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Group threat theories postulate that when majority group members feel threatened by minority racial groups, they develop prejudice. However, it is possible that feeling threatened by those perceived as outgroups of racial minorities can lead to support for racial minorities. The threat offered by conservative Christians to progressives can lead those progressives to become more supportive of racial minorities, perceiving those minorities as allies. Data from the 2021 Baylor Religion Survey examined the predictive power of feeling threatened by Republicans, African Americans, conservative Christians, Muslims, atheists, and Buddhists on progressive racial attitudes. After basic social and demographic controls, feeling threatened by conservative Christians and political conservatives was associated with higher support for progressive racialized attitudes, while feeling threatened by Muslims and blacks was associated with lower support for progressive racial attitudes. This research extends theories about group threat theory by focusing on the symbolic threat tied to our current culture war. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article evaluates the gap in attitudes towards Muslims between Quebec and the rest of Canada (ROC) and compares this gap to the importance of other explanatory variables. To do so, the article provides a comprehensive model that constitutes the most extensive study of attitudes towards Muslims in Canada yet. This model boasts the highest explanatory power found in the recent literature. The article finds that while there is a difference in attitudes between Quebec and the ROC, these differences are modest in comparison to inter-individual differences within each region and have weak explanatory power. Group threat theory, social identity theory, and leader evaluations all show greater explanatory power than the aforementioned Quebec gap. Contact theory has weak explanatory power. None of the variables associated with Quebec nationalism appear to have a statistically significant effect in the analysis focused on Quebec cases either. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

As a result of global migration processes, Western societies have become increasingly ethnically diverse. Yet not all regions are equally affected by these immigration processes. The current study investigates whether and how ethnic discrimination in hiring is linked with the regional concentration of ethnic minorities, using original data of a large-scale field experiment on ethnic discrimination (N = 4.211) and detailed regional data in the Netherlands. The results show that greater exposure to ethnic minorities in a region is not clearly related with decreased (indicative of positive intergroup contact) or increased (indicative of group threat) ethnic discrimination in hiring. Rather, the findings provide more support for the familiarisation hypothesis: regional concentrations of ethnic minorities are positively associated with ethnic discrimination, however, this effect levels off and turns negative at high concentrations of ethnic minorities. This result holds particularly for minorities with non-Western migrant origins and minorities with Muslim migrant origins. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Immigration is one of the most contested issues in contemporary political life because of its possible implications for state welfare provisions of receiving countries. There is a fear that rising immigration will erode public support for social policies that benefit immigrants, particularly in contexts of economic crisis. However, some believe that social trust is a determining factor that may mitigate such anti-immigrant attitudes. We test both arguments for the case of Spain through multiple regression analyses of surveys on attitudes towards immigrants, carried out by the Centro de Investigaciones Sociológicas (CIS) from 2007 to 2017. While the results are consistent with expectations according to group threat theory, we also found that trusting individuals are more likely to support immigrants' social rights. Moreover, social trust lessens the negative effects of the perception of threat posed by outgroups —perceived economic threat and perceived size of their population— on support for immigrants' social rights. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

I offer a new measure of perceived proprietary right (PPR) to resources as an operationalization of one critical aspect of Harold Blumer's group threat theory. Black (n = 82), Asian (n = 72), and White (n = 176) participants completed PPR items in the context of a residential resource allocation task designed to evoke competitive threat. A four-factor model of PPR was established through exploratory and confirmatory factor analyses. For Black participants, competitive threat was directly related to anti-Asian prejudice. For Asian participants, competitive threat was related to anti-Black prejudice indirectly, through belief in merit as a source of PPR. Moderated parallel mediation models also uncovered PPR beliefs – on the basis of past oppression and outsider status – as possible sources of allyship between Black and Asian community members. Findings are discussed in relation to Black and Asian relations specifically and the contribution of PPR to intergroup relations more generally. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Anti-Muslim prejudice is widespread in Western countries. Yet, Muslims are expected to constitute a growing share of the total population in these countries over the next decades. This paper suggests that this demographic trend, other factors held constant, will increase anti-Muslim prejudice. Relying on experimental games and a formal model, we find that French players with no recent immigrant background discriminate against Muslims when the proportion of Muslims in their midst increases. Further analysis provides tentative evidence that this discrimination is taste-based.

How does ethnic violence affect the perpetrator group's attitudes towards the victim group? Combining the security threat and ultimate attribution error, I expect that perpetrator group members react to security threats caused by ethnic violence to form negative attitudes towards the victim group. This study tests this hypothesis using the case of ethnic violence against refugees who came to Germany during the "migrant crisis" in 2015. Results show that a higher rate of anti-refugee violence in a German state is associated with more negative attitudes towards refugees among German natives. The effect of ethnic violence is more prominent among Germans with higher concerns for security, pinpointing the threat mechanisms. A series of additional tests, including instrumental variable strategy, Bayesian analysis, and robustness checks support the conclusion. The results of this study indicate that ethnic violence induces negative attitudes among the perpetrator group towards the victim group. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Public opinion climates on immigrants are subject to certain dynamics. This study examines two mechanisms for such dynamics in Western EU member states for the 2002–2018 period. First, the impact of cohort replacement and, second, the impact of periodic threat perceptions, namely, changing macroeconomic conditions and shifts in immigration rates. To date, empirical research on anti-immigrant sentiments rarely combines these two concepts simultaneously to disentangle the interplay of period and cohort effects and determine the factors for long- and short-term attitude changes in societies. Motivated by this gap in the literature, I conduct multiple linear regression analyses of pooled data from all waves of the European Social Survey to show that the process of cohort replacement has led to a substantially more positive opinion climate toward immigrants since the 2000s. However, results indicate that in the future, this positive development is likely to come to a halt since younger cohorts no longer hold significantly more immigrant-friendly attitudes than their immediate predecessors. Furthermore, we observe different period effects to impact cohorts' attitudes. Fixed-effects panel analyses show that the effect of changing macroeconomic conditions on cohorts' attitudes is low. Changes in immigration rates, however, lead to significantly more dismissive attitudes when immigrants originate from the Global South as opposed to when they enter from EU countries. These insights suggest that it is less economic or cultural threat perceptions, but ethnic prejudice that plays a key role for natives to oppose immigration. Overall, findings suggest that it is not either cohort or period effects driving large-scale attitude changes, but rather we observe an interplay of both. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Research investigating how social conditions influence attitudes about immigrants has focused primarily on demographic and economic factors as potential threat inducing contexts that lead to anti-immigrant sentiment. However, the empirical evidence supporting this link is mixed, while social cohesion indicators such as the influence of social trust, have largely been left unexamined. This article uses the European Social Survey (2002–2016) to test how differences in social trust, both within and between countries influence attitudes about immigrants. Results from longitudinal analyses show that countries with higher levels of social trust have more favorable attitudes toward immigrants, and while changes in social trust over time are small, they result in comparably large changes in anti-immigrant attitudes, even when controlling for other social factors. These results are robust across different model specifications and data sources.

This paper examines discrimination against job candidates of Moroccan origin in Spain and the Netherlands. By drawing on insights from group threat theory, we specifically examine how latent ethnic conflicts regarding economic goods or cultural values at the regional level affect discrimination rates of Moroccan minorities in both countries. To this aim, we make use of a cross-nationally standardised field experiment with fictitious candidates applying for real job vacancies in Spain and the Netherlands (n = 3681). We find higher levels of discrimination against job applicants of Moroccan origin in the Netherlands. Whereas job candidates of Moroccan origin are six percentage points less likely to receive a positive response from an employer in Spain, the predicted ethnic gap in call-back rates is fourteen percentage points in the Netherlands. Furthermore, while regional differences in discrimination are not related to regional unemployment figures, we do find some evidence that in the Netherlands a larger share of Moroccans in the region exacerbates discrimination against Moroccan minorities. Altogether, the findings point to the need to give greater weight to the impact of widespread negative beliefs about ethnic minorities and how these beliefs can have a profound adverse impact on the integration of disadvantaged ethnic groups within the labour market. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

To what extent does exposure to immigration condition the types of immigrants citizens are willing to admit? Extending the conjoint approach adopted by Hainmueller and Hopkins (Am J Pol Sci 59(3):529–548, 2015), this study investigates whether the admission preferences of French natives vary based on personal exposure to immigration, as proxied by local demographics and self-reported social contact. Methodologically, we propose and apply new methods to compare attribute salience across different subgroups of respondents. We find that although an inflow of immigrants into respondents' municipalities has a limited influence on how French natives evaluate prospective immigrants, social contact with immigrants matters. Specifically, French natives who do not frequently interact with immigrants are significantly less favorable toward immigrants from non-western countries, and more favorable toward immigrants from western countries. In contrast, natives who report frequent social interactions with immigrants place less weight on nationality as a criterion for immigrant admission. Although scholars have noted an increasing consensus in immigration attitudes across developed democracies, our findings suggest that individual experiences with immigration condition preferences for immigration policy at the national level. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Although scholars of racial inequality have investigated the transformation of racial ideologies in the post-Civil Rights Era, comparatively little research has been done on a corresponding transformation in racial advocacy organizing. Using an original dataset, I introduce racially conservative organizations, provide a history of their growth from 1960 to 2000, and estimate their formation in metropolitan areas over three decades to better specify the factors that led to their emergence. Measures of organizational strength, stability, and growth reveal that racially conservative organizations thrived relative to white extremist organizations in the second half of the 20th century, alongside the de-legitimation of explicit racism and rise of color-blind racism. The multivariate analysis indicates that metropolitan areas with increased political opportunities witnessed a greater likelihood of organizational formation among racial conservatives. In the 1970s, threats to dominant group interests emboldened racial conservatives and incited mobilization. However, in later decades, these conditions weakened dominant group interests in a way that deterred collective action. Racially conservative organizations are more likely to form in contexts that provide them with legitimacy to mobilize around racially sensitive issues. The findings challenge past research that conflates racial conservatism and white extremism and assumes that they share the same determinants. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

"There are numerous instances in which researchers wish to measure the rate of intra- or inter-group interactions (whether positive or negative).  When computing such measures as rates there is great uncertainty regarding the appropriate denominator:  we analytically illustrate how the choice of the denominator when calculating such rates is not trivial and that some existing strategies create a built-in relationship between the computed rate and the group composition within the entity.  Another strand of prior work only focused on the relative occurrence of intra- versus inter-group events, which does not account for the important theoretical possibility that both types of events might increase in certain social contexts.  Our approach provides an advance over these earlier strategies as it allows taking into account the relative frequency of interaction between members of different groups, but then translates this into per capita rates.  We also provide an empirical example using data on inter- and intra-group robbery and aggravated assault events for block groups in a section of the city of Los Angeles to illustrate how our procedure works and to illustrate how other approaches can appear to imply dramatically different conclusions."

Following the refugee crisis, European countries have tried to stimulate the integration of migrants into local society. However, the public, influenced by negative framing of migrants by media and political actors, may feel that not all migrants are equally deserving of settlement. In this study, we obtain greater insight into the public's attitudes towards migrants by applying the deservingness framework to migrant settlement in four European countries: Belgium, France, the Netherlands, and Sweden, using the CARIN typology (control, attitude, reciprocity, identity, need). We use data from the European Social Survey Round 1 (2002) and Round 7 (2014), and online survey data from 2017. We can draw four main conclusions: 1) (at least) three out of five CARIN-criteria (attitude, reciprocity, and identity) apply to settlement deservingness, 2) the identity criterion is considered the 'least' important criterion, while attitude is considered most important, but 3) identity has become increasingly important over time, and 4) there is significant variation in deservingness preferences between countries and over time. Findings indicate that older respondents, men, and Christians are more restrictive towards accepting migrants than younger respondents, women, and Muslims. The role of education is twofold: lower educated individuals value identity more, highly educated individuals value attitude and (future) reciprocity. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

What factors explain majority members' anti-Muslim prejudice? This is an increasingly important question to ask, but to date only relatively few studies have sought to provide answers from a cross-national comparative perspective. This study aims to help fill this gap. Using data from the seventh round of the European Social Survey (ESS) linked with country-level characteristics, our results indicate that (a) a larger Muslim population size, (b) more liberal immigrant integration policies and (c) greater state support of religion are all associated with lower levels of majority members' negative attitudes towards Muslim immigration – our indicator of anti-Muslim prejudice. Such attitudes, however, prove to be unrelated to (d) cross-national differences in the frequency of negative immigration-related news reports as measured by the ESS media claims data. Collectively, these findings bring us one important step closer towards a better understanding of interethnic relations between majority members and Muslim immigrants in European host societies. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

In recent studies, Hipp et al. caution that the selection of the appropriate denominator in computing the rate of intra- and inter-group interactions is consequential for key findings. The present study builds on this work and examines whether adjusting for the structural opportunities for any type of interaction affects the observed relationship between hate crime rates and minority group size. We go beyond prior research by computing distinctive measures of anti-Black hate crime rates across US counties circa 2000. Our findings offer support for the power-differential hypothesis, revealing a negative effect of minority population size on crime motivated by bias. These results also underline the importance of the procedure developed by Hipp et al., showing that that the selection of the "baseline" for the computation of hate crime rates is critical for understanding the relationship between minority group size and crime motivated by bias. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Do perceived political threats lead to religious exclusion? This study explores the political rationale of the exclusionary attitude towards non-Muslim minorities in Turkey. It relies on a qualitative content analysis of the discussions on the Armenian, Greek and Jewish foundations in the Turkish parliament in the 2000s. While doing so, the research brings together the academic literatures on the perception of religious minorities in Turkey with the group threat perspective. The findings show that the exclusionary statements about the non-Muslim minorities are often justified by suspecting them as potential plotters of the dismemberment of the country. The article concludes that to achieve an inclusive political culture in Turkey, it is imperative to understand the perceived national security threats. It also underlines that parliamentary debates constitute an ideal resource for research, which deserves greater attention. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

In this paper, we examine the association between contact with migrant populations and support for the populist radical right (PRR) in Switzerland. Building on group threat and intergroup contact theories, which offer opposing predictions, and drawing on Appadurai's thesis of the 'fear of small numbers', we propose a new theoretical framework to explain this association. We predict that the relationship between the size of the migrant populations and PRR voting is nonlinear: a small but noticeable minority triggers the formation of anti-immigrant attitudes, which soften as the minority grows and people start having meaningful interactions with foreigners. To test these theories, we combine individual-level data with municipality-level information. Mixedeffects multilevel models confirm that individuals in municipalities with a moderate proportion of foreigners are more likely than those with fewer or a greater number of migrants to cast their vote in support of PRR parties; this is particularly so for certain stigmatised minorities. We further explore the effect of perceived immigrant threat in moderating these relationships. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Theories on intergroup relations suggest that negative attitudes toward immigrants tend to rise when economic conditions deteriorate. However, these arguments were mostly tested during times of economic prosperity in Europe. We put this theoretical expectation to test by analyzing two rounds of the European Social Survey (ESS) with data from 14 West European immigration countries before (2006) and after (2010) the peak of the European economic crisis. Results show that anti-immigrant sentiments increased in countries where perceptions of economic insecurity also increased. Anti-immigrant sentiments decreased in countries where perceptions of economic insecurity declined. In contrast, changes in objective economic conditions (i.e. unemployment rates) during the same period of time did not display the expected effects in a similarly robust way. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

We examined the relationship between perceived group threats and citizens' negative outgroup attitudes toward migrant workers using nationally representative survey data (N = 1219) collected from 13 cities across seven Chinese provinces. Additionally, we examined the relationship between intergroup contact and citizens' negative outgroup attitudes toward migrant workers and assessed whether these relationships varied by cultural region and stereotypes. The results showed that perceived group threat was associated with citizens' negative outgroup attitudes toward migrant workers. However, the strength of their relationships decreased significantly in southern cities. The results also showed that contact with migrant workers in general and in the workplace were negatively related to citizens' negative outgroup attitudes toward them. However, it was noted that contact with migrant workers in general would be less effective when implemented in cities, where citizens hold more negative stereotypes toward migrant workers. The findings suggest that negative outgroup attitudes also exist in internal migration, especially in places with high individualism. Intergroup contact, especially contact in the workplace, is an effective strategy for enhancing group integration. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

South Africa is a regional hub for migration on the African continent and is home to a growing documented international migrant community. Foreigners in the country, however, often face violations of their established rights and are the victims of abuse. This paper examines public support for policies that would exclude international migrants from the country. Data from the 2013 South African Social Attitudes Survey, a nationally representative opinion poll (N = 2739) of all adults in the country, are used. This poll found that many South Africans favoured restrictive immigration policies and opposed granting foreigners the same rights as citizens. Multivariate analysis is employed to discern determinants of this opposition. Respondents’ perceptions of the population sizes of foreigners in their communities did not affect support for inclusion. It can be inferred, therefore, that the growth of the immigrant population has not provoked exclusionary attitudes in the country. Rather, results revealed, it is national pride (cultural versus political) and fears about the consequences of immigration that drive such attitudes. Programmes and policies designed to improve public perceptions of how foreigner impact society and the promotion of a nationalism characterised by inclusive multicultural civic patriotism may improve public support for the inclusion of international immigrants. [ABSTRACT FROM PUBLISHER]

Copyright of Review of Social Sciences is the property of National Chengchi University, College of Social Sciences and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Research on the influence of the number of ethnic minority group classmates on majority group students’ interethnic attitudes produced conflicting results. With data from 728 early adolescents, we found that the effect of the ethnic class composition depends on two opposing student-level mechanisms. First, majority group students who liked a larger number of minority group classmates developed more positive attitudes toward minority groups. Second, students who disliked a larger number of outgroup classmates developed more negative outgroup attitudes. In our sample, these two effects neutralized each other because the sample consisted of about the same number of students that liked most of their outgroup classmates and students that disliked most outgroup classmates. Results were consistent in cross-sectional and longitudinal analyses. These results support a new interpretation of the mixed findings in past research, suggesting that past studies may have differed in the number of students who liked and disliked outgroup classmates. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

In multi-ethnic nation-states, opposition to immigration has manifested itself in attitudes and behaviors. Past research has typically focused on anti-immigrant attitudes, and relied on threat and competition theories to explain patterns in such attitudes. These theories suggest that perceived threats stemming from new influxes or large concentrations of immigrants should prompt dominant groups to protect their interests, leading to anti-immigrant attitudes. We extend the literature with a focus on anti-immigrant activity, and introduce the legitimating contexts model, which argues that dominant groups may actually hesitate to engage in exclusionary public actions in places where the political and demographic strength of immigrant and ethnic groups is strong. In contrast to theories of group threat, we contend that in contexts with low levels of immigrant political power and demographic strength, anti-immigrant activity is less likely to be noticed, let alone challenged, and thus more likely to become part of the status quo. Extending political opportunity theory, we also claim that conservative elites and voters in local areas coupled with low levels of threat further legitimate anti-immigrant activity. We test these ideas using a new data set of exclusionary action targeted at immigrants in over 50 U.S. metropolitan areas. In support of the legitimating contexts model, we find that low levels of demographic and political threat-when immigrants enjoy less power-alone and coupled with a higher share of conservative voters act to legitimate and encourage restrictive events on the part of noninstitutional actors. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Japan, like most of the developed world, faces demographic shortfalls brought on by a rapidly aging society with a long life expectancy and low birth rate. Where other Western countries have used increased immigration to help fight these tendencies, immigration rates in Japan remain much lower. Using nationally representative survey data, this article digs deeper into public opinion on immigration, testing contact, and group threat theories. We test a variety of social and demographic variables to see what is associated with attitudes regarding increased immigration and if there have been any obvious changes over time. We find that English conversation ability is strongly associated with positive perceptions toward immigrants in Japan. This provides some evidence of basic, superficial contact working to reduce the negative image of immigrants in the Japanese case. Related Articles [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This study examines the two contending theories of racial issues or ethnic politics, namely, the 'contact' and 'group threat' theories, in an attempt to learn how increased exposure to and contact with China affect Taiwanese people's perceptions of China. More explicitly, faced with China's rising power and changes in cross-Strait relations, the attitudes and sentiments of the general public in Taiwan could either become friendlier or more hostile to China. This study employs a randomized telephone survey, and statistical analysis of the data has allowed us to identify a clear trend of increased exposure leading to more positive opinions of China, confirming the contact theory. Furthermore, these positive impressions have encouraged the very same people to display a willingness to continue interactions with China. This phenomenon understates the unchanging reality that close economic ties between the two sides have overcome, at least to some degree, the sense of hostility across the Taiwan Strait. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of Sociological Theory & Methods / Riron to Hoho is the property of Japanese Association for Mathematical Sociology and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Abstract: Although immigrant integration policies have long been hypothesized to be associated with majority members’ anti-immigrant sentiments, systematic empirical research exploring this relationship is largely absent. To address this gap in the literature, the present research takes a cross-national perspective. Drawing from theory and research on group conflict and intergroup norms, we conduct two studies to examine whether preexisting integration policies that are more permissive promote or impede majority group members’ subsequent negative attitudes regarding immigrants. For several Western and Eastern European countries, we link country-level information on immigrant integration policies from 2006 with individual-level survey data from the Eurobarometer 71.3 collected in 2009 (Study 1) and from the fourth wave of the European Value Study collected between 2008 and 2009 (Study 2). For both studies, the results from multilevel regression models demonstrate that immigrant integration policies that are more permissive are associated with decreased perceptions of group threat from immigrants. These findings suggest that immigrant integration policies are of key importance in improving majority members’ attitudes regarding immigrants, which is widely considered desirable in modern immigrant-receiving societies. [Copyright &y& Elsevier]

This paper provides a thorough test of important contextual explanations of variation in electoral support for radical right-wing parties. It has been proposed that support of the radical right is particularly strong in areas that are socioeconomically poor and/or where the concentration of immigrants is high. A variant of the latter hypothesis, known as the ‘halo effect’, states that the propensity to vote for the radical right is highest in areascloseto immigrant-dense areas, but not within these areas. The data analyses are based on the total population of voting districts in Sweden (N= 5,668), which makes it possible to avoid some of the problems that usually plague studies of contextual effects on voting, such as low numbers of observations. The results demonstrate support for the socioeconomic marginalization hypothesis and, when controlling for socioeconomic factors, the halo effect hypothesis; whereas the support for group threat theory is mixed. [ABSTRACT FROM PUBLISHER]

Copyright of Japanese Sociological Review / Shakaigaku Hyoron is the property of Japan Sociological Society and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

European societies have been experiencing increasing rates of immigration in recent decades. At the same time one can observe a substantial rise in anti-foreigner sentiments. In this study we investigate the effect of human values on attitudes towards immigration. We hypothesise that self-transcendent individuals are more supportive of, and conservative individuals are more adverse to, immigration. We do not expect large differences in the effect of values across contexts. To explain cross-country and cross-time differences we use group threat theory, according to which larger inflows of immigration combined with challenging economic conditions impose a threat on the host society, resulting in more negative attitudes towards immigration. To test our hypotheses we use data from the first three rounds of the European Social Survey (2002–03, 2004–05 and 2006–07) and multilevel analysis. Prior to the interpretation of the results, we guarantee that the concepts display measurement invariance across countries and over time. Our results largely confirm our hypotheses regarding the role that values play in the explanation of anti-immigration attitudes. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The impact of residential turnover and compositional change at the neighborhood level on local patterns of crime lies at the center of most ecological studies of crime and violence. Of particular interest is how racial and ethnic change impacts intragroup and intergroup crime. Although many studies have examined this effect using city-level data, few have evaluated it using neighborhood-level data. Using incident-level data for the South Bureau Policing Area of the Los Angeles Police Department aggregated to census tracts, we use a novel methodology to construct intragroup and intergroup rates of robbery and assaults. The South Bureau has experienced dramatic demographic change as it has transitioned from a predominately African-American area to a predominately Latino area. We find support for the social disorganization model, as racial/ethnic transition in nearby tracts leads to greater levels of intergroup violence by both groups as well as to more intragroup violence by Latinos. Such neighborhoods seem to experience a breakdown in norms, which leads to higher levels of violence in all forms. Particularly noteworthy is that intragroup crime is highest in all settings, which includes the most heterogeneous tracts. We also find support for the consolidated inequality theory, as greater inequality across the two groups leads to more violence by the disadvantaged group. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

In this paper, different aspects pertaining to the negative consciousness that the Japanese residents living in the industrial city which has a large population of foreign residents harbor toward foreign residents, and their contribution factors are clarified through a local resident investigation conducted twice in 1999 and 2005. Firstly, I analyzed the contribution factor of "exclusive consciousness." Subsequently, it became clear that the "relative size of foreign population" in an area had an impact on the "exclusive consciousness" harbored toward the foreign residents in the area in the investigation in 1999. On the other hand, in the investigation in 2005, the effect of the "relative size of foreign population" was lost and the variables of individual attributes and personal characteristics exhibited considerable effect on the exclusive consciousness of the Japanese residents. These findings support the "group threat theory." Secondly, I analyzed the contribution factor of the "consciousness of deteriorating life environment" as perceived by Japanese residents. No variable barring "education" revealed significant effects. This result suggested that the "consciousness of deteriorating life environment" is shared widely among Japanese residents. This paper revealed the following two findings. One is that the group threat theory is supported in the industrial city which has a large population of foreign residents in Japan, and the other is that there is a clear difference between the contribution factors of the "consciousness of deteriorating life environment" and "exclusive consciousness." This implies that different mechanisms are working between "perception" of the "deteriorating life environment" and "manifestation" of the "exclusive consciousness." [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper presents an analysis of the predictors of anti-immigrant attitudes in the postcolonial society of Singapore based on an examination of the impact of group threat on these resentments. The binary regression analysis finds that direct or parental immigration experience has a mitigating impact on anti-immigrant attitudes, while homophobia is the strongest predictor of anti-immigrant prejudice. However, the preference for Singaporeans over immigrants in the allocation of jobs during times of scarce work and low levels of trust in strangers reinforce anti-immigrant sentiments in Singapore. The outcomes presented in the paper suggest that group threat theory has only a moderate explanatory power and that feelings of mistrust deserve more attention in the future for explaining group-based hostile attitudes in plural contexts. Consequently, multicultural Singaporean society exhibits an attitudinal composition that corresponds only partly with group threat theory but with the assumption of the interrelatedness of prejudices. • An empirical analysis of anti-immigrant attitudes in Singapore with representative survey data is presented • Group threat as a theoretical tool for analysing attitudinal trajectories in postcolonial societies is elaborated • Perceived group threat has a moderate impact on anti-immigrant attitudes in Singapore • Ethnic Chinese Singaporeans differ in less trusting strangers, but do not exhibit a higher risk of showing anti-immigrant attitudes [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Research investigating how social conditions influence attitudes about immigrants has focused primarily on demographic and economic factors as potential threat inducing contexts that lead to anti-immigrant sentiment. However, the empirical evidence supporting this link is mixed, while social cohesion indicators such as the influence of social trust, have largely been left unexamined. This article uses the European Social Survey (2002-2016) to test how differences in social trust, both within and between countries influence attitudes about immigrants. Results from longitudinal analyses show that countries with higher levels of social trust have more favorable attitudes toward immigrants, and while changes in social trust over time are small, they result in comparably large changes in anti-immigrant attitudes, even when controlling for other social factors. These results are robust across different model specifications and data sources., Competing Interests: The author declares that the research was conducted in the absence of any commercial or financial relationships that could be construed as a potential conflict of interest., (Copyright © 2021 Mitchell.)

I offer a new measure of perceived proprietary right (PPR) to resources as an operationalization of one critical aspect of Harold Blumer's group threat theory. Black ( n = 82), Asian ( n = 72), and White ( n = 176) participants completed PPR items in the context of a residential resource allocation task designed to evoke competitive threat. A four-factor model of PPR was established through exploratory and confirmatory factor analyses. For Black participants, competitive threat was directly related to anti-Asian prejudice. For Asian participants, competitive threat was related to anti-Black prejudice indirectly, through belief in merit as a source of PPR. Moderated parallel mediation models also uncovered PPR beliefs - on the basis of past oppression and outsider status - as possible sources of allyship between Black and Asian community members. Findings are discussed in relation to Black and Asian relations specifically and the contribution of PPR to intergroup relations more generally.