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Privatization of public education in North America has long been influenced by two schools of conservative thought: neoliberalism, which seeks to create a marketplace for public services in which individuals choose the option they judge to be in their best interests and government's role is limited as much as possible to simply funding these choices; and neoconservatism, which believes that education should seek to uphold traditional religious and social values. These two strains are divided in terms of their view of how much control government should seek over education, but united in their agreement that funding should "follow the student" to the option of the parents' choice. Recently, far-right conservative groups in the U.S. and Canada have been inciting a moral panic over "gender ideology" in schools, and in particular transgender students. Under cover of this moral panic and the accompanying call to recognize "parent rights," the right is organizing to gain greater influence over public education through legislation and through the election of conservative candidates to school boards, even as it seeks greater privatization options for families who wish to opt out of public education. While this trend has been noticeable in Alberta for some time, it appears to be spreading to the rest of Canada as well.

Parallel with the growth of research on the role of religious ideologies in teachers' professional lives, the present study drew on an ecological perspective and explored how religious ideology (i.e., Islamic principles) intersected with Iranian English language teachers' agency and identity. The study was methodologically situated within a narrative inquiry methodology, and data were collected from narrative frames and semi-structured interviews. Data analyses revealed that Islamic principles intersected with teachers' agency and identity in three major ways: Islamic principles as a humiliating cult, agency-demolishing nature of ideology, and resisting Islamic ideologies. The study shows that, on the one hand, ideology can serve as a source of humiliation and harm to teachers' agencies and identities. On the other hand, teachers also influence ideology by not only showing resistance, but practicing certain instructional initiatives that raise students' awareness of the destructive nature of Islamic principles. The study concludes with implications for teachers on how to communalize their agentic initiatives so that they can construct their identities in more constructive ways.

We compare the institutional standards and expectations for English language arts (ELA) educators from the National Council of Teachers of English (NCTE), the leading professional organization in this field, and the state of Georgia. By conducting a critical policy analysis of documents from NCTE and the Georgia Department of Education (GADoE) we sought to understand the tension between standards set for training English education students in institutions of higher education and the standards those teachers would be required to use in Georgia K-12 schools. We analyze these documents through Cooper et al.'s (2004) policy analysis framework, which questions the normative, structural, constituent, and technical dimensions of policy development. We found that the ideological beliefs and values embedded in the policies and documents from NCTE and GADoE have developed divergent sets of expectations for ELA teachers in Georgia, particularly around how teachers respond to oppression in our society; how we understand the overall purpose of ELA instruction; and the scope of responsibilities for educators. We end by presenting implications for educators working among these two sets of policies, in recognizing where these expectations may overlap as well as diverge.

Community and campus partners can benefit from place-based community engagement to enact a commitment to racial equity and community-driven decision-making. Racial equity is paramount in place-based community engagement. However, very little attention has been given to how whiteness in the ideological foundations of higher education shapes the work lives of professionals, faculty, and the collaborations they form to address community issues. Thus, the purpose of this case study is to foreground some paradoxes of whiteness-at-work (Yoon, 2012) in an informal place-based community engagement collaboration between the Center for Public Life at Oklahoma State University-Tulsa and members of the historic Greenwood community in Tulsa, Oklahoma. We take a reflexive stance (Ozias & Pasque, 2019), examining our own experience to explore how Yoon's (2012) concept of whiteness-at-work serves as a tool for advancing the racial equity agenda of place-based community engagement. We conclude that whiteness-at-work provides a useful lens through which to begin explicitly surfacing ways in which place-based community engagement can reify and perpetuate white hegemony. This approach also provides a starting point for racial "justice-in-the-doing," the internal, interpersonal, and institutional work to disrupt hegemonic whiteness" (Yoon, 2022), in place-based community engagement that may move us further toward garnering the racial equity to which we aspire.

This study attempts to explore the teachers' beliefs on the causes of learners' misbehavior in language classrooms. To do so, 23 language teachers completed a narrative frame in which they discussed a misbehavior experience they had in the class and why they thought it happened; they, then, attended semi-structured interviews where they discussed their experiences regarding learners' misbehavior. A thematic analysis was employed and the data was analyzed with an eye on the study's theoretical underpinning, i.e., Activity Theory (AT). The results indicated that there are different sources of misbehavior on different interconnected components of AT. In the "tool" component, the emergent themes were materials constraints, technological challenges, and hobbies interventions. In the "rules", some themes such as teaching methodology, socio-cultural norms, and political, and ideological intolerance or disobedience emerged. It was in the "community" component of AT that the data revealed social phenomena, colleagues and authorities, and learners heterogeneity. Finally, in the "division of labor" the emerged themes were overwhelming responsibilities, family issues, and executives' dereliction. The findings suggest a new look at language learners' misbehavior and inform teacher education programs in which teachers are trained on this issue to manage learning in their classrooms effectively.

This reflective article examines the emerging tendencies in critical perspectives within English Language Teaching (ELT). The article begins by providing a brief historical overview of ELT's critical pedagogies and discussing its perspectives in the post-pandemic era. It highlights the need for critical approaches that address power dynamics, social inequalities, and ideological influences. In addition, new trends imply integrating cultural aspects that favor students' identity and culture, and more dynamic bilingual practices to promote inclusive, socially just, multilingual, and transformative language learning environments. The article concludes by emphasizing the importance of ongoing reflection, professional development, and collaboration among ELT practitioners to incorporate critical perspectives effectively in the classroom.

Equity in action starts with a leader's critical consciousness in relation to their identities, ideologies, and positionalities. In this essay, the following factors: ideologies, identities, and positionalities are explained and emphasized as they are essential factors that impact equity work. Leaders who center equity must explore their own critical consciousness through an equity lens so that they prioritize equity at the forefront while leading, collaborating, and making decisions in their leadership positions. The positionality of leaders is also critical on how they use their power to influence their community and amplify the voices of the underrepresented. One subset of the findings, Equity in Action, from my dissertation, "Asian American Community College Presidents: The Power of Identities, Ideologies, and Positionalities" is included in this essay. To set the foundation of the dissertation, the SEL framework, also known as the shared equity leadership framework (Kezar et al., 2021) is used to analyze how leaders build their own capacity in equity work. In addition, my positionality and development as an equity leader are reflected in this essay.

French immersion (FI) programs are becoming increasingly culturally and linguistically diverse as a result of growing migration to Canada. In the present mixed-methods study, I explore the perspectives and ideologies of teachers, principals, and central office staff in eight school divisions in Saskatchewan, Manitoba, and Alberta with respect to refugee-background students in FI programs. Through the triangulation of survey responses (N=126) and interviews (N=40), I examine perspectives pertaining to four themes: 1) suitability of FI for refugee-background students; 2) language learning; 3) challenges facing refugee-background students; and 4) supports and resources in FI programs. Adopting the theoretical perspective of sociolinguistics for change, I discuss three underlying ideologies shaping the perspectives of FI educators across the Canadian Prairies: 1) English-first ideologies; 2) deficit ideologies; and 3) ideological tensions between inclusion and support.

As an epistemological, axiological, and methodological paradigm, Critical Race Theory (CRT; Crenshaw et al., 2000; Harris, 1993) is a scholarly tool to identify and disrupt inequities, possible via CRT's core tenets towards troubling systemic racism. We argue that political movements in North Carolina (NC) exhibit attempts to delegitimize critical race scholarship and curricula that accurately portray history and contemporary student populations' racialized experiences, a manifestation of the conservative agenda to whitewash the state's history that is predicated on racism and white supremacy. In alignment with radical theorizations and research that examine ideologies at the root of ill-informed hysteria, we present a Critical Discourse Analysis (CDA) of the effects of political power in foreclosing educational possibilities toward building equitable societies through our analysis of data from NC's Fairness and Accountability in the Classroom for Teachers and Students for North Carolinian "FACTS" submissions (Robinson, 2021). FACTS is a reporting tool targeting NC educators who employ critical lenses in their instruction that promotes unfounded antagonism toward CRT. The significance of this research is a localized example of CRT being targeted by conservative politicians toward the intent of delegitimizing critical scholarship and education and thus perpetuating ahistorical ideals rooted in racism and white supremacy.

The main objective of the current study is to carry out a critical stylistic analysis of Al Jazeera's online news reports of the 2017 Gulf crisis. The study specifically examines the linguistic strategies employed by Al Jazeera newsmakers in order to effectively communicate their ideological perspectives. The research employs Jeffries's critical stylistic framework (2010) and corpus methodologies to examine a corpus obtained from Al Jazeera English, which covers the first month of the crisis. A combination of qualitative and quantitative methodologies has been employed to analyze the ideological implications embedded within the narrative of the platform, focusing specifically on the strategies of naming, describing, equating, and contrasting. The study discloses that Al Jazeera has used specific nouns and phrases to portray the measures against Qatar as deliberate, violent, unjustifiable, and retaliatory, blaming the Saudi leadership. Complex noun phrases and evaluative adjectives have been utilized to intensify this description, while nominalization conceals agency and creates skepticism. The narrative has subtly portrayed Qatar as a passive victim of negative actions, using equating strategies to criticize the Saudi leadership's policies and the blockade. Contrasting strategies have presented contradictory actions, questioned their credibility and legitimacy, and encouraged cohesion among Gulf nations.

The most important skill in modern education is critical thinking and its necessary elements are agencies and voices which are force, ability, or power to make decisions or changes. Despite numerous efforts to increase Thai students' critical thinking skills, their ability to construct social and academic arguments is still far too weak. In addition, while these efforts mainly focus on students' critical thinking skills, little attention has been given to other education stakeholders such as education, institutions, schools, and teachers which potentially provide room for teachers and students to be critical. In this study, we investigated the ideological indexation of education stakeholders in a series of Thai educational policies (TEPs) years 2016-2018 from the Ministry of Education, Thailand. In TEPs, we utilized the corpus linguistic frequency function to locate the possible stakeholders and applied the framework of syntactic corpus analysis for agency identification (FO-SCAAI) to lexically elicit their agencies and voices which are important elements in modern education. The findings revealed an understanding of the representation of varying degrees of education stakeholders' agencies in TEPs. The implications of this study will lead to the realization that education stakeholders lack agencies and voices. We hope that upon realizing their lack of agency, the involved parties will make changes by providing more agencies to education stakeholders through modern education in Thai education policies.

Educators of International Teaching Assistants (ITAs) have been overlooked, erroneously. As teacher educators, their work is exponentially important to North American universities. A multiple case study examined three ITA Educators' ideologies, involving data from two interviews -one being a stimulated recall using classroom observations fieldnotes, syllabi, assignments, and feedback left on students' work. Through qualitative content analysis, two incompatible ideologies were found being implemented in sections of one class: one orienting learners to undergraduate classrooms, and the other towards passing mandatory language testing. Cynicism was found to characterize two instructors' pedagogies. Findings highlight the ethical complexities of language teaching and assessment. ITA training programs must address foundational issues and examine how ITA Educators are supported. This novel study provides a baseline for future work on ITA Educators, and contributes to literature on language teachers' ideologies. Future work should elucidate how ITA Educators' identities and external ideologies impact ITAs' learning trajectories.

The years of independence have changed various social, political, and literary realities in Kazakhstan, which has affected the thematic and stylistic expressions of Kazakh writers. Thus, research should identify the ideological, social, and thematic features of modern literary writing produced during the years of independence. In particular, social symbolism's role in transmitting national ideals should be scrutinized simply because such sentiments have various literature, cultural, and educational repercussions. Hence, this paper distinguishes the main issues and ideas revealed in post-independence fiction to give a diachronic analysis of the thematic scope of modern Kazakh literature. Following this, this study discusses the themes and topics found in post-independence Kazakh short fiction to shed light on how these texts can be used pedagogically.

This article provides a comparative analysis of international education strategies employed by the United States and the Soviet Union during the Cold War. It explores how both superpowers sought to disseminate their ideologies globally, leading to direct competition. The US and Soviet Union utilized international education to cultivate friendly elites and countries aligned with their respective values. Both nations implemented educational exchange programs and aimed to establish or reform educational systems abroad. The paper evaluates the effectiveness of these strategies, shedding light on the contrasting approaches adopted by the US and the Soviet Union in their pursuit of influence through international education during this era.

As part of my work as an educator, I see the need to surface for discussion what might indeed be considered as acts of oppression on the part of peer reviewers when certain aspects of knowing and meaning are misrecognized, obscured, or suppressed. Drawing on observations concerning coercive and oppressive relational and educational practices found in Paulo Freire's "Pedagogy of the Oppressed" as well as scholarly works in Critical Discourse Analysis critiquing inequitable practices within academic and social domains, I argue that a more academically (and socially) accountable, conscionable and humanizing alternative is one which engenders greater openness to questions concerning: (1) who it might be that gets to determine what counts as (publishable) knowledge; and (2) how such formulations of knowledge may be tied to powerful or ideologized ways of knowing and meaning making. This article is also an appeal for greater awareness that acts which work directly or indirectly to silence earnest attempts to highlight inequitable and/or dehumanizing educational beliefs and practices are also acts which will disadvantage, marginalize, or silence people directly or indirectly involved, including parents and children who may be placed at the receiving end of such inequities and inhumanities.

This paper offers a critical examination of ethical consumption, exploring how it reinforces social identities within the capitalist framework. It argues for the crucial role of educational institutions in addressing ethical consumption within their curricula. While ethical consumption is often promoted for its moral virtues and its potential to address issues such as environmental sustainability and labor rights, the paper contends that it inadvertently perpetuates capitalist ideologies and exacerbates class divisions. Through this lens, the analysis critiques the ways in which ethical consumption practices sustain existing social structures, often cloaked in the guise of moral virtue. The paper suggests that educational institutions should integrate discussion on ethical consumption into their ethics courses in advertising and marketing programs to facilitate a more thorough examination of its consequences. This approach would equip students to critically navigate the complexities of ethical consumer choices, fostering a generation of informed, discerning, and socially responsible consumers.

Higher education seems to be in a perpetual state of 'crisis'. The many hundreds of books and papers containing this specific, or other relevantly similar expressions, convey a sense of fear and angst. Yet, what are these various crises about, and which values and beliefs are seen as threatened or 'under attack'? This paper will provide an analysis of the 'crisis' literature and identify four major crisis themes -- "massification," "marketisation," "restitution" and "geopolitics," linked to their ideological basis and influences -- including "meritocracy," "liberalism," "restorative justice," and "justice globalism." The second part of the paper analyses the massification crisis in Britain between the 1940s and the 1970s as a case example identifying how the principles of a meritocratic society played an influential role in the debate. It will be argued that the notion of 'universities in crisis' needs to be understood critically in terms of ideology and historically via the shifting and reshaping of such beliefs over time.

Critical Race Theory (CRT) has recently been positioned as a serious problem requiring urgent policy response among partisan media outlets. Making a case for pressing policy demands, several policy makers have proposed federal, state, and local level legislation and other measures to restrict how race, racism, or American history in general can be taught in K-12 schools, higher education institutions, and state agencies. Anti-CRT rhetoric in media and policy proposals have also propagated the notion of CRT as being divisive as well as ubiquitous in public education. Given this, it is critical to examine whether policy opinions regarding reactionary legislation is based on a real understanding of CRT. We conduct a conceptual and theoretical inquiry into anti-CRT rhetoric relying on the sociological concepts of moral panics and folk devils. Then, we examine familiarity, knowledge, ideology, policy beliefs, and policy opinions regarding CRT in education using nationally representative survey data. The analysis showed that most parents are not familiar with CRT, and the average parent neither opposes nor supports teaching of CRT. The opposition to teaching of CRT is largely driven by political affiliation and related ideological beliefs and positions.

Respect for teachers is a globally recognized educational issue. Compared with Western "equality-based" respect, the traditional Confucian "respect for teachers" is a kind of "hierarchical" or "reverential" respect. In the past, respect for teachers was an unquestioned ethical value in Confucian cultural contexts, and was considered beneficial for students. However, respect for teachers has been criticized as a symbol of authority and detrimental to learning and teacher-student relationships nowadays. To resolve the "controversy regarding respect for teachers," we used the conceptual framework of respect for teachers to investigate the predictive effects of respect-for-teachers' dual dimensions on teacher-student relationship and students' academic engagement. In Study 1, a scale for respect-for-teachers was developed. Two factors, reverence for teachers (RFT) and fear of teachers (FOT) were obtained, through exploratory and confirmatory factor analysis. Study 1 (a cross-sectional design) also shows that RFT is positively associated with good teacher-student relationships and students' academic engagement, while FOT is negatively associated these outcomes. Study 2 (a two-wave longitudinal design) reveals that controlling for social desirability, RFT at time 1 has a positive relationship with good teacher-student relationships and academic engagement at time 2, while FOT at time 1 has a negative relationship with good teacher-student relationships and academic engagement at time 2. Overall, this paper provides a solution to the "controversy regarding respect for teachers," that is, whether respect for teachers is beneficial or harmful depends on its dimensions. This paper also contributes to a broader understanding of the concept of "respect" and offers insights into educational issues within East Asia and across different cultures.

Democracy is increasingly being challenged, by disengagement and by anti-pluralist movements (Levitsky and Ziblatt in How Democracies Die: What History Reveals About Our Future, Viking, New York, 2018; Wikforss in "Därför demokrati. Om kunskapen och folkstyret" [Because of this, democracy. On knowledge and people's rule] Fri Tanke, 2021; Svolik et al. in J Democr 34(1):5-20, 2023). This article draws upon a theoretical discussion about democracy, pluralism, and threats to democracy. Departing from Dewey, Laclau, Mouffe, Young and Allen, we address democracy as an ideology that centers around pluralism, or an ever-increasing inclusion of voices from the margins as its goal. We argue that perceiving democracy pedagogically as a pluralistic ideology would support students' democratic citizenship and equip them for a world where threats to democracy are being reported. Employing a case study on Finnish social studies textbooks, we analyze how democracy as well as threats to democracy are discursively portrayed. Our study shows that the textbooks present democracy as predominantly institutional and static. We also find that while disengagement is portrayed as a problem for democracy, anti-pluralist movements are generally not referred to as a threat. Additionally, we examine a discourse in the textbooks that connects freedom of speech with democracy in a way that favors a multitude of opinions, even antidemocratic ones, over creating space for marginalized voices. Drawing on the theoretical discussion and the results of the analysis, we argue that a focus on pluralism as the core of democracy makes the opposition between restricting hate speech and advocating for democracy redundant.

School reform efforts are situated within social and political contexts and, as such, are susceptible to the commonsense discourses circulating through, and shaping, society. Two discourses prevalent in US education reform are those perpetuating the ideologies of neoliberalism and neoconservatism. These ideologies are inherently contradictory--with the former promoting a small state and the latter a strong state--but converge to promote their agendas, shaping school reform efforts. "How" this occurs is not always clear, especially in rural contexts, where there has been limited attention to ideological discourses' relation to schooling. In this analysis, we describe how dominant, yet contradictory, discourses of neoliberalism and neoconservatism are resolved in a rural context. We find that the leaders of one rural, public school district identified fifth-grade number sense as a problem of practice needing improvement--framing the cause of their problem as misalignment and the solution as consistency within and across grade levels. In doing so, district leaders' conversations were limited to those of standardization (e.g., state-mandated mathematics standards, approaches to timed-fact tests, and curriculum between grade levels). Alignment as a frame excluded conversations related to deeper considerations, such as students' experiences in mathematics or issues of equity. We find that dominant discourses constrain the ways district leaders frame their mathematics-related problem and work through the frame (in this case, one of alignment) to resolve inherent contradictions and advance their agendas. We suggest that these discourses serve to distract from potentially more pressing issues in education.

In this paper, we examine how researchers and teachers in a multi-year professional development program shifted their conceptualizations of equity. Following (Grapin et al (2023) Sci Educ 107:999-1032), we ground our analysis in two conceptualizations of equity that exist across fields: equity-as-access (learners should have access to disciplinary knowledge, practices, and career paths) and equity-as-transformation (learners should transform what it means to learn and participate in disciplines). In this study, we describe a professional development (PD) design initially intended to support equitable science teaching and learning by focusing on representations. This initial framing did not distinguish between conceptions of equity-as-access versus equity-as-transformation. As a result, the PD did not provide facilitators or teachers with resources for ideological sensemaking towards equity-as-transformation. Catalyzed by teachers' request for PD focused on multilingual learners (MLs), we noticed aspects of our design that offered only images of equity-as-access. In response, we designed activities for teachers that offered space and resources for considering equity-as-transformation. As a case study (Yin (2014) Case study research: design and methods, SAGE) using interaction analysis (Jordan and Henderson (1995) J Learn Sci 4:39-103) of PD videos, we describe how we PD activities and facilitation strategies to integrate transformative conceptualizations of equity. These findings have implications for both research and practice. In terms of research, they demonstrate the importance of using multiple lenses to consider equity in science classrooms. In terms of practice, they underscore the importance of providing teachers with opportunities to explicitly connect new perspectives of equity with day-to-day experiences of classroom teaching.

In middle-grades settings, students are cultivating critical consciousness to apply general knowledge of equity to their local context(s) (Nojan, 2020). As educators work to foster environments that allow middle-grade students to cultivate critical consciousness, expectations have shifted in the area of leading for equity. We have outlined a leadership framework we believe will advance the collective critical consciousness with examples for middle-grade contexts. Our focus is working toward equitable outcomes through one's sociopolitical development and creating ways to further the collective critical consciousness of the entire school community through a distributed leadership perspective. Through this lens, our hope is to outline how educational leaders may develop their critical consciousness in the context of their priorities as well as work towards a shared sense of critical consciousness and sociopolitical action in the classrooms, schools, districts, and the wider community.

Teaching a course on religions of the world is challenging, especially considering the cogent critiques of that paradigm and the history of its construction. In our courses and text, we have employed a strategy comparing different representations of a single religion to help students develop analytical and critical thinking skills. Within this approach, we employ a functionalist methodology that addresses how each representation of a religion empowers particular groups as well as how the practices and ideas within each religion function. Organizing a course and textbook in this fashion coordinates with assignments that ask students to compare the construction and functions of different representations of the same religion, thus reinforcing to students that no single description of a religion is complete or free from individual and group interests.

Racial biases, which harm marginalized and excluded communities, may be combatted by clarifying misconceptions about race during biology lessons. We developed a human genetics laboratory activity that challenges the misconception that race is biological (biological essentialism). We assessed the relationship between this activity and student outcomes using a survey of students' attitudes about biological essentialism and color-evasive ideology and a concept inventory about phylogeny and human diversity. Students in the human genetics laboratory activity showed a significant decrease in their acceptance of biological essentialism compared with a control group, but did not show changes in color-evasive ideology. Students in both groups exhibited increased knowledge in both areas of the concept inventory, but the gains were larger in the human genetics laboratory. In the second iteration of this activity, we found that only white students' decreases in biological essentialist beliefs were significant and the activity failed to decrease color-evasive ideologies for all students. Concept inventory gains were similar and significant for both white and non-white students in this iteration. Our findings underscore the effectiveness of addressing misconceptions about the biological origins of race and encourage more research on ways to effectively change damaging student attitudes about race in undergraduate genetics education.

Advancing equity and justice in undergraduate biology education requires research to address the experiences of disabled students. Scholars working in disability studies have developed models of disability that inform Discipline-Based Education Research (DBER). To date, DBER literature has been predominantly informed by the medical and social models of disability. The medical model focuses on challenges that affect people with disabilities on an individual basis, while the social model focuses on how one's surrounding environment contributes to the construction of disability. In this essay, we discuss past DBER research and opportunities for future research using each of these models. We will also discuss a third, less commonly used model that offers exciting opportunities to drive future research: complex embodiment. Complex embodiment positions disability as a social location that reflects a greater societal value structure. Further examining this value structure reveals how ability itself is constructed and conventionally understood to be hierarchical. Additionally, we explain epistemic injustice as it affects disabled people, and how future education research can both address and counteract this injustice. We discuss how expanding the frameworks that serve as lenses for DBER scholarship on disability will offer new research directions.

In this paper, we draw on raciolinguistic ideologies and chronotopes to critique career readiness, a race-evasive educational policy discourse that purportedly benefits all students, as grounded in white linguistic ideologies. Drawing on critical discourse analysis, we analyze state-level career readiness policy documents from Pennsylvania and interviews with teachers and administrators from an ethnographic study at a career and technical education center. Findings show how educators reproduce notions of career readiness as an implicit endorsement of white linguistic norms, informed by standard language ideology, which delegitimizes the linguistic practices of racialized speakers. We conclude with a discussion of the implications for school systems to move toward more inclusive and equitable educational policies and practices for English learners in U.S. schools.

Racism in TESOL and other academic fields is nothing new, nor are discussions on the topic. However, a majority of the racist encounters discussed in existing literature report on the negative experiences of language teachers and/or students. An area that has historically been ignored and is long due exploration is the negative experiences of nonnative English-speaking leaders (NNESLs), especially when they lead and/or interact with colleagues among whom ideologies of Whiteness and native English speakerism are dominant. With an aim to fill this gap, this article provides a narrative inquiry of an NNESL's experiences of facing epistemological and institutional racism as she leads a division within an International Branch Campus (IBC) of a U.S. university in an English as an international language (EIL) context in the Middle East. As the NNESL attempts to introduce necessary innovations and policy changes, her capacity as a change maker is questioned, partly due to her nationality, nonnativeness, race, and gender. This article is an attempt to uncover the racial discrimination experienced by NNESLs by providing examples of epistemological and institutional racism embedded in racist discourses and practices, and how it, directly or indirectly, plays a significant role in power relations, institutional structures, and identities, and has implications for the field of TESOL leadership.

This teaching case explores the complexities of teaching students about race and racism, a struggle complicated by political efforts to restrict the discussion of critical educational theories. It emphasizes the political ideologies that faculty must consider as they teach in an academic setting. The case narrative illuminates the complexity of diverse and divisive political ideologies that veer from scholarship into emotion. This case offers questions for further reflection on solutions to these challenges.

In the 1990s, Colombia embraced neoliberalism, and as a result, all public and private institutions and organizations have adhered to its principles. Following this ideology, the national government implemented an educational quality policy intending to standardize processes and measure outcomes to position the country favorably in the global market. These policy actions directly impact schools, further entrenching neoliberalism in education and consequently influencing the practices and identities of teachers. This article centers on the personal experiences of two female English teachers pursuing a master's degree in English teaching. Through semi-structured narrative interviews and analysis using a narrative-based analytical framework, the accounts of these teachers reveal the challenges they face due to neoliberal practices, which tend to belittle, exploit, and discredit them. Nevertheless, the narratives also highlight how these teachers overcame their fears and openly expressed their ideas, asserting their critical identities and aligning their actions with the knowledge they gained through their master's studies. Therefore, it can be concluded that despite the disparity between the critical emphasis in teacher education, particularly in public universities, and the expectations placed on educators, the critical identity of these teachers is effectively manifested.

This paper reports on a qualitative study which investigated a group of student teachers' emotions in their second language (L2) learning experiences, with particular attention to the mediating role of language ideologies. The findings revealed that the participants reported both positive emotions (enjoyment and pride) and negative emotions (anxiety, frustration and embarrassment) in their L2 learning experiences. In particular, these different emotions were found to be mediated by multiple and sometimes conflicting language ideologies, including the ideology of native-speakerism, the World Englishes ideology and the ideology of language as a tool for communication. The findings also showed that the different emotions evoked in the participants' L2 learning experiences not only impacted on their identities as L2 learners and L2 users/communicators in divergent ways, but also shaped their goals and agentive efforts in their subsequent L2 learning. Overall, the analysis points to the complex, dynamic and reciprocal relationship between emotions, language ideologies, identities and agency in understanding the affective dimension of L2 learning in a more holistic manner. It also calls attention to the potential of incorporating reflections on L2 learning experiences in student teachers' professional development programmes in order to enhance their emotional awareness for L2 learning and teaching.

Although gender ideologies influence many outcomes, research shows they often fluctuate across the life course. Family structure transitions are one mechanism through which gender ideologies change. Divorced and single adults report more egalitarian ideologies than stably married adults. Little research has examined whether children in these families experience similar gender ideologies. Based on parental role modeling, we would expect children in non-traditional families to exhibit more egalitarian gender ideologies. We examine family structure and youth gender ideologies in two contexts, essentially two case studies: Germany and South Korea. Using Starting Cohort 3--Grade 5 (N = 4,021) and Starting Cohort 4--Grade 9 (N = 9,913) of the Germany National Educational Panel Study (NEPS) and Cohorts 1 (N = 2,844) and 2 (N = 3,449) of the Korea Youth Panel Survey (KYPS), we uncover counterintuitive findings that youth gender ideologies do not vary across family structures. Child gender is the most salient predictor of gender ideologies across contexts.

In the immediate aftermath of Indian Independence in 1947, there was a palpable attempt to replace English with Hindi and other Indian languages to unleash the processes of decolonisation. English was castigated as the language of the British Empire and was seen to be the basis of power and privilege for a handful of English-educated elites. A new nation-state thought it imperative to replace English with other languages which ultimately led to language-based reorganisation of Indian states. Subsequently, there was the replacement of English with Indian languages as mediums of instruction at different levels of education. Such a demand was hugely supported by a large number of Indian intelligentsia. However, six to seven decades down the line, there appears to be a reversal of earlier language politics as governments in various states of India are bringing English back as an aspirational language. This article attempts to understand the context of such a reversal. It also analyses ideological constructions of linguistic reality and its hold on popular perception. Ideologically constructed realities of language become a concrete, tangible force to reckon with. The article explores the renewed interest and urgency in learning English, using the frameworks of language ideology and the Bourdieusian framework of 'language as a praxis'. Following Hilary Janks, the article underlines the significance of providing critical access to English by historicising and denaturalising its prevalence as one of the major contact languages at the international level.

As part of citizenship education, the prevention of radicalization and extremism through education (PVE-E) is an urgent initiative of global educational policy. According to research, radicalized individuals, despite the ideology held, have mindsets that challenge equality and social justice. In this light, this study examines the intergroup mindsets of Finnish students aged 16-19 in vocational institutions through a mixed methods research survey (n = 383). Three distinct intergroup mindsets were found in a profile analysis. The findings demonstrate that the intergroup mindsets of the students are predominantly egalitarian, open-minded, and inclusive. However, there are also students whose mindsets are anti-egalitarian and pro-dominance, and for whom Finnishness is a marker of borders and social exclusion. If intensified and manipulated, the views of these youth may become radicalized with serious implications for national security and societal cohesion. We argue that in PVE-E, the focus on critical thinking must be complemented with transformative approaches that support the development of mindsets based on social justice and equality.

Recent studies have provided insight into the schooling experiences and lives of Black girls. These studies highlight the challenges that Black girls face in the school environment including underachievement, disproportionality in school discipline, deficit ideologies, and educator and counselor bias. The current study centers the voices on high achieving Black girls in an effort to center their unique and nuanced experiences in high school. Data was collected using in-depth individual interviews and analyzed using Interpretive Phenomenological Analysis. We found that high achieving Black girls must navigate deficit thinking and negative stereotypes similar to their peers while they also pull strength and resilience from their intersecting identities. Further, high achieving Black girls were tenacious in their pursuits and found familial and teacher relationships to be paramount in their success. These findings support the importance of developing intentional and systemic supports to counter intersectional oppression to meet the needs of high achieving Black girls.

In the course of the COVID-19 pandemic, education policy debates have thrust a heightened focus on the provision of adequate school resources and on educator well-being and turnover, concerns particularly critical for school districts that serve large shares of economically disadvantaged students. In this article, we investigate voter and parent support for school spending initiatives in Missouri by analyzing data from two representative statewide surveys, one of the state's voters and one of the state's parents, focusing on total school spending and spending on teacher salaries. Missouri presents an especially salient setting in which to examine issues of equity in school spending, with below-average school spending and bottom-decile average teacher salaries. In this context, we investigate longstanding predictors of school spending support, including political ideology, alongside new hypotheses, including those pertaining to regional spending inequality and differences between voter and parent constituencies. While political ideology predicted school spending and teacher salary preferences, it did so more strongly for voters than for parents, an important consideration amid heightened political tensions in policy debates. Parent preferences, on the other hand, were more likely to be predicted by opinions of local and statewide school quality. Both voters and parents indicated sensitivity to regional spending inequality with respect to total school spending but not with respect to teacher salaries. Collectively, these findings may inform policymaking efforts in Missouri and similar prevailingly conservative contexts to use constituent preferences to guide legislative efforts.

This paper investigates the role of English in voice assistant (Siri, Alexa, Google Assistant) use from the perspective of language ideology. Major commercial companies in the voice assistant market use English as a training language for their speech technologies and offer the most optimised support for standardised varieties of English. This affects the experiences with voice assistants of speakers of non-European languages, i.e., one of the non-target audiences. Drawing on qualitative interview data from Turkish-speaking users who migrated to Germany, the present study reveals that the participants iconize English as the "standard" language in digital contexts, constructing it as the "original" language of speaking computers. By conducting an inductive analysis, the article demonstrates that not only the lack of technological support, but also specific discourses about Artificial Intelligence, impact perceptions of English. These developments have implications for our understandings of prestige and digital literacy in human-machine interactions.

This exploratory study provides an overview of prominent themes pertaining to portrayals of sign languages (SLs) and Deaf people in the South African press (2011-2019), as well as an analysis of a subset of articles to illustrate the discursive constructions of each of the prominent ideological framings. The findings of the paper suggest that many ways of representing South African Sign Language (SASL) and their users align with international trends. The two most prominent ideological framings are the medical/disability model and the linguistic minority model. Within the medical model, SLs are seen as inferior means of communication used by a disabled minority. Within the linguistic minority framework SLs are regarded as natural, legitimate languages deserving equal status to spoken languages. The paper also identifies an ideological framing that is not predicted by the international literature, coined here as 'diversity tokenism'. Diversity tokenism is when SL is mentioned only to increase perceived diversity, where diversity is a commodity that holds social capital. This portrayal of SASL seems to be increasing and holds a warning: although SASL users have received official recognition and rights through the recent declaration of SASL as an official language, it might not be the end of the battle to ensure that users of SASL can live out their linguistic citizenship.

The article examines the experiences of Chinese PhD students doing research in China Studies as well as the experiences of their supervisors who supervise their research in Australian universities. By conducting semi-structured interviews with both PhD students and their supervisors, we aim to understand the expectations, concerns and challenges of both students and supervisors involved in the PhD journey. We found that the main concerns and challenges of students lie in the tight timeframe of scholarship, their 'ideological dissonance' and their relations with supervisors. The supervisors hope their Chinese students could improve academic writing skills, critical thinking skills and social skills in order to well accommodate the research culture in Australia and successfully complete their PhD research. Our findings could help Australian universities to better understand the cultural and educational challenges of Chinese PhD students and to further build up the quality for research training to attract more international research students from China and elsewhere.

This paper explores the leadership styles of fourteen elected female politicians in executive government positions, as communicated through the official Instagram accounts that were in use during the COVID-19 pandemic. Seven of them are, or were, heads of government, six are or were mayors, and one is the president of an autonomous region in Spain. These women are Angela Merkel (Germany), Jacinda Ardern (New Zealand), Sanna Marin (Finland), Mette Frederiksen (Denmark), Erna Solberg (Norway), Katrin Jakobsdottir (Iceland), Tsai Ing-Wen (Taiwan), Anne Hidalgo (Paris), Virginia Raggi (Rome), Ada Colau (Barcelona), Claudia López (Bogotá), Claudia Sheinbaum (Mexico City), London Breed (San Francisco) and Isabel Díaz Ayuso (Madrid Region). A comparative content analysis of 2,330 units was conducted over a 6-month period. The study analyses the hard or soft leadership style conveyed by the women politicians selected in relation to four variables: political ideology, generational affiliation, level of government and techniques used in communication. The results show that the values of the variables affect leadership styles; therefore, the assumption that all female politicians have a single leadership style is erroneous and related to gender stereotyping.

Most graduate students in higher education are classified as adult learners, being 24 years old, and have responsibilities and commitments outside of higher education. This literature review presents how Chinese international graduate students face challenges in the US due to sociocultural, ideological, and educational differences. This systematic literature review explores these students' critical thinking skills, which are crucial factors for academic success but have been underexplored. Three themes were identified as follows: (1) critical thinking education in China, (2) stereotypes of perceived lack of critical thinking, and (3) comparative views of critical thinking between Chinese and American college students. Each theme presents a landscape of how critical thinking is interpreted. Themes suggest several trends, including cultural variations that may impede Chinese international students from showcasing their critical thinking abilities, notwithstanding their inherent capacity for critical thinking. Recommendations include ways to improve critical thinking among international students and call for more comparative studies between Chinese and American college students. The findings offer valuable insights into the internationalization of higher education curricula and the promotion of global learning.

While AI-powered digital platforms are transforming the economy through forms of algorithmic governance that prioritize the automation of work and decision-making, it is critical to ensure that human education remains relevant in the age of machine learning. Unrestricted reliance on artificial intelligence could undermine the entire system of education by allowing machines to replace humans in a multitude of professions, including those that require ethical judgments. This could result in a rapid decline of human agency and create a new class of unemployed workers, a proliferation of unskilled digital labor, and an obsoleteness of education. To avoid this outcome, it is crucial to ensure the rational use of AI and to enable an ethical and sustainable coexistence of humans and advanced technologies, while renewing the raison d'être for human-centered education. This paper proposes to redefine the division of labor between humans and machines and to consider the development of new professions dedicated solely to humans across all economic sectors.