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Este artículo se propone indagar en las propiedades gramaticales y el significado de las estructuras seudocoordinadas: agarra y les paga; va y se muere, que se registran en variedades coloquiales de distintos países hispanoparlantes. La seudocoordinación da lugar a construcciones gramaticalizadas de dos formas verbales (flexionadas en las mismas categorías morfológicas y unidas por la conjunción y) que designan un único evento, dado que el primer verbo de cada secuencia está desemantizado o gramaticalizado. Un dato relevante es que los mismos verbos gramaticalizados que intervienen en estructuras seudocoordinadas (e.g., además de agarrar e ir, venir, coger, pillar, saltar llegar y también otros más novedosos: volver, arrancar, largarse, lanzarse, ponerse, meterse, mandarse) funcionan (o funcionaron) como auxiliares de perífrasis, a menudo con valor incoativo. Empíricamente, nos enfocamos en determinar la distribución gramatical de las estructuras seudocoordinadas, diferenciándolas de las perífrasis incoativas, con el fin de ofrecer un análisis sintáctico y semántico de estas construcciones. El recorrido nos permitirá concluir que el significado primario de las estructuras seudocoordinadas gramaticalizadas es el aspecto aoristo (Smith 1991 y Camus Bergareche 2004), en línea con Coseriu (1966) y en oposición a perspectivas recientes como García Sánchez (2007) y Jaque et al. (2018, 2019).

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This paper analyses mood selection in evaluative noun clauses introduced by the neutral article lo. There exist mutually exclusive theories: while certain authors speculate that mood has an impact on an informative level, according to others the subordinate clause of these syntactic constructions always represents rhematic information, regardless of the mood of their verb. To discover which of these speculations is valid, we analysed 4222 cases in the Corpes XXI and determined the frequency with which indicative and subjunctive appear with different verbs and adjectives in the syntactic structures considered. Data demonstrate that either one mood or another is increasingly used in an exclusive way in conformity with the semantic and frequency of the adjective or verb that induces it. This observation not only is solely compatible with the exclusive rhematic value of the subordinate clause, but also with the other secondary theories on the structures here considered. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of Revista Foco (Interdisciplinary Studies Journal) is the property of Revista Foco and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

En este artículo usaré como punto de partida metaestudios sobre desarrollos morfosintácticos, además de datos del corpus tipológico The world atlas of language structures (WALS), y sus distintos features o herramientas de búsqueda para discutir la validez de los senderos de gramaticalización y otros cambios morfosintácticos. Discutiré sus ocurrencias en lenguas románicas y, sobre todo, si la literatura cognitiva diacrónica ha puesto en foco lo suficiente en 1) los desarrollos morfosintácticos en lenguas “periféricas”, es decir, lenguas no indoeuropeas y variedades románicas que difieren de las variedades estándar, y 2) excepciones a cambios esperados. Terminaré discutiendo la importancia de la unidireccionalidad en una teoría cognitiva diacrónica y sus limitaciones, así como la importancia de señalar por qué ciertos cambios lingüísticos no ocurren (véase, entre otros, Reinöl y Casaretto, 2018).

This paper presents a first approach to the discourse marker antes di que (before say that) in contemporary Mexican Spanish. This discourse marker has not been previously studied, and its functions have only been briefly described in the dictionary. Thus, the study collects data on the use of antes di que in contemporary Mexican Spanish to determine its functions. Additionally, by the study of This paper presents a first approach to the discourse marker antes di que (before say that) in contemporary Mexican Spanish. This discourse marker has not been previously studied, and its functions have only been briefly described in the dictionary. Thus, the study collects data on the use of antes di que in contemporary Mexican Spanish to determine its functions. Additionally, by the study of [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper intends to explore the grammatical properties and meaning of pseudo-coordinative structures, as agarra y les paga or va y se muere, registered in different colloquial varieties of Spanish speaking countries. Pseudo-coordination produces grammaticalized constructions of two verbal forms inflected on the same morphological categories and united by the conjuction y, which denotate a unique event, since the first verb is desemantized or grammaticalized. A relevant fact is that the same grammaticalized verbs intervening on pseudo-coordinative structures (besides ir and agarrar, venir, coger, pillar, saltar and llegar, and the more novel volver, arrancar, largarse, lanzarse, ponerse, meterse, mandarse) function (or functioned) as periphrastic auxiliary verbs, often with an inchoative or ingressive meaning. Empirically, the paper concentrates on determine the grammatical distribution of pseudocoordinative structures, differentiating them to inchoative periphrasis, in order to offer a consistent syntactic and semantic analysis of these constructions. This will lead us to conclude that the primary meaning of grammaticalized pseudo-coordinative structures is aorist aspect (Smith, 1991; Camus Bergareche, 2004), in the same lines as Coseriu (1966) and in opposition to recent perspectives, as García Sánchez (2007) and Jaque et al. (2018, 2019). [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

La Tipología intragenética centra su interés en el análisis de propiedades que se observan en lenguas genéticamente emparentadas para explicar procesos de cambio lingüístico diacrónico que se manifiestan en ellas sin pretender desarrollar propuestas de reconstrucción histórica. El análisis de las cons- trucciones comparativas en lenguas yuto-aztecas que aún se hablan en la región noroeste de México, pima bajo, tarahumara, guarijío, tepehuano del norte y yaqui, permite mostrar la variedad de tipos de cláusulas compara- tivas que ocurren en estas lenguas y a partir de ellas proponer las distintas etapas de gramaticalización que dan lugar al surgimiento del marcador del estándar de comparación, dígase el operador clave que contrasta al tópico de la comparación con el estándar de la comparación.

El presente estudio analiza el sistema de seguimiento de referencia en narrativas del wixárika. La lengua dispone de 8 recursos para identificar a las entidades referenciales y sus funciones, de los cuales 6 son comunes a nivel tipológico. Los dos recursos restantes que distinguen al wixárika de otras lenguas yutoaztecas sureñas son los sufijos de seguimiento de referencia y los pronombres posesivos que codifican mismo o diferente sujeto. Además de describir cada uno de estos recursos, se reporta su frecuencia y el proceso de gramaticalización de los sufijos de seguimiento de referencia. Estos hallazgos muestran que el wixárika presenta patrones diferentes a los observados en estudios previos.

El propósito de este trabajo es describir, a partir de un corpus diacrónico de los siglos XIII, XV, XVII, XIX y XXI, la evolución de la expresión a ver, que involucra un cambio en la sintaxis y semántica del verbo ver, de verbo de percepción visual a marcador discursivo. Observaremos que el cambio se da de manera gradual teniendo como consecuencia diferencias en las características morfológicas, sintácticas y semánticas del marcador frente al verbo de percepción visual. Para mostrar el cambio referido, en nuestro análisis distinguimos cuatro tipos de construcciones según su significado; a) significado perceptivo visual; b) significado cognitivo con base en la percepción visual; c) significado cognitivo o significado modal; d) marcador del discurso. Los resultados muestran que el uso de a ver como marcador discursivo se presenta a partir del siglo XIX.

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Copyright of Zeitschrift für Romanische Philologie is the property of De Gruyter and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

The article titled "The grammaticalization of prepositional phrases 'con miras a' and 'con miras de' based on their analysis in the CORDE and CREA corpora" analyzes the evolution of the prepositional phrases "con miras a" and "con miras de" in Spanish through the study of the CORDE and CREA corpora. It describes the grammaticalization of these phrases and their relationship with metaphorical conceptualization in the mentioned corpora. It concludes that these phrases are undergoing a process of grammaticalization and identifies three fundamental domains in the form "miras": visual perception, intellect, and general actions. The article also addresses the structural characteristics of prepositional phrases, the relationship between the preposition and the prepositional phrase, and the relationship between prepositional phrases and human bodily experience. Additionally, it applies the conceptual framework of cognitive linguistics to analyze these constructions and discusses the relationship between conceptual metaphor and grammaticalization in language. [Extracted from the article]

In this paper, the historical development of the construction disponerse a + INF is analyzed, as a carrier of an aspectual value of imminence. Specifically, those lexical-grammatical criteria that allow observing the process of grammaticalization and constructionalization of the scheme are explored. In addition, the semantic expansion from the imminent value to the inchoative and causative value is studied. Throughout the paper, contrasts are made with the diachronic trajectory of poner(se), since this form has exerted an analogical influence on disponer(se). From a theoretical perspective, it interacts with the model of grammaticalization and with the constructions grammar applied to the historical study of verbal periphrasis. At the methodological level, the research is based on the elaboration of a database with the integral registry of the examples from CORDE, which allows projecting quantitative as well as qualitative linguistic analyzes. As a result, the grade of grammaticalization and constructionalization of the item is described, the chronology of its imminence, inchoative and causative values are explored, and the proximity of the construction with the paradigm of aspectual verbal periphrasis is reflected. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

El artículo presenta un análisis de los marcadores discursivos en la documentación novohispana de tipo jurídico-administrativo del siglo XVI. El estudio pone en evidencia que el uso de los marcadores discursivos que mayor presencia tiene en este tipo textual son los que la crítica ha catalogado como aditivos. La investigación también aclara que la conversión de estos adverbios a marcadores discursivos se debe a procesos de lexicalización y gramaticalización. El análisis permite identificar las funciones que estos marcadores desempeñan en el discurso oral o escrito, así como también establecer que el tipo de texto estudiado condiciona al tipo de marcador aditivo.

El presente trabajo describe los diferentes significados que la forma ychakat, en sus diversas combinatorias, tiene en la obra de Valdivia (1607) sobre la lengua allentiac. Más específicamente, se propone que esta forma puede: a) ocurrir postpuesta a (pro)nombres con significados intensificador y reflexivo; b) antepuesta a verbos con un significado reflexivo y c) sufijada a verbos con significados reflexivo y pasivo. A partir de la identificación de dichos significados, se propone una reconstrucción de dos procesos diacrónicos experimentado por esta forma, examinando para dicha propuesta los diferentes caminos que se han propuesto en perspectiva tipológica sobre el tema. Finalmente, se propone que es posible que la tendencia de cambios hacia la sufijación tenga que ver con el contacto con otras lenguas del área andina; sin embargo, el camino semántico seguido es exclusivo del allentiac y no se comparte con otras lenguas del área, por lo que es probable que sea un cambio de naturaleza interna

The goal of this study is to analyse both the use of lo and null object to refer to third person direct objects in an oral corpus of Tzutujil-Spanish bilinguals from the village of Chicacao, Guatemala. The corpus's direct object marking system is characterized by two variants: a) the use of lo as the only third person direct object pronoun, i.e. as an invariable morph; b) its omission, i.e., the production of a zero morph. We put forward that these changes belong to a pronominal system reorganization process caused by the bilingual situation of the region, and an intense contact with Tzutujil, that has caused an acceleration of the grammaticalization process of the Spanish pronominal system of direct object to an object concordance. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The aim of this paper is to study the function and origin of the locutions of causal sense a santo de qué, a qué santo, a cuento de qué, a qué cuento and a cuenta de qué. These phrases introduce marked interrogative constructions, so they imply a negative evaluation by the speaker, that is, they constitute a grammatical sign of the negative implication of the causal question in which they are inserted. The data from all the examples provided in the CDH and CORPES corpus for the forms a santo de qué, a qué santo, a cuento de qué, a qué cuento and a cuenta de qué are analyzed, and an account of the main functional characteristics of the mentioned structures are given. Finally, a hypothesis is posed about the origin and development of the different phrases according to the formal and significant affinities between the different constructions and the relations of interference and analogy in use that may have arisen between them. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

There are hardly any previous studies about the diachronic evolution of Spanish general extenders, which have grammaticalized in a similar way to other discourse elements, such as discourse and pragmatic markers. Some of the linguistic changes which may be observed since at least the second half of the 20th C and disclose the grammaticalization process are: morphological fixation, lost of the referential function of some of their components, the combination with non-nominal anchoring constituents, the acquisition of a procedural meaning and the development of metadiscourse functions not linked to the original referential meaning. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

In this paper we propose a reflection on the theoretical and empirical relevance of approaching the study of historical linguistic change study considering marginalia, that is, phenomena that are typologically unexceptional, but which have been ignored in linguistic research. The objective is to draw attention to the tunnel vision that linguistic theories usually entail for those who work within them, since the paradigms themselves and the study methods that are developed within such theories lead to ignoring certain linguistic phenomena relevant to the study of languages which are relegated to the margins of linguistic description. In order to prove the relevance of these marginalia, we will point out the importance they have had for the advancement of linguistic theories in the last two hundred years. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of Moenia: Revista Lucense de Lingüística & Literatura is the property of Universidad de Santiago de Compostela, Servicio de Publicaciones and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Copyright of Moenia: Revista Lucense de Lingüística & Literatura is the property of Universidad de Santiago de Compostela, Servicio de Publicaciones and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Copyright of Cuadernos de Lingüística de el Colegio de México is the property of El Colegio de Mexico AC and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Copyright of Literatura y Lingüística is the property of Universidad Catolica Cardenal Raul Silva Henriquez and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Copyright of Pragmalingüística is the property of Facultad de Filosofia y Letras, Universidad de Cadiz and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

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Resumen: El quichua santiagueño (familia quechua, Sudamérica) cuenta con diferentes construcciones perifrásticas con verbos auxiliares. Muchas de estas construcciones presentan distintos tipos de variación sincrónica (fonológica, morfológica y sintáctica) que responden a la coexistencia de formas nuevas y formas antiguas, según pudo ser relevado en fuentes primarias, secundarias y en instancias de elicitación. De esta manera, entendiendo que los estudios sobre gramaticalización y la gramática diacrónica de construcciones son enfoques complementarios, este trabajo propone una hipótesis de cambio lingüístico para las construcciones perifrásticas del quichua santiagueño basada en un modelo de gramaticalización que responde al ciclo perífrasis-fusión- erosión y a la extensión de un patrón, originado en las construcciones con converbos, hacia otras construcciones similares. El reconocimiento de construcciones y caminos de gramaticalización similares en lenguas de otras ramas de la familia lingüística permite aportar a las observaciones existentes sobre el vínculo del quichua santiagueño con otras lenguas de la familia. Palabras clave: gramaticalización; reconstrucción sintáctica; quechua; quichua santiagueño. Abstract: Santiagueño Quichua (Quechua, South America) exhibits multiple periphrastic constructions with auxiliar verbs. Many of these constructions are in synchronic variation (phonological, morphological and syntactic) as there is a coexistence of new and old forms. This was observed in primary and secondary sources and during elicitation. As the grammaticalization and diachronic construction grammar are complementary approaches, this work outlines a hypothesis of linguistic change for the periphrastic constructions of Quichua Santiagueño based on a grammaticalization path that responds to the periphrasis-fusion-erosion cycle and the extension of a pattern originated in the converb construction. The recognition of this constructions and similar changes in other branches of the linguistic family allows us to contribute to the existing observations on the position of Quichua Santiagueño among other Quechua languages. Keywords: grammaticalization; syntactic reconstruction; Quechua; Quichua Santiagueño.

Introducción: Los videos y los videoblogs de cocina constituyen un formato popular de amplia divulgación. Desde un punto de vista lingüístico, se trata de un tipo de discurso altamente instructivo en el que llaman la atención algunas construcciones perifrásticas a partir del verbo de movimiento ir (ir a + INF, ir + gerundio y la cadena perifrástica ir a + ir + gerundio) cuyo análisis semántico-funcional está en el centro de interés de este artículo. Métodos: Después de haber resumido los diferentes valores semánticos de las construcciones con ir, se dará un breve resumen de los trabajos dedicados a su uso en el español hablado en Cuba y México. La parte empírica consiste en el análisis cuantitativo y cualitativo de un microcorpus, transcrito de manera ortográfica, de aproximadamente 130 minutos de discursos culinarios provenientes de programas de cocina cubanos y mexicanos. Resultados: El estudio demuestra que el uso de las construcciones en el contexto analizado, en términos generales, corresponde a las funciones ya conocidas. Sin embargo, hay que constatar que los valores semánticos de ir a + INF, ir + ger. y sus combinaciones no se limitan al uso aspecto-temporal, sino engloban también un valor pragmático-textual. Conclusiones: Más allá del análisis detallado, el tratamiento del tema muestra que la descripción de fenómenos gramaticales sigue fuertemente determinada por categorías sólidamente establecidas y visiones eurocéntricas que raramente son cuestionadas.

Copyright of Revista Signos is the property of Pontificia Universidad Catolica de Valparaiso and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

In Mexican Spanish, ocupar ('to occupy') is often employed as a verb of need and necessity, with a similar use and denotation to those of necesitar ('to need'). Despite it being widespread, very little has been written about this phenomenon. In this article, I provide a description of this novel meaning. This description is supported by a Twitter-based study on the distribution of the meanings of ocupar around three Mexican cities. The quantitative analysis of the data confirms the extensive use of ocupar as necesitar, although to varying extents; concretely, it was found to be most frequent in Monterrey. In qualitative terms, I demonstrate that ocupar as necesitar is more often used to express need (i.e., with a nominal complement) than modal necessity (i.e., as a semiauxiliary with a sentential complement). Lastly, I propose that the emergence of this meaning represents a case of ongoing grammaticalization, whose origin can be traced back to older meanings via semantic reanalysis. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

El objetivo del artículo es dar cuenta del proceso de gramaticalización del pronombre personal tónico usted empleado como el clítico -ste en el castellano del sur del departamento de Amazonas (Perú). De acuerdo con el análisis semántico, morfosintáctico y fonológico, este proceso de gramaticalización ha dado origen a un clítico que aporta el sentido de ‘distanciamiento o formalidad’ entre los interlocutores de un evento discursivo. La conclusión principal reporta que el clítico -ste, producto de la gramaticalización del pronombre usted, caracteriza una variedad del castellano andino norperuano, atestiguado también en las provincias andinas de La Libertad, algunas provincias de Cajamarca y Áncash, y en el Bajo Piura (Andrade, 2016, 2018, 2019).

This paper aims at explaining the grammaticalization of igual (and lo mismo) as a reformulative and concessive marker based on a corpus of diachronic texts. The objectives are threefold: to find out the possible relation between the evolution of igual and that of lo mismo in this case, to investigate in what previous contexts the new functions were acquired and in which area they were originated. The corpus study reveals that the evolutions of both forms are related, but the change of formal preference (lo mismo > igual) caused that the grammaticalization of lo mismo as a connective failed and that of igual was successful. The exploration of the previous contexts reflects the link between the reformulative and concessive values. Finally, the process took place in Rio de la Plata area and from there it spread to the inside of Argentina and Chilean Spanish, where it became a popular form. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

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Copyright of Nueva Revista de Filología Hispánica is the property of El Colegio de Mexico AC and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

The phraseological category of pronominal idiom is located at a crossroad among several grammatical categories: noun phrases, nominal idioms, and even pronouns. Although it has a certain theoretical development, the existence of pronominal idioms as a discrete phenomenon has recently been questioned. In this paper, several reasons why the category of pronominal idioms is considered valid and necessary are exposed. The first argument, from a historiographical point of view, is based on the concept of grammatization: the category of pronominal idiom is a consequence of a progressive process of codification related to a linguistic reality that did not fit properly into the preexisting categories. The second argument is of a historical nature: the grammaticalization features of pronominal idioms, which keep them separated from other close categories, are pointed out. As a result, the category of pronominal idiom and its different types are theoretically substantiated: from the best known subcategories, such as personal pronominal idioms (e.g. mi menda, este cura) or quantifying idioms (e.g. todo quisque, ni el Tato) to new subtypes that are added, such as distributive pronominal idioms (tirios y troyanos) and demonstrative pronominal idioms (el [...] que viene). [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Respuesta de José-Luis Mendívil a la primera contribución de Javier Elvira.

Respuesta de Javier Elvira a la réplica de José Luis Mendívil.

Texto inicial de Javier Elvira que resume su visión de la gramaticalización.

Segunda respuesta de José Luis Mendívil a Javier Elvira.

En el siguiente trabajo, se analiza el desarrollo histórico del verbo meter, particularmente sus usos auxiliares como construcción incoativa y causativa. El objetivo consiste en establecer un contraste entre las variedades americana y peninsular; esta última, representada por la investigación de Comer (2018). Para el contraste de variedades dialectales, se seleccionan cuatro criterios de análisis: la fijación sintáctica, la incorporación sintáctica, la animacidad del sujeto y la dinamicidad del infinitivo. En este sentido, el estudio se apoya en la teoría de la gramaticalización y en la gramática de construcciones. Los datos analizados han sido extraídos de corpus históricos como el CORDE y CORDIAM. Como conclusión, se describe que el uso americano del verbo meter evidencia un mayor grado de gramaticalización en cuanto al grado de fijación formal y a la incorporación sintáctica, en tanto que el uso peninsular está más gramaticalizado en relación con la animacidad del sujeto y la dinamicidad del infinitivo. Además, se ofrece evidencia en favor de un mayor conservadurismo sintáctico del español americano.

La categoría fraseológica de la locución pronominal está situada en una encrucijada entre varias categorías gramaticales: los grupos nominales, las locuciones nominales y los propios pronombres. Aunque goza de cierta tradición teórica, recientemente se ha puesto en entredicho su existencia como fenómeno diferenciado de los anteriores. En este trabajo se exponen las razones por las que la categoría lingüística de la locución pronominal se considera válida y necesaria. El primer argumento es de corte historiográfico y está basado en el concepto de gramatización: dicha categoría es la consecuencia de un progresivo proceso de codificación de una realidad lingüística que no encajaba en las categorías preexistentes. El segundo argumento es de tipo histórico: se señalan los rasgos de gramaticalización que presentan las locuciones pronominales y que las alejan de otras categorías próximas. Como resultado, se fundamenta teóricamente la categoría de la locución pronominal y sus diferentes subclases: a las más conocidas, como las personales (p. ej. mi menda, este cura) y cuantificadoras (p. ej., todo quisque, ni el Tato) se añaden dos nuevas: las locuciones pronominales distributivas (tirios y troyanos) y las demostrativas (el […] que viene)

En la lengua española, el sustantivo pinche ha adquirido nuevos significados y nuevas distribuciones gracias a contextos específicos de uso que motivaron su doble refuncionalización. El propósito de este trabajo es mostrar el reanálisis en cadena de la voz pinche en la historia del español: una de sustantivo a adjetivo (El pinche de cocina > La pinche soledad) y otra de adjetivo a adverbio (Tus pinches mentiras > Te pinches amo). Explicaré el oscuro origen del sustantivo pinche con el fin de entender la motivación subyacente que facilitó el primer reanálisis. A la luz de los datos, haré una descripción de los contextos sintácticos y semántico-pragmáticos que favorecieron la refuncionalización de pinche; por último, ofreceré evidencia de una ruta de cambio poco estudiada en la historia de las lenguas: la de adjetivo > adverbio.

The present study aims to analyse the functional values of the routine formula mira quién habla and its (a priori) variants focusing on the changes that have been produced on the communicative level as a response to the changes in the verb form of the nucleus. Accordingly, we seek to examine the differences in the illocutionary force of the speech acts that are performed when the following formulae are used: mira quién habla, mira quién fue a hablar, y mira quién va a hablar. This way, we want to explore the effects of inflectional fixation and also the process of grammaticalization that these expressions go through. In order to meet our goals, we begin with the analysis of the lexicographical information provided by several phraseological and general dictionaries of Spanish language and also the analysis of the illocutionary force found in the examples that we have retrieved from the corpus esTenTen18 (Spanish Web 2018). The preliminary results confirm our main hypothesis: the preferences in the use of certain verb forms in the case of the formula mira quién habla can be a sign of grammaticalization, well they show that we may be dealing with different phraseological units and not different variants of the same formula, as suggested by the dictionaries we have examined. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Santiagueño Quichua (Quechua, South America) exhibits multiple periphrastic constructions with auxiliar verbs. Many of these constructions are in synchronic variation (phonological, morphological and syntactic) as there is a coexistence of new and old forms. This was observed in primary and secondary sources and during elicitation. As the grammaticalization and diachronic construction grammar are complementary approaches, this work outlines a hypothesis of linguistic change for the periphrastic constructions of Quichua Santiagueño based on a grammaticalization path that responds to the periphrasis-fusion-erosion cycle and the extension of a pattern originated in the converb construction. The recognition of this constructions and similar changes in other branches of the linguistic family allows us to contribute to the existing observations on the position of Quichua Santiagueño among other Quechua languages. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]