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This research deals with integration theory in measuring cultural diversity in the urban context. Cultural diversity is the recognition of the rights of all groups in society, so the presence of Muslims in Western society is an example of reflecting cultural diversity in the Western urban context. Integration theory is an attempt to bring a variety of theories and models into one framework. It consists of four quadrants, each quadrant representing a specific scale. Muslims represent the social part interacting with Western society, which is the subjective, individual and collective part of the integration theory (the first and third quadrants), and the Islamic religious buildings and their interaction with the urban context represent the objective part of the integration theory (the second and fourth quadrants). A specific questionnaire is chosen for each quarter and the results of the questionnaire provide a measure of the subjective and objective aspects of integration theory. The results showed that the subjective aspects of individuals and their relationship with Western society are the highest percentage of the objective aspects of the requirements of the Islamic religious building or the relationship of the religious building with the Western urban context. Multicultural planning has a role in integrating culturally diverse societies and achieving smooth interaction among its members. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The underlying study aims to explore the relationship between work-life equilibrium and employees' job satisfaction in a private travel agency. This is because some research found that individuals with high work-life equilibrium were in a greater status in their occupations and were emotionally stable. To ensure work-life equilibrium among employees, it is important for public as well as private sector managers to show concern, meaningfulness, and clarification of identities, as these significantly impact their employees. Therefore, the management of private agencies should pay more attention to cultivate and sustain work-life equilibrium among their employees. The study employed quantitative research methods via survey questionnaires to assess the status of employees' work-life equilibrium and job satisfaction. The study found that there is no noticeable contrast in how men and women view their work-life equilibrium and job satisfaction. Furthermore, variables like gender, age, and job role did not display significant differences in their impact on work-life equilibrium and job satisfaction. The study's correlation and regression analyses verified a statistically meaningful association between work-life equilibrium and employee satisfaction, with correlations proving significant at the 0.01 (2-tailed) level. This provides numerical proof of a favorable correlation between equilibrium and job satisfaction, supplying valuable insights for organizations and policymakers seeking to enhance employee satisfaction through work-life equilibrium initiatives. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The Eurasian Economic Union (EAEU) established in 2015 has developed an institutional framework that on the paper largely mimics the European Union's. The article suggests that a closer examination of the economic interdependence in the region adds valuable knowledge regarding the development of the organization. The analysis follows a (post)-functionalist model and highlights how the integration process responds to economic interdependence, and that the integration process has the potential of generating spillovers. The Eurasian Economic Commission (EEC) has initiated work targeting the removal of non-tariff barriers, and business associations in the region are paying attention to the organization. Yet, there are also several constraints to integration in the region linked to the member states' reluctance to delegate substantial powers to the EEC, and their insistence on the cooperation as being merely economic. These limitations are in line with previous suggestions in the literature regarding non-democratic regional organizations. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The aim of this article is to propose the term ‘illiberal neo-intergovernmentalism’ (IN) to describe and explain Poland’s EU concept promoted by the government and some scholars after 2015. The methodology, based on decision, factor and comparative analyses, is of qualitative nature. The main idea is the assumption that Polish vision can be treated as a concept contributing to theory building. The research question relates to the positioning of the Polish concept against the background of other approaches: due to its significant distance from the functionalist trend, a connection with the intergovernmentalist theories is assumed. Two hypotheses are presented, and their verification shows that the main weakness of the Polish concept is the lack of paradigmatic rooting. The ‘Eurorealist’ illiberal neo-intergovernmentalism has not been created as a result of the evolutionary development of well-founded views typical of the intergovernmental trend and seems to disregard all previous theoretical achievements. Referring to realism alone, without defining the continuity of thought, is not enough to recognise the concept as a realist one. Therefore, this vision does not have explanatory values, while its normative character is the result of the adoption of Eurosceptic and ultraconservative ideology.

Two experiments determined whether metamemory judgments invoking covert retrieval practice for a list of unrelated paired associate words led to the facilitation of learning a subsequent list. Three types of relation between successive lists were compared: negative transfer (A-B, A-D); a control for item-specific proactive interference (A-B, C-D); and repetition (A-B, A-B). Experiment 1 showed that the benefit of retrieval practice relative to restudying was equivalent for overt and covert retrieval in the negative transfer paradigm (A-B, A-D). Both types of retrieval minimized intrusions of first list responses in the cued recall of the second list. Experiment 2 showed that memory enhancement following covert retrieval was equivalent for new (C-D) and repeated (A-B) lists. The results are consistent with theories of the forward testing effect (FTE) that assume retrieval practice insulates subsequent learning from proactive interference and provides self-assessment feedback that may lead to more efficient encoding in future learning. Challenges in accounting for the impact of a substantial number of moderators of the FTE are reviewed. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

We challenge Kruck and Weiss' argument about the regulatory security state on two counts. First, we contest the notion that the regulatory state is a viable alternative to the positive security state. While regulation and epistemic authority are increasingly important means of security provision, they remain critically dependent power resources and political authority that only the positive state provides. The regulatory security state is premised on the positive state and unviable without it. Second, the rise of the regulatory security state over the past three decades reflects highly specific historical conditions rather than a general trend. These conditions include unusually low geopolitical tensions in Europe and the strong regulatory bias of EU integration. Concepts matter: The wider the notion of security, the more relevant the regulatory security state becomes. It is an important reality but the war in Ukraine reminds us of the enduring centrality of the positive state. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The decline of inshore or small-scale coastal fisheries (SSCF) in many countries across the world has been well-documented in major studies published during the last 10 years. Researchers report decreasing stocks of marketable fish, inadequate fish quota allocations, and virtual exclusion from fisheries management decision-making bodies. The situation in England is a case in point, where many SSCF are subject to these pressures to the point that their livelihoods are threatened. A recent initiative sponsored by an industry agency to safeguard the position of the inshore sector aims to protect SSCF in England from decline and possible extinction by integrating it into the mainstream fishing industry and ensuring its representation on a proposed co-management body which would share decision-making between industry and government. However, drawing on the literature, archival documents, newspaper articles, and personal communications, we conclude that integrating all parts of the fleet together and setting up shared co-management arrangements is not a guarantee of SSCF survival because integration would tie SSCF down to the agenda of the large-scale fisheries (LSF) sector with no certainty that the special needs of SSCF would be met if they conflicted with the interests of LSF. Instead, our findings lead us to recommend forging a separatist path for SSCF, recognising its distinctive identity as an inshore fishery closely connected with coastal communities. We propose, therefore, two independent fisheries each with its own mode of management: SSCF governed by a regime of community quotas and exclusive spatial access to inshore waters; and LSF governed by a regime of individual transferable quotas (ITQs). [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

How does the Russian war in Ukraine affect European integration? Bellicist theories predict a push towards federation, marked by a centralization of fiscal, coercive and administrative core state powers at the EU level. But is it happening? We examine two main conditions of bellicist integration. The 'functional' condition refers to the efficiency gains of centralization: no federation without functional benefit. The 'political' condition refers to a threat-induced alignment of interests and identities that makes centralization politically viable: no federation without public support. We gauge both conditions during the early months of the war and explain why they have not pushed the EU towards centralized federation but, to the contrary, towards decentral alliance. We discuss issue-specific differences in defence, energy and fiscal policy and conclude with some general theoretical implications. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Although populists in government have already frustrated the common interest projects, curbed the institutional progress, and questioned the fundamental values of the European Union, integration theories have so far failed to address the question: what explains populist governments' actions within the EU? This article claims that existing accounts either downplay the relevance or fail to grasp the complexity of populist governments, because populism disputes the democratic models and state-societal relations projected by these theories. Merging the literature on populism and theories of European integration, it is argued that populism in government exerts a transformative impact on both the democratic institutions and the society within a member state, which could have important ramifications for future integration. Highlighting the anti-plural and anti-democratic nature of populism, and the emergence of a 'constraining consensus' between populist governments and 'the people', the article proposes a complementary approach in addressing the populist challenge for European integration. Supplemental data for this article can be accessed online at: 10.1080/01402382.2021.1988388 [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

It is argued here that most couples in neo-Pentecostalism tend to consult their pastors when encountering various challenges in their marriages as opposed to professional counselling. Some would, however, opt for consulting professional counsellors as a last resort to save their marriages. The marriage counselling offered by pastors has proven to be effective in some instances, but it has some shortcomings in others. This kind of counselling is often conducted by untrained pastors who are not able to do a proper diagnosis of the problems and to offer proper solutions. In addition, previous studies demonstrate that some Pentecostal pastors have abused their congregants during such counselling. In this article, the integration of professional counselling is proposed as a complementary approach to the counselling offered by Pentecostal pastors. This will be achieved by reviewing the literature on counselling offered by pastors and its successes and failures. The integration of professional counselling with the counselling conducted by Pentecostal pastors will be discussed using the integrated approach as a theoretical framework. Contribution: This article makes a valuable contribution to the ongoing discourses on the abuse of religion among neo-Pentecostal churches by proposing an integration of professional counselling. This type of counselling is important for the ethical conduct of Pentecostal pastors as counsellors, correct diagnosis of problems, and providing an accurate solution. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of Political Science Review / Przegląd Politologiczny is the property of Faculty of Political Science & Journalism, Adam Mickiewicz University and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Kelemen and McNamara claim that the imbalance between the EU's strong regulatory authority and weak capacity in core state powers reflects its peaceful origins: the EU lacks coercive force, fiscal autonomy and administrative grip because it never had to confront a serious military threat. Will the emergence of such a threat suffice to correct the imbalance? As I argue theoretically, military threats have ambiguous effects on integration. They can fuel center-formation and capacity-building, as Kelemen and McNamara suggest, but also block it. As I show empirically, the military threat posed by the Russian attack of Ukraine in February 2022 has triggered very little EU capacity-building so far. I observe almost no centralization of core state powers but rather a strengthening of national powers with the support of EU institutions: 'bellicist integration' rather than 'bellicist state-building'. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Previous studies have applied theories of European integration to interpret crisis-led policymaking processes and integration outcomes in the EU. However, there has been little attempt to appraise the analytical leverage offered by major integration theories as a function of different crisis pressures. We theorize that diverse combinations of crisis pressures generate four decision-making scenarios in the EU, each of which can be ascribed to different combinations of analytical insights from neofunctionalism, intergovernmentalism, postfunctionalism, and federalism. We illustrate the value of our framework in relation to four EU crises concerning the euro area, refugees, Brexit and Covid-19. Overall, the paper makes a theoretical contribution to advance the debate on crisis-led integration in the EU. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Defence integration is frequently in demand but hardly supplied. Sovereignty concerns and a desire for national control constrain integration of the core state power of arms production. The European Aeronautic, Defence and Space (EADS) company (today's Airbus Group) stands out as an exception to this rule. How was this instance of defence integration supplied? We suggest a two-step network mechanism. First, the structure of national networks shapes the capacity for collective action. Centralised networks are better in forming a joint national position than fragmented networks. Second, networks also operate at the transnational level, shift domestic power balances, and enable agreements. Our process-tracing analysis demonstrates how Germany's centralised network smoothly adopted a stance on a European firm under private control, whereas domestic negotiations stalled in France. However, a transnational alliance ultimately posed credible threats of exclusion and could overcome this deadlock. Therefore, EADS was both European and predominantly private. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Early Pentecostalism in South Africa followed the pattern of the 1906 Azusa Street Revival in Los Angeles, United States of America in uniting people in their diversity. In its early development, the South African Pentecostal movement united people who came from different cultural backgrounds, skin colour, races, ethnicity, language groups, economic backgrounds, and so forth. However, a few years after its establishment, the movement followed the pattern of racial segregation in the country and became disintegrated along racial lines. This article argues that the black Pentecostal community, including mixed-race, and Indians, remained integrated regardless of their diversity. This was achieved through the theory of integration in the Christian tradition, particularly in Pentecostalism. The black Pentecostal community is defined and unpacked in a South African context with the aim of demonstrating integration in this community. The aim of the article is to demonstrate that integration in the black Pentecostal community can serve as a starting point to address the remnants of racial segregation in South Africa. The force behind the unity in dealing with racial segregation in South Africa should be the same force that has to deal with the post-1994 challenges. Therefore, black people should unite to deal with the injustices of the past, socio-economic challenges, crime, and corruption in South Africa.

Early Pentecostalism in South Africa followed the pattern of the 1906 Azusa Street Revival in Los Angeles, United States of America in uniting people in their diversity. In its early development, the South African Pentecostal movement united people who came from different cultural backgrounds, skin colour, races, ethnicity, language groups, economic backgrounds, and so forth. However, a few years after its establishment, the movement followed the pattern of racial segregation in the country and became disintegrated along racial lines. This article argues that the black Pentecostal community, including mixed-race, and Indians, remained integrated regardless of their diversity. This was achieved through the theory of integration in the Christian tradition, particularly in Pentecostalism. The black Pentecostal community is defined and unpacked in a South African context with the aim of demonstrating integration in this community. The aim of the article is to demonstrate that integration in the black Pentecostal community can serve as a starting point to address the remnants of racial segregation in South Africa. The force behind the unity in dealing with racial segregation in South Africa should be the same force that has to deal with the post-1994 challenges. Therefore, black people should unite to deal with the injustices of the past, socio-economic challenges, crime, and corruption in South Africa. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of Cuestiones Políticas is the property of Revista Cuestiones Politicas and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Eurasia is gradually turning into the point of intersection of various longterm political and economic initiatives undertaken by the leading actors of contemporary international relations, including the Russian Federation, the European Union, the United States and the People’s Republic of China. This trend compounded by a complicated dynamics of integration and disintegration processes in the post-Soviet states further exacerbates tensions in the region, already fraught with conflict. It also poses additional obstacles to the projects of Eurasian integration, promoted by the Russian Federation. In order to provide a better understanding of the specificities and prospects of Russia’s initiatives, the paper examines the origins and the evolution of the Russian strategy of Eurasian integration, and identifies its key elements. The author concludes that fundamental principles of the Russian strategy for reshaping the post-Soviet states have been laid down during the presidency of B.N. Yeltsin and were merely adjusted to meet certain political, social and economic changes both in Russia and abroad. These principles include: 1) commitment to the idea of a multipolar world; 2) creation of supranational Eurasian economic institutions to multiply the economic potential of member-states; 3) prevention of a change of political regimes in neighboring countries if they can bring to power anti-Russian groups; 4) establishment of closer links with China, especially on political, economic and security issues; 5) formation of a new center of political gravity in Eurasia through expanding the capacities of regional political and military organizations which would complement integration processes and ensure regional security. The paper shows that amid growing international tensions in the second half of 2010s the Russian integration initiatives have become increasingly focused on geostrategic, political and military issues. In that regard, the author concludes that, although the development of the Eurasian integration projects enables a wide range of horizontal and vertical economic linkages between the Eurasian Economic Union (EAEU) memberstates, overtly competitive nature of both the Russian and the Western states’ strategies increases the conflict potential of the region. In the absence of alternative approaches, this conflict could not only become a potential source of new tensions between Russia and the West, but also threatens to reverse the current integration processes within the EAEU. The author emphasizes that the abandonment of excessively politicized and ideologized policies both in Russia and in the Western states, which prevents political elites from finding compromises and developing alternative approaches, is the only way to improve the situation in the Eurasian region.

Transformative service initiatives (TSIs) refer to activities by organizations (public, private, nonprofit) or volunteers to serve people experiencing vulnerabilities, including long-term challenges (e.g., refugees, homeless people, undocumented immigrants, ex-convicts) and try to improve their well-being. To advance the concept of TSI, this study proposes a 3A (Awareness, Alignment, Access) Integration Process Framework that can facilitate empirical tests of whether participation in TSIs affects people's access to critical services. The empirical evidence affirms a positive influence of TSI participation on two TSR outcomes (application and access to higher education), according to data from a longitudinal study of 2,068 refugees (Study 1) that relies on propensity score matching and regression analysis. Study 2 uses qualitative data from six focus groups and identifies 16 barriers to successful refugee integration; it also identifies four individual strategies to overcoming those integration barriers. From academic and public policy perspectives, the findings demonstrate that efforts to plan and implement TSIs should follow a stepwise process to achieve the intended transformative outcomes. These findings can help academic, public policy, and civil society actors design and implement TSIs in various contexts to benefit people experiencing vulnerability. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

In 2009, the Treaty of Lisbon empowered the EU to pursue an international investment policy and to conclude international investment agreements. The EU's first steps in this policy domain have attracted considerable public attention. Analysts depict competing societal interests as the main forces shaping EU policy in this domain. This article scrutinizes this widespread perception. It argues that competence struggles between the European Institutions and Member States, which still echo broad Member State opposition against the initial decision to empower the EU in this domain during the drafting of the Lisbon Treaty, play a similarly important role in shaping EU international investment policy. This article enhances our understanding of EU policy‐making in a highly salient policy domain and theoretically contributes to research on European Integration in that it shows that it matters for policy‐making 'how' the EU received an underlying competence. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of External Economic Bulletin / Külgazdaság is the property of KOPINT Konjunktura Kutatasi Alapitvany and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Properties of the Henstock–Kurzweil integral are considered under restrictions imposed on a gauge function. A proof of the assertion on relationships between the classes of integrable functions and the classes of gauge functions is presented for several particular cases. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The aim of the research is political analysis of contemporary theories and concepts of sociocultural integration as peacebuilding and reconciliation strategies in the process of resolving ethnic contradictions in the North Caucasus. Latent and potential ethnopolitical conflicts are the most notable challenges and threats to civic and ethnic peace in the North Caucasus region. Today, a fundamental problem is emerging that requires a constructive solution in order to ensure political stability in the region – it is the promotion of multi-level sociocultural integration. This paper explores the major political approaches to the study of conflict resolution strategy from a variety of interdisciplinary perspectives. The author attempts to answer a key research question based on the hypothesis that numerous unresolved conflicts and latent ethno-regional tensions have fundamental destructive consequences for political stability, socio-cultural integration, and regional security. The study argues that the potential escalation of ethnic conflict, determined by deep ethnic contradictions, is a direct consequence of largescale macro-social disintegration, which creates a threat to the security of the multi-ethnic North Caucasus. The research question is that the modern strategy of constructive resolution of ethno-regional conflicts, based on inclusive socio-cultural integration, is a highly effective consolidation resource for peacebuilding in the North Caucasus. The author analyzes contemporary political theories, devoted to the study of the consolidating potential of socio-cultural integration, which determines the strategy of constructive conflict resolution in the unstable multi-ethnic North Caucasus. The paper concludes that socio-cultural integration as a tool for conflict resolution and peacebuilding can serve as a preventive method for managing ethno-regional conflicts.

Theoretical approaches to European integration often downplay and sometimes ignore the role of external actors. But the regime complex through which the euro crisis of 2010-2015 was prosecuted involved the United states directly and indirectly through the IMF. Tracing such external involvement shows that, although they preferred greater deepening of euro area institutions than was achieved, U.S. and IMF officials nonetheless contributed substantially to the creation of the EFSF/ESM, robust ECB action and launch of the banking union project. The conclusion formulates falsifiable expectations on which a theory of external influence in regional integration can be developed and tested. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

While the literature on the eurozone crisis has focused on the increasing primacy of intergovernmental decision-making, the transformation in the role played by the European Central Bank (ECB) from technocratic actor to key political decision-maker has been less well studied. A discursive institutionalist analysis is applied to explore the ECB's interactions during the European Union (EU) negotiations on EU fiscal governance reform. As well as locating ideas at different levels of generality during the eurozone crisis, the important role of macroeconomic ideology in informing different integration scenarios within the Economic and Monetary Union (EMU) is made explicit. The dominance of ordoliberalism in framing the ECB's diagnosis of the eurozone crisis, informing policy solutions, and in providing a decentralised integration path for officials to follow are key findings here. Finally, this article provides evidence that the key hypotheses of the new intergovernmentalism can be extended to include the 'de novo' institutions. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

For every d ≥ 1 , we consider the d-dimensional Hermitian fractional Brownian motion (HfBm) that is the process with values in the space of (d × d) -Hermitian matrices and with upper-diagonal entries given by complex fractional Brownian motions of Hurst index H ∈ (0 , 1) . We follow the approach of Deya and Schott [J Funct Anal 265(4):594–628, 2013] to define a natural integral with respect to the HfBm when H > 1 3 and identify this interpretation with the rough integral with respect to the d 2 entries of the matrix. Using this correspondence, we establish a convenient Itô–Stratonovich formula for the Hermitian Brownian motion. Finally, we show that at least when H ≥ 1 2 , and as the size d of the matrix tends to infinity, the integral with respect to the HfBm converges (in the tracial sense) to the integral with respect to the so-called non-commutative fractional Brownian motion. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The crises that weigh heavily on the European Union (EU) in the 2010s have underlined the continued importance of integration theory, albeit in ways that go beyond classic debates. Postfunctionalism, in particular, has shown how European integration and its problems stand on shifting political cleavages. And yet, postfunctionalist claims that such changes would create a constraining dissensus in the EU rests uneasily with the intensification of European integration since the Maastricht Treaty was signed. This article offers a new intergovernmentalist explanation of this puzzle, which shows how mainstream governing parties have circumvented rather than being constrained by Eurosceptic challenger parties and challenger governments. The result, it contends, is not a constraining but a destructive dissensus that adds to the EU's political disequilibrium. Understanding the persistence of this disequilibrium and its potential to unwind disruptively is a key challenge for contemporary integration theory. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

In the 1970s Jagdish Bhagwati proposed the introduction of a brain drain tax to compensate less developed countries for the welfare losses they suffered as a result of outward skilled migration, but the proposal was never implemented. In light of tensions in Europe caused by the mobility of highly-skilled labour from 'East' to 'West' following the 2004 EU enlargement, this paper re-examines the feasibility of such a proposal within the Union. The disparity between levels of income and economic development in (some of) the 'new' and 'old' member states, combined with the specific European institutional environment to trigger a brain drain from the accession countries to the EU-15. Mindful of the values and specificities of the EU, I address the question of whether Bhagwati's brain drain tax could provide a solution to this problem in the European context. Combining empirical research with EU integration theory, I argue that it cannot: implementation would face obstacles even in the limited context of the EU because of the lack of appropriate supranational competences; moreover, the tax -- as a compensation mechanism -- could not reduce the major differences in development levels, which is the underlying cause of the problem. Nonetheless, addressing this question illuminates broader issues of the politics of enlargement and the inequities of the current EU, in spite of the benefits it has brought to its 2004 and 2007 entrants. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The creation of the calculation (differential, in the terminology of Leibniz, bending in that of Newton) is the event that, in the second half of the seventeenth century, marked, in a sense, the transition from classical to modern mathematics. The aim of this work is a historical analysis of the rigor and epistemological question and the "metaphysics" of calculus that takes account of the methods of the ancient (eg. Of Archimedes' method of exhaustion), as well as interpretations of Leibniz and Newton and their successors. The problem of searching for a sure foundation on which to base the calculus, glimpsed by D'Alembert in the theory of limits and taken up by Lagrange to the theory of infinite series, and that the derivative functions, found in Cachy the pioneer of a new way to seek rigor in analysis. The Cauchy setting will be tightened by Weierstrass in the second half of the 800 with the definition of limit, with the epsilon-delta method, which in turn is based on definitions concerning the real numbers. In this sense we speak of "arithmetisation" analysis. Matematica e storia: storia ed epistemologia dell’analisi: dal metodo di esaustione all’integrale definito La creazione del calcolo (differenziale, nella terminologia leibniziana flessionale in quella di Newton) è l’evento che, nella seconda metà del seicento, ha segnato, in un certo senso, il passaggio dalla matematica classica a quella moderna. Obiettivo del presente lavoro è una analisi storica ed epistemologica della questione del rigore e della “metafisica” del calcolo infinitesimale che tenga conto dei metodi degli antichi (ad es. del metodo di esaustione di Archimede), nonché delle interpretazioni di Leibniz e Newton e dei loro successori. Il problema della ricerca di un fondamento sicuro su cui basare il calcolo infinitesimale, intravisto da D’Alembert nella teoria dei limiti e ripreso da Lagrange con la teoria delle serie infinite e quella delle funzioni derivate, trova in Cachy il pioniere di un nuovo modo di ricercare il rigore in analisi. L’impostazione di Cauchy sarà resa rigorosa da Weierstrass nella seconda metà dell’800 con la definizione di limite, col metodo dell’epsilon-delta, che a sua volta si basa su definizioni concernenti i numeri reali. In questo senso si parla di “aritmetizzazione” dell’analisi. Parole Chiave: metodo di esaustione; metodo dei teoremi meccanici; calcolo sublime, fluenti e flussioni; teoria dell’integrazione; numeri iperreali; analisi non-standard.