postulan desde la enunciación de la nouvelle que deambula entre fronteras físicas, lingüísticas, corporales y sexuales. Y donde la confusión de los límites enunciativos es plasmada en el tejido del ñandutí, por un personaje marginal que desafía las fronteras imaginadas de la canción marafa. El tejido funciona como estrategia que contribuye al diseño espectacular que discurre entre el melodrama y la comensabilidad lúdica. A treintaiún años de su publicación Mar paraguayo intensifica la necesidad de seguir surfeando entre sus olas. Abstract This work will comprehend some aspects of the prismatic mixture of the tongue –portunhol salvagem– and of the construction of the marafa's textual-sexual body –central character of the novel– in Wilson Bueno's Mar paraguayo (1992). I propose to explore the edges, overflows, execess and games-of-play that posits the enunciation of the nouvelle that wanders between phisical, linguistical, bodily and sexual borders where the confusion of the limits is concocted in the weaving of the ñandutí in multiple ways by a marginal character that defies the imagined borders of the marafa's song, designed in between melodrama and playful commendability. Thirty years after being published, Mar paraguayo intensifies the need to keep going under its waves. DOI: https://zenodo.org/record/8212646

La sangre de los mártires, como decía Michel de Certeau (1995), es la metáfora de la gracia. A mediados del siglo XVII, los martirologios individuales o compilados, que se consumían para edificar a los fieles, representaban la culminación de la conciencia martirial católica romana iniciada en las últimas décadas del siglo XVI y popularizada en las imágenes de sufrimiento y piedad que transmitían sus protagonistas. En este artículo analizo algunos de los trabajos de Mathias Tanner, SJ (1630-92), en particular, la Societas Jesu usque ad sanguinis et vitae profusionem militans in Europa, Africa, Asia et America /.... (Praga, 1675), una obra ilustrada que presenta a los mártires de la orden de los jesuitas en cada continente (a excepción de Oceanía). En línea con el fenómeno global del martirio propuesto por el provincial de Bohemia, analizo el sistema comunicacional e icónico del proyecto universalista de la Compañía de Jesús en las islas del sur de Filipinas. Una imagen de rechazo y abierta hostilidad que ocultaba las redes de intercambio que los musulmanes de Mindanao y Joló, pero también los de Macasar, Borneo y Molucas, mantenían con los cristianos de Manila, reforzando la autopercepción de un “nosotros-jesuítico” que se enfrentaba sin descanso a los “otros-paganos” en espacios misionales fronterizos.

En el contexto de la contingencia del covid-19 en México, y desde el abordaje de los planteamientos teóricos de la autonomía de las migraciones, este artículo, con base en la revisión de diversas fuentes oficiales e informes de derechos humanos sobre poblaciones migrantes en la pandemia, argumenta que, debido a ciertas políticas migratorias durante el año inicial de la emergencia sanitaria (2020), se incrementaron los procesos estatales de contención territorial y de cierre de fronteras hacia los migrantes originarios del Norte de Centroamérica (NC) con destino a Estados Unidos (EE. UU.), y en tránsito irregularizado por territorio mexicano. Tanto a nivel de Norteamérica y Centroamérica, durante 2020 el territorio mexicano fungió como un dispositivo de control migratorio en múltiples escalas: regional (en lo relativo al corredor migratorio NC-México-EE. UU.), nacional (en lo concerniente a México) y local (en las fronteras sur con Guatemala y norte con EE. UU.). Esto se expresó en un régimen fronterizo caracterizado por diversas políticas, prácticas y discursos estatales del gobierno mexicano sobre el control de las movilidades transfronterizas de poblaciones extranjeras, y fuertemente determinado por la agenda de las políticas (anti)inmigración del gobierno estadounidense de Donald Trump, en una explícita dinámica de externalización de fronteras (de EE. UU. hacia México). Este trabajo muestra cómo se llevaron a cabo dichos procesos mediante las producciones de diferentes fronteras que, no solo se materializaron en obstáculos y barreras físicas —como muros, vallas, cercas, garitas—, sino que también se expresaron como prácticas y acciones de vigilancia y contención hacia poblaciones migrantes en tránsito (mediante retenes, despliegues de fuerzas de seguridad, operativos de persecución migratoria, vaciamiento de centros de detención y deportaciones exprés, entre otras). Uno de los aportes de este trabajo es mostrar que, durante el primer año de la pandemia, disminuyeron de forma significativa las migraciones del NC con destino a EE. UU. Se apunta que esto aconteció en el marco de los procesos de securitización fronteriza por parte del gobierno mexicano, haciéndose más precarias las condiciones de vida y tránsito de los migrantes irregularizados.

RESEÑA DE: Juan Pablo Aris Escarcena El gobierno securitario-humanitario de las fronteras de Europa Madrid: CSIC, 2021, 293 p. ISBN: 9788400109141

Copyright of Migraciones is the property of Universidad Pontificia Comillas, Instituto Universitario de Estudios sobre Migraciones and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)