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There is a growing literature about the international community’s ‘Responsibility to Protect’ (r2p) vulnerable populations against mass atrocities, but more is needed to demonstrate the potential of principled negotiation strategies to improve the quality of r2p outcomes. Proponents of the r2p principle base their arguments on the primacy of protecting human life against mass atrocities. Opponents claim national state sovereignty and non-intervention norms must be upheld. This norm contestation often leads to a situation where r2p is either not implemented or military interventions are conducted as a last resort. From an ethical and human rights perspective, both extremes are suboptimal to prevent and reduce human suffering. This article argues that to avoid both extremes, more effective negotiation strategies are needed. An analytical framework is offered that can guide policymakers in their quest to protect human life with peaceful and humanitarian means focusing on prevention under already existing r2p mechanisms. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Motivation: Displacement significantly disrupts physical environments, social structures, and personal identities, profoundly impacting people's well‐being. Recent studies indicate that displacement can also reshape gender dynamics, highlighting the potential of displacement to transform traditional roles and relationships. Purpose: This study investigates the transformative impact of displacement on gender roles in the context of the Za'atari camp in Jordan. Specifically, it examines how humanitarian aid and forced displacement converge to alter gender relations and enhance women's autonomy. Approach and Methods: The research draws on qualitative interviews with 15 women residing in the Za'atari camp. By exploring their experiences, the study aims to understand how displacement can act as a catalyst for empowerment and self‐sufficiency, despite the inherent challenges faced by these women. Findings: The study reveals that displacement increases independence and self‐awareness, and improves decision‐making among women, facilitating their active participation in society. Humanitarian interventions, particularly educational and vocational programmes, play a crucial role in empowering women by improving self‐confidence, communication skills, and legal awareness. These initiatives also provide access to the labour market, challenging traditional gender norms. Policy Implications: Despite the positive impacts, significant obstacles persist. Women often assume greater responsibilities as primary breadwinners, which can erode their control within personal spheres and increase vulnerabilities. Traditional norms continue to hinder complete gender parity. The findings underscore the need for comprehensive and sustainable humanitarian interventions to support and sustain positive changes in gender dynamics in displacement settings. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article explores the gendered securitisation of humanitarianism through the lens of Venezuelan women who have fled to Brazil, as part of the largest migration flow in South America. By the end of 2022, the number of displaced Venezuelans had grown to seven million, half of whom were women and girls. Alongside humanitarian programmes, measures of migration control, policing and deterrence are now routinely implemented. This article explores the interplay between securitised policies and humanitarian programmes in the everyday experience of rights of Venezuelan migrant women and girls. We ask: what happens when migrant women reach Brazil, a supposed place of safety? Do they experience rights restitution and protection, or do they continue to be subject to everyday gendered humiliations? Building on fieldwork in Boa Vista and Manaus in 2020–2022, we explore migrant women and girls' experiences with shelter and healthcare, two central pillars of humanitarian programmes. Contributing directly to literatures on migration management, humanitarianism and control, this article focuses on 'the receiving end' of securitised humanitarian practices and deploys a gender lens to reveal how securitised humanitarianism reproduces disciplinary dynamics of governance and creates gendered risks and vulnerabilities that erode migrant women and girl's rights and agency in everyday life. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

How states join coalitions affects the extent to which they are perceived as blameworthy – or praiseworthy – for the outcome of that coalition. By extension, states' moral reputations can be a contributing factor that dissuades those states from volunteering to join humanitarian interventions, despite the ethical imperative to do so. To highlight this argument, this article considers the Australian and the United Kingdom (UK) governments' initial reluctance to join yet another United States-led intervention in Iraq to combat the Islamic State in Iraq and Syria (ISIS). [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article analyzes Clinton's decision to intervene in Bosnia in 1995. The methodology used is a historical analysis of primary and secondary source material and an interpretation of that material. The available evidence shows that after not intervening in Rwanda, Clinton evolved toward a more assertive foreign policy. Clinton eventually fought against pressures to employ a containment strategy in Bosnia, pushed to lift the arms embargo on the Bosnian Muslims, and strike at the Bosnian Serbs. After multiple failed attempts at diplomacy to accomplish these goals, Clinton managed to achieve his objectives through indirect methods. He set the stage for a major military offensive against Bosnian Serb forces before the massacre at Srebrenica, which is an important correction to the traditional narrative on the topic. Clinton then initiated a massive U.S.-led bombing campaign, achieved military objectives, negotiated a peace agreement, and deployed U.S. troops to enforce the peace agreement. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

It is well-known that the People's Republic of China's attitude towards the military interventions by other states and organization on the territory of third states has been traditionally guided by the rules of the UN Charter and that it only accepted military interventions with self-defensive purposes, collective security actions with a clear mandate given by the UNSC, while rejecting ab initio unilateral armed interventions without a proper UNSC mandate. PRC is strongly opposed especially to military actions that results into interference in the domestic affairs of other sovereign states. Also, Beijing has made a tradition of not recognizing territorial annexations resulting from the use of military force, nor the emergence of new states as a result of illegal military interventions by other states or organizations. Thus, it did not recognize the temporary annexation of Kuwait to Iraq (1990), later it did not recognize Kosovo, nor Abkhazia and South Ossetia as independent states. But in the recent years, as Sino-American rivalry become stronger and the western states (the NATO and EU members) began to gradually limit China's trading and technological freedom on their territories, Beijing turned to Russian Federation and they created a strategic partnership against Western values and strategic aims. Therefore, PRC became much more tolerant with Moscow's aggressive behavior and refrained from condemning Russian attack on Ukraine. The Chinese propaganda but also the scientific experts prefer to blame USA (and NATO as such) for having isolated and frustrated Russia, while avoiding to name Russia as a genuine aggressor in international law. Thus, China seems to gradually moving away from its strict adherence to the UN Charter's norm restricting the use of force in international relations. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The Journal of Palestine Studies’ special issue on infrastructure, environment, and health in Palestine sheds new light on the conditions and possibilities of politics. Although it is commonly viewed as “an entity ostensibly separate from technology and other human constructions,” the environment is in fact a particular configuration of “socio-technical arrangements.” The special issue’s four articles and two reflection essays—by Nadi Abusaada, Leena Dallasheh, Samir Harb, Cristina Violante, Nimrod Ben Zeev, and Emily McKee—span historical periods from Ottoman-ruled Palestine to the contemporary era. Hailing from the fields of history, architecture, anthropology, and legal theory, the contributors draw on original archival, spatial, and ethnographic research to parse the realities, experiences, and lessons that Palestine offers beyond its status as a site of settler-colonial deprivation and toxicity. Together they demonstrate that infrastructure, environment, and health are fundamentally and irrefutably political. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The bio-medical model of 'mental health' and 'mental illness' that relates to the relationship between wellbeing and distress informs psychopathology and dominates conceptualisation in many Western Educated Industrialised Rich Democratic (WEIRD) populations. This paper aims to critique the model, questioning the appropriateness of psychopathology as a conceptual framework when working as a Western trained clinician with populations such as in China, Japan, Asia, the Middle-East and Africa. The paper also considers the cultural appropriateness of western notions of psychopathology when working inter-culturally in relation to the Inter-Agency Standing Committee (IASC) Guidelines on Mental Health and Psychosocial Support in Emergency Settings, and the Review of the Implementation of the IASC Guidelines on Mental Health and Psychosocial Support in Emergency Settings. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article investigates the role of intersubjective and situated meanings and norm contestation for militarised humanitarian interventions from a critical perspective. The International Relations (ir) literature on humanitarian interventions, the Responsibility to Protect doctrine, and emergence of norms is explained and critically evaluated. The case analysed here is Turkey and its foreign policy discourse regarding interventions in Libya and Syria. Based on the case and literature review, the author concludes that critical approaches particularly provide useful tools to understand the role of identity, changing foreign policy narratives, and power constellations in world politics. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This research analyzes Clinton's decision to not intervene in the Rwandan genocide. The methodology used is a historical analysis and interpretation of primary and secondary source material. Clinton admitted that not intervening in the Rwandan genocide was one of the greatest regrets of his presidency. There was not a substantial amount of domestic support for an intervention into Rwanda and Clinton did not attempt to use his influence to change that disposition. Clinton did not attempt to change domestic sentiments due to his priorities of reduced funding for foreign operations and the avoidance of 'mission creep.' The most common fault in the current historiography is the claim that Clinton did not intervene in Rwanda because of the failed mission that had recently occurred in Somalia, which does not align with the available evidence. Upon leaving office, he accepted ownership of his poor decisions and expressed sincere regret. 本研究分析了克林顿总统在卢旺达大屠杀中采取的不干预决策。使用历史分析法并对原始资料和次级文献加以诠释。克林顿承认，未干预卢旺达大屠杀一事是其在位期间最大的遗憾。彼时就干预卢旺达大屠杀一事并没有大量的国内支持，并且克林顿没有试图使用其影响力来改变这一倾向。鉴于其将重点聚焦于减少外交行动所需资金和避免"使命偏离"，克林顿也没有试图改变国内情绪。当前历史编篡学中最常见的错误论断则是，克林顿因之前在索马里的行动失败而并未干预卢旺达大屠杀，但这与可获得的证据不一致。任期结束时，克林顿承认了其糟糕的决策并表达了由衷的遗憾。 [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Abstract In this article, we use the notion of legitimacy to analyse shifts in global humanitarian interventions since the 1990s, culminating in the contested adoption of the Responsibility to Protect (R2P) framework under the United Nationsumbrella in 2005. We assess how this important shift was disputed with narratives of protection and interference, and argue that the engagement of nonhegemonic actors (specifically Brazil and Russia) with the scope of humanitarian protection has influenced the substantive legitimacy of this global governance issue over the past three decades by creating a norm-making process in which the fundamental features of humanitarianism have been tested and challenged.

Abstract In this paper, we challenge the belief that failure is necessarily a bad outcome. Instead, we argue that failure—specifically articulated as productive failure—should rather be seen as an educational moment and learning opportunity. Furthermore, we examine the field of humanitarian engineering to argue that the failures of various humanitarian engineering interventions are not necessarily because of flaws in the design process but due to the dominance of the mainstream development discourse, which obscures the importance of local contexts, knowledge, and wisdom. We ground the discussion in the broader context of contemporary development discourses and examine some examples of the failure of engineering and humanitarian assistance/development projects that can be converted into “productive failures” and used as learning opportunities.

In addition to scientific and historical accounts, artistic and media texts also construct stories of significant events, thus constructing ideologically charged narratives of present and past events. These narratives can become official versions of the past that shape collective memory and identity. Unlike history books, which are written with a greater time distance, media and artistic texts directly influence the formation of narratives about current events and therefore the self-confidence and self-understanding of the collective. Based on an interest in the question of how identity is formed in today's Serbia, this article deals with media and artistic texts that speak about one of the most significant events in Serbia’s recent history - the NATO bombing of the Federal Republic of Yugoslavia. Opinions about this event are divided, and the totality of information about the bombing seems unknowable. To establish a more objective approach to this issue, the images of the bombing created by foreign media and artists are analyzed from the point of view of Memory Studies and through theories of arts and media (Assmann, Hartman, Felman, Laub, Kuljić), primarily using content and linguistic discourse analysis (Foucault, Spitzmüller, Warnke). The analysis has shown that most of the analyzed media texts justify the bombing, while all artworks criticize and condemn it. This has led us to the conclusion that that the bombing wasn’t justified, and that media texts on the subject served as political propaganda. In other words, artistic texts have a greater potential for social and political criticism than the media. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Combating terrorism is one of the foreign policy of the United States (US). The Islamic State of Iraq and The Levant (ISIL) or The Islamic State of Iraq and Syria (ISIS) is one of the movement deemed terrorists and has disturbed world peace. Ultimately the US decided to intervene to deal with the frequent acts of terror by ISIS which resulted in gross human rights violations. This article aims to find out how the US intervention to combat human rights abuses and acts of terror that have been done by ISIS. The research method which was used in this research is library research method, such as books, articles, journals, and various media which were relevant to this research. It has been found that the form of settlement efforts to reduce human rights violations, the US made preventive and repressive efforts. In preventive efforts, the US created an international coalition to gain support to counter terror committed by ISIS. Then the repressive effort is humanitarian intervention in the form of military aid and humanitarian aid. The US donates $ 1.2 billion annually and 350 million dollars as a form of military and humanitarian aid to combat ISIS.

In this paper, we challenge the belief that failure is necessarily a bad outcome. Instead, we argue that failure—specifically articulated as productive failure—should rather be seen as an educational moment and learning opportunity. Furthermore, we examine the field of humanitarian engineering to argue that the failures of various humanitarian engineering interventions are not necessarily because of flaws in the design process but due to the dominance of the mainstream development discourse, which obscures the importance of local contexts, knowledge, and wisdom. We ground the discussion in the broader context of contemporary development discourses and examine some examples of the failure of engineering and humanitarian assistance/development projects that can be converted into "productive failures" and used as learning opportunities. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

In this article, we use the notion of legitimacy to analyse shifts in global humanitarian interventions since the 1990s, culminating in the contested adoption of the Responsibility to Protect (R2P) framework under the United Nations umbrella in 2005. We assess how this important shift was disputed with narratives of protection and interference, and argue that the engagement of nonhegemonic actors (specifically Brazil and Russia) with the scope of humanitarian protection has influenced the substantive legitimacy of this global governance issue over the past three decades by creating a norm-making process in which the fundamental features of humanitarianism have been tested and challenged. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Since early 2016, part of the Malian urban refugees living in Bobo-Dioulasso, Burkina Faso, have to "capitalize" on their refugee status to make ends meet. By examining when, why, and how the refugee status transmutes into an economic asset, this article shows how the possibilities to negotiate with the refugee category vary significantly within this group of forced migrants. Indeed, categories are not only imposed on people, but are negotiated by the actors themselves in their interactions and within their social and political economies. My article shows how the refugees' ability or possibility to participate in the co-construction of their category is shaped by both the social and political context in which they are, as well as by wider intersectional and structural dynamics in which their lives are situated, such as socio-economic class, gender and race. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

In the post-Cold War, various conflicts provoked humanitarian catastrophes and threatened international peace. International society responded through different forms of humanitarian interventions that questioned sovereignty and the principle of nonintervention, fundamental pillars of the international order. This article identifies and characterizes the different humanitarian responses of international society: Peace Operations, unilateral interventions, and the Responsibility to Protect (RtoP). It also examines how Latin American countries position themselves in front of these actions and the RtoP, analyzing whether these countries have reached minimal agreements, and whether they present a common position within the United Nations. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Cost‐effectiveness analysis is increasingly relevant in humanitarian action. The cost of response has increased exponentially in the past decade, alongside concurrent donor budget restrictions. However, there remains limited comprehension and application of these methods in this field. This paper documents methods developed for use within Action Against Hunger, an international humanitarian organisation, in response to a lack of understanding of this topic within the humanitarian community and limited evidence of the cost‐effectiveness of humanitarian action. These methods encompass costs to both implementing institutions and participating communities. Activity‐based cost analyses are conducted to assess resources per programme activity. Cost‐effectiveness is evaluated using successful programme outcomes, and uncertainty is appraised via sensitivity analysis. This paper aims to advance knowledge, stimulate discussion, and promote the adoption of cost‐effectiveness methods for building the evidence base for humanitarian action, including consideration of community costs, to enable analytical outputs that are useful for managers and policymakers alike. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

As a growing number of contemporary American novelists take the world and its socio-cultural and geopolitical complexity as their subject matter, the contemporary novel's form and sense of worldliness are shifting. Twenty-first century US fiction challenges normative models of the world proposed by theories of cosmopolitan relationality by projecting fragile worlds of strife and trauma, in which violence accompanies geopolitical turbulence. In these novels, discourses around human security—the everyday security needs of vulnerable populations—are increasingly prominent. Accordingly, contemporary US fiction often incorporates within its geopolitical imaginary such issues as human rights, humanitarian interventions, development, and how life is disabled by prejudice, civil war, scarcity, and health or other crises. In this essay, I range across a number of works by contemporary American novelists such as Dave Eggers, Jennifer Egan, Denis Johnson, Dana Spiotta, and Bob Shacochis in which state failures as well as human and geopolitical security concerns impact on the form given to the world by these novelists. In their novels, narratives concerning human security as well as threats to geopolitical stability produce transnational geographies in which global interconnections and circulation intensify feelings of insecurity. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The author analyzes the evolution of human rights and fundamental freedoms in domestic political life of individual states and in international relations as well over the latest two centuries. The article traces the role of struggle for liberal political human rights and civilian freedoms in the dismantling of the feudal-absolutist regimes as well as the challenges of radical left-wing (communist) and far right-wing (national-socialistic) threats to be met by the supporters of liberal political rights and civil freedoms in the interwar period. The list of human rights and fundamental freedoms had constantly been updating in the postwar period, including by the efforts of the UNO and other international organizations, and fixing in different international documents. The author emphasizes the import role of the Conference on Security and Cooperation in Europe (CSCE) in transforming the issues of human rights and fundamental freedoms into the essential element of public diplomacy of contemporary states. He traces the process of the increasing utilization of liberal political rights and civilian freedoms, which are usually the effective tools for domestic democratic transformation, within the framework of diplomatic practice of European and North-American states, aimed at ensuring their political and economic interests on the world stage. In this regard the author addresses the attempts of Western countries to legalize "humanitarian"interventions in circumvention of the UN Security Council. The article emphasizes the necessity to replenish the understanding of universal human rights and freedoms by the values, developed both by the international community within the framework of implementing the Millennium Development Goals and by various countries and peoples, which in sum constitute the modern international civilizational baggage.

The author analyzes the evolution of human rights and fundamental freedoms in domestic political life of individual states and in international relations as well over the latest two centuries. The article traces the role of struggle for liberal political human rights and civilian freedoms in the dismantling of the feudal-absolutist regimes as well as the challenges of radical left-wing (communist) and far right-wing (national-socialistic) threats to be met by the supporters of liberal political rights and civil freedoms in the interwar period. The list of human rights and fundamental freedoms had constantly been updating in the postwar period, including by the efforts of the UNO and other international organizations, and fixing in different international documents. The author emphasizes the import role of the Conference on Security and Cooperation in Europe (CSCE) in transforming the issues of human rights and fundamental freedoms into the essential element of public diplomacy of contemporary states. He traces the process of the increasing utilization of liberal political rights and civilian freedoms, which are usually the effective tools for domestic democratic transformation, within the framework of diplomatic practice of European and North-American states, aimed at ensuring their political and economic interests on the world stage. In this regard the author addresses the attempts of Western countries to legalize "humanitarian"interventions in circumvention of the UN Security Council. The article emphasizes the necessity to replenish the understanding of universal human rights and freedoms by the values, developed both by the international community within the framework of implementing the Millennium Development Goals and by various countries and peoples, which in sum constitute the modern international civilizational baggage.

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Humanitarian interventions are response of the international community to grave violations of human rights involving military action of one or more States with or without the authorisation of the United Nations Security Council. There are several issues related to humanitarian interventions that are discussed by legal scholars, political scientists and diplomatic circles with regard to the use of armed force as a response to human rights violations - the issue of sovereignty of States, principle of non-intervention and unilateral use of force and justification of military interventions without the authorisation of the UN Security Council even when the interventions are aimed at protecting human rights of a civilian population. This paper discusses humanitarian interventions from the perspective of international law primarily in light of the UN Charter and the role of the UN Security Council in maintaining international peace and security. It examines the concept of state sovereignty, human rights and the application of international humanitarian law to sides in the conflict including those conducting a humanitarian intervention in order to prevent additional suffering of civilians. It provides a brief overview of the humanitarian interventions carried out as a response to armed conflicts in Kosovo and Bosnia and Herzegovina in the 1990s. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Kant philosopher of war? In the reknowned review “Internationale Politik”, edited by the German Association for Foreign Politics, Berlin, the German General K., formerly active in leading functions in NATO, pretends to have discovered that Kant is not a philosopher of peace, but rather a defender of military actions, including what are now called “humanitarian interventions” and that NATO has every right to refer to him. In the following article this daring thesis is refuted and shown to be unfounded. NATO cannot invoke Kant. The UN can all the more.

It is argued today that African states largely endorsed the principle of the responsibility to protect and the establishment of the international criminal court (ICC) only to reverse course in equally great majorities at the moment of implementation. This supposed reversal —particularly around the indictment of Sudan’s Omar al Bashir and the intervention in Libya, has surprised human rights groups and would-be humanitarians. The latter entities had expected African populations and elites to uniformly embrace the ICC and the responsibility to protect as salutary normative developments for a continent beset by civil wars and human rights violations. The reactions to the supposed African “reversal” are misguided at best. The majority of Africans do not object to the normative underpinning of the new humanitarian regimes. It is my contention that Africans generally object to evolving gaps between, on the one hand, the discourses and doctrines of human security, humanitarian intervention, and the responsibility to protect and, on the other, the practices of intervention under humanitarianism. These gaps are not merely happenstance. To postcolonial sensibilities, they are the result of long Western traditions in which the imperial right of intervention has blended seamlessly with moral predicates of humanitarian intervention —and now the responsibility to protect. To me, the African positions in these regards illustrate a continuing struggle for decolonization of international law and morality as they pertain to political subjectivity, global democracy, justice, and international existence or life. As a note of caution, I wish to indicate that I do not intend to speak for a uniformly-defined Africa and/or for all African entities. Nor do I wish to conflate the official West and authoritative decisions made by Western leaders with the sentiments and traditions of all constituencies of what might be called The West.

Sexual and gender based violence may result in a range of destructive consequences to the individual, their family and the wider community. Addressing such violence and its immediate aftermath in circumstances of civil turmoil requires a timely, planned and coordinated multidisciplinary response. Such interventions need to be cognisant of, and address a range of challenges which might include economic barriers, religious and cultural divides, a dearth of respect for human rights and limited access or capacity of medical, policing and legal services. In addition to addressing the immediate humanitarian prerogatives of health and safety issues, further objectives include the provision of support and justice for victims and the goal of ending impunity for perpetrators of sexual violence. Forensic medicine and its practitioners have the potential to make significant contributions in this field. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article reviews the aftermath of displacement caused by natural calamities such as hurricanes, earthquakes, and man-made disasters such as war, ecological degradations, and political, religious, and ethnic persecution. These are traumatic events for individual, families, and communities that require social work interventions. Specifically, the authors will (a) explore the effects of displacement on individuals, families, and communities; (b) propose an explanatory model of the effects of trauma, loss, stress, and separation on behavioral outcomes as mediated by social supports and coping styles; and (c) suggest humanitarian intervention strategies conceptualized by the multilevel public health prevention model, with emphasis on interventions at the individual, group, and community levels. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Following the end of the Cold war, a period of „rule breaking and rule making” has emerged. Its nature is contradictory, exlusionary, based on the power division. The powerfull are rule makers, determining the scope of their relevancy(self-exclusion) and the form of implementation. The justification, given for the „rule breaking and rule making” is the moral imperativ and the vacuum created by limited relevance of the state-centric international law that can not address the problems that have come about as the result of the transformation of sovereignty, emergence of new non-state actors in the era of globalization. However, what is emerging is not a new normative order. The dramatic inequalities of states and their sovereign powers are perpetuated, the criteria of arbitrariness in the use of force is extended and the notion of protecting human rights is instrumentalized for geopolitical interests. In orderfor „moral dependency” to become a force of cosmopolitism, coherent critical reflection is required, as well as systematic and uwavering efforts invested into the strengthening of democracy and rule of law at the global level, decisive affirmation of the spirit of cooperation and non-violent conflict resolution and the development of effective instruments of transcending the new exclusionary practices generated by the old/new world.

Polêmico, misto de intelectual e ativista político, Avram Noam Chomsky tem sido um ferrenho crítico da política internacional desde os anos 1960, e muito em particular de seu próprio país, os Estados Unidos, o qual acusa de desenvolver um programa de globalização imperial, com sérias conseqüências para a cidadania de milhões de seres humanos do planeta. Este artigo ressalta a contribuição de Chomsky na análise de situações recentes relacionadas a conflitos humanitários em diversas partes do mundo. Ao construir um painel em que descreve quase à exaustão os chamados "crimes terríveis" cometidos na "nova era", Chomsky lança luzes sobre o discurso político de governantes, representantes de organizações internacionais, jornalistas e autores no campo da política internacional, visando revelar o que nem todos conseguem ou querem ver.A controversial author, mix of an intellectual and an activist, Avram Noam Chomsky has been a hard critic of international politics since the years 1960, and especially of his own country, the United States of America, which accuses of developing a program of imperial globalization, with serious consequences for citizenship of millions of human beings on the planet. This paper emphasizes the contribution of Chomsky on the analysis of situations related to recent humanitarian conflicts in many parts of the world. By making a panel on which he describes nearly to exhaustion the so-called "terrible crimes" committed in the "new era", Chomsky casts light on the political discourse of governors, representatives of international organizations, journalists and authors in the field of international politics, seeking to reveal what not everyone can or want to see.

Studies on the democratic control and legitimacy of Common Security and Defence Policy (CSDP) have thus far mostly focused on formal institutions. However, a comprehensive analysis requires including the ‘sociocultural infrastructure’ in which such formal institutions are embedded. Students of democracy have argued that the public sphere is a crucial dimension, if not a precondition for all mechanisms of democratic control in general. This paper investigates whether and in which ways Europeans participated in transnational European communication on humanitarian military interventions (1990–2005/2006). The paper analyzes a full sample of 108,677 newspaper articles published in leading newspapers of six EU member states, and the US as a comparative case. It demonstrates that the ‘national’ arenas of political communication are intertwined and allow ordinary citizens to make up their minds about common European issues in the highly controversial and normatively sensitive realm of humanitarian military interventions. [ABSTRACT FROM PUBLISHER]