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This research article takes one step to investigate bargaining in international politics and shows how institutional dynamics influence a regional institution’s ability to realize the own set policy goals. The chosen case, the trade negotiations between the EU and MERCOSUR, presents a way to assess both institutions abilities and dynamical underpinnings in the interaction with each other. Based on a qualitative research design, the article examines the experiences of negotiators on both continents that have directly participated in the EU-MERCOSUR negotiations. The results show that while a high degree improves learning processes, expertise, and external legitimacy, it bears a high risk of rigidity and therefore, failure. The research article draws precise conclusions for the way we study regional institutions examining how their set-up influences strategic choices. RESUMEN Este artículo versa sobre las investigaciones de procesos de negociaciones internacionales y muestra cómo su dinámica institucional influye en la capacidad de las instituciones regionales para concretar sus propios objetivos. El caso elegido es el de las negociaciones comerciales entre la UE y el MERCOSUR, el cual permite evaluar tanto las capacidades de las instituciones como los fundamentos dinámicos de la interacción entre ellos. Con un diseño de investigación cualitativa, el proyecto examina las experiencias de los negociadores de ambos continentes que han participado directamente en las negociaciones entre la UE y el MERCOSUR. Los resultados muestran que, si bien un alto grado de institucionalización mejora los procesos de aprendizaje, la experiencia estratégica y la legitimidad externa, conlleva un alto riesgo de rigidez y, por lo tanto, de fracaso. En el artículo de investigación se sacan conclusiones precisas sobre la forma en que estudiamos las instituciones regionales y la manera en que su configuración influye en las opciones estratégicas de las partes involucradas. RESUMO Esse artigo de pesquisa propõe-se a investigar a negociação no campo da política internacional e apresentar como as dinâmicas institucionais influenciam nas habilidades das instituições regionais em realizar suas próprias metas políticas. O caso escolhido, as negociações comerciais entre a União Europeia e o MERCOSUL, possibilita a avaliação das habilidades e dinâmicas sustentadas por ambas as instituições na interação entre elas. Com base em um desenho de pesquisa qualitativa, o artigo examina as experiências de negociadores dos dois continentes que participaram diretamente das negociações UE-MERCOSUL. Os resultados mostram que embora um alto grau de integração melhore os processos de aprendizado, a experiência e a legitimidade externa, apresenta também um alto risco de rigidez e, portanto, falha. Dessa maneira, esse artigo de pesquisa tira conclusões precisas sobre a maneira como estudamos as instituições regionais e como suas estruturas influenciam escolhas estratégicas.

The COVID-19 pandemic has shown a variety of responses from countries of the two regions, ranging from denialism to regional health cooperation. This article aims to assess how these reactions have impacted European Union (EU) and Latin American and Caribbean (LAC) inter-regional relations, considering multiple and sometimes incompatible approaches taken by national and regional actors. The article contends that the existence of contrasting approaches – coupled with previous institutional and political challenges faced by the EU and LAC regional organisations – have undermined the convergence of national health policies into regional ones, and the promotion of multilateral responses and institutions in a post-pandemic world. First, focus is given to the main characteristics and institutional features of contemporary EU-LAC relations, usually conceived as a multidimensional and multi-tier relationship. Second, it introduces how EU and LAC countries and regional organisations have responded to the COVID-19 pandemic, indicating distinct ways that EU-LAC actors have engaged with the outbreak and the main challenges and successes for regional cooperation in this respect. Lastly, the main developments and challenges for EU-LAC overall relations in pandemic times are indicated, highlighting how EU-LAC actors have attempted to cooperate in order to develop a more positive and sustainable inter-regional partnership for the future.

Reviews the main processes of regionalism and integration in Europe and Latin Americа. In Europe, the 2004 and 2007 enlargements transformed the composition of the European Union. The Treaty of Lisbon sparked a turbulent debate about the scope of the integration process, and the prolonged economic crisis forced painful structural transformations in the Eurozone. In Latin America, the benefits of the democratic reforms and the free market policies raised the expectations of the population, producing a spectrum of decision makers ranging from socialists of the twenty-first century to devoted neoliberals. In the light of the historical moment that both regions are experiencing, the aim of the work is to study the formation of a fruitful interregional dialogue between Europe and Latin America. Рассматриваются основные процессы регионализма и интеграции в Европе и Латинской Америке. Показано, что в Европе расширение в 2004 и 2007 гг. изменило состав ЕС. Лиссабонский договор вызвал бурные дебаты о масштабах интеграционного процесса, а затянувшийся экономический кризис вынудил к болезненным структурным преобразованиям в еврозоне. В Латинской Америке выгоды демократических реформ и политики свободного рынка повышают ожидания населения, что приводит к появлению широкого круга лиц, принимающих решения, от социалистов XXI в. до преданных своему делу неолибералов. В свете исторического момента, переживаемого обоими регионами, цель труда заключается в изучении становления плодотворного межрегионального диалога между Европой и Латинской Америкой.

It contains the summary of the articles sent and accepted to be published in the journal. In number 15 there is also a summary of the articles in Spanish and in English. Contiene el sumario de los artículos enviados y aceptados para ser publicados en la revista. En el número 15 se incluyen además un resumen del artículo en idioma español y otro en idioma inglés.

The Trans-Pacific Partnership (TPP) and Transatlantic Trade and Investment Partnership (TTIP) are possibly the largest free-trade areas in the world. Both initiatives, if ever realized (as TPP was, hopefully temporarily, abandoned by Donald Trump in January 2017), can also change the US position in the international system, reinforcing the United States as a crucial rule-setter, hence supporting the dominant American role in global IR despite its relatively decreasing power. Therefore both the Trans-Pacific Partnership and Transatlantic Trade and Investment Partnership may be analyzed as either multilateral institutions-on the basis of functional or neofunctional theories-or as tools of American foreign policy, where both neoliberal, and neorealist theories may be referenced (the latter theories will not be analyzed in this chapter, however). Keeping in mind the scope of the agreements analyzed, interregionalism theories will be applied.

While some authors have suggested that theoretical contributions to the study of inter-regionalism mostly lack sufficient empirical proof, this article shows that there is ample evidence to support key prepositions of all three schools of thought in the debate (neorealism, liberal institutionalism and social constructivism). Existing cooperation mechanisms in Europe-Asia relations are not just ‘talking shops’ but fulfil important functions in the international system. However, the main shortcoming of the inter-regionalism discourse to-date is its analytical one-eye blindness: the political realities of inter-regional cooperation are reduced to interactions between the two region’s foreign policy elites and have a strong focus on dialogue fora such as ASEM. The article explains that the promotion of good regional governance, economic integration and peace-building through development assistance (ODA) is the more effective part of the European Union’s (EU) foreign relations with East Asia as compared to high-level diplomacy in the framework of ASEM or the official EU-ASEAN dialogue.

Inter-regionalism as a form of effective networking multilateralism comes to be suggested for the task of restructuring a crumbling architecture of global governance unsafe for humankind. Safe for the Commonwealth of Citizens turns to be the global governance of networked global institutions within the multilateral system, raised instead of previous differently power-centred forms of international system (unipolar /hegemonic, bipolar, polycentric multipolar). Assessment of merits and disadvantages of Leaders' Twenty (L20) multilateral initiative proves that inter-regionalism offers the best service for effective restructuring of global governance. Out of cross-cutting agencies of states, civil society networks, and international organizations in inter-regional hubs, as the most reliable producers of effective networking multilateralism, much needed building of global institutions will come and their systemic harnessing safe for humankind will eventually set off. Interregionalizam kao oblik delotvornog umrežavajućeg multilateralizma učestalo biva preporučivan za 'sanaciju' oronule arhitekture globalne vladavine koja nije bezbedna za čovečanstvo. Bezbedna za komonvelt građana je globalna vladavina koju daje multilateralni sistem umreženih globalnih ustanova, umesto dosadašnjih različito centriranih međunarodnih sistema (jednopolarni/hegemoni, dvopolni/bipolarni, policentrični/ multipolarni). Ispitivanje dobrih strana i slabosti inicijative Dvadeset predvodnika (P20/L20) potvrđuje interregionalizam kao izlaz za delotvorno restrukturiranje globalne vladavine. Iz ukrštajućeg delatništva i država, i društvenih mreža, i međunarodnih organizacija u interregionalnim čvorištima kao najpouzdanijim proizvođačima delotvornog umrežavajućeg multilateralizma može proisteći neophodno pravljenje globalnih ustanova i njihovo sistemsko sprezanje bezbedno za čovečanstvo.

"The European Union (EU) perceives itself as a model for regional integration, which it seeks to diffuse by actively promoting the development of genuine (intra-) regional economic and political cooperation, the building of issue-related regimes, and the creation of joint institutions for consultation and decision-making in its neighbourhood and beyond as well as between the world regions and the EU. In this paper, we explore the extent to which EU has sought to promote regional integration beyond its borders. More specifically, we analyze what exactly the EU seeks to export and how it has used its external relations and foreign policy to foster the cooperation between regions (inter-regionalism), on the one hand, and regional cooperation among third countries, on the other. We proceed in three steps. The first part of the paper outlines the mechanisms and instruments through which the EU diffuses the idea of regional integration to other regions and fosters regional integration among third countries. In the second part, we take stock of the EU's attempts to export regional integration focusing on the mechanisms it has drawn upon. We conclude with some considerations to what extent the promotion of regional integration constitutes a genuine EU agenda for global governance." (author's abstract)

This paper is about accomplished understanding of the regions as 'a trigger force in the world policy' in 'new' international regionalism. In the article there are presented the results of 'new' international regionalism and there is extracted a key analysis that the complex of theories and directions within the research under that 'name' had established the region as a new 'third' level in the world politics analysis, an important foundation of the global order and real international relations, that is also the object of scientific analysis of the reality of international relations. Firstly, there are presented leading standings of 'new' international regionalism regarding the significance of the region as an object of research. Then the differences between understanding of globalization and regionalism as the trigger of world politics are underlined. For purpose of cognitive effectiveness there are presented the attempts of new regionalism to avoid the trap of division of these indissolubly connected processes. Within the context there are presented the results of theoretical striving of one Buzan and Vaever on one side, and Peter Katzenstein on other side, to observe the world as the world of regions through comprehension of connection between globalism and regionalism, and not disconnection of that one process from the other one. A short review of basic notions of 'new' research of international regions is presented in third part of the article. Final part of the article is dedicated to descriptive illumination of the most important questions of the world politics from the angle of 'new' international regionalism. Conclusion of the article is that the 'new' international regionalism supplies a fresh influx of knowledge to overall international studies on making of modern world politics by establishment of the research of the regions as a specific level within the global governing. Rad se bavi ostvarenim razumevanjem regiona kao 'pokretačke sile svetske politike' u 'novom' međunarodnom regionalizmu. Predočeni su ostvareni nalazi 'novog' međunarodnog regionalizma i izdvojene ključne potvrde koje je skup teorija i pravaca istraživanja pod tim 'imenom' priložio izvođenju regiona do novog 'trećeg' nivoa analize svetske politike, bitnog gradiva globalnog poretka i stvarnih međunarodnih odnosa, odnosno samog predmeta naučnog proučavanja stvarnosti stvarnih međunarodnih odnosa. Prvo su saopštena noseća stanovišta 'novog' međunarodnog regionalizma o značaju regiona kao predmeta proučavanja. Zatim su u podvučene razlike između razumevanja globalizacije i regionalizma kao pokretača svetske politike. Predstavljeni su pokušaji novog regionalizma da radi saznajne plodotvornosti izbegne 'kljusu' deobe ta dva neodvojivo spregnuta procesa. Izneti su u tom okviru rezultati sprovedenih teorijska nastojanja Bazana i Vivera, na jednoj, i Pitera Kacenstajna, na drugoj strani, da se svet posmatra kao svet regiona, uviđanjem spregnutosti globalizacije i regionalizma, a ne otcepljenosti jednog procesa od drugog. Kratki pregled osnovnih pojmova 'novog' proučavanja međunarodnih regiona dat je u trećem delu rada. Preglednom osvetljavanju najvažnijih pitanja svetske politike iz ugla 'novog' međunarodnog regionalizma posvećen je završni deo. Ponuđen je zaključak da uspostavljajući proučavanje regiona, kao osobenog sloja u sklopu globalne vladavine, 'novi' međunarodni regionalizam pruža sveži dotok znanja celokupnim međunarodnim studijama o tome kako se danas pravi svetska politika.

CONTENIDO Editorial. Briceño Ruíz, José Investigación La creación de políticas comerciales en América: lo que se puede aprender de la experiencia mexicana. The trade policy making process in the Americas: lessons from the mexican experience. Ortiz Mena L.N., Antonio Razones para la firma de un acuerdo de cooperación entre la Unión Europea y el Mercosur: el papel del comercio y de la inversión. Motivations for signing a European Union - Mercosur association agreement: the role of trade and investment. Doctor, Mahrukh La relación comercio - desarrollo y la ronda de Doha. The relationship trade - development and the Doha round. Rosas, María Cristina Políticas ambientales globales y su impacto sobre el Caribe. Global environmental policies and their impact on the Caribbean. Seguinot Barbosa, José Zona de Integración Fronteriza (ZIF) y su dimensión territorial en la frontera Táchira (Venezuela) - Norte de Santander (Colombia). Border Integration Zone [BIF] and its territorial dimension in Táchira [Venezuela] - North of Santander [Colombia] boundary. Linares de Gómez, Rosalba Estudio socioeconómico de los municipios seleccionados para conformar la zona de integración fronteriza. Área Táchira (Venezuela) - Norte de Santander (Colombia). Socioeconomic study of selected constituencies to set up the border integration regime. Area Táchira [Venezuela] and Norte de Santander [Colombia]. Caraballo, Leonardo Javier La realidad geográfica de la globalización y la enseñanza de la geografía. The geographical reality of globalization and the teaching of geography. Santiago, José Análisis José Manuel Briceño Monzillo: Vigencia de su pensamiento sobre Venezuela, límites y fronteras. José Manuel Briceño Monzillo: The relevance of his thought on Venezuela, borders and boundaries. Briceño Monzón, Claudio Alberto Agenda De las relaciones colombo-venezolanas (mayo de 2005 - octubre de 2005). On the colombian - venezuelan relations (may 2005 - october 2005). Márquez R., Rocío Dinora Reseña Meza, Robinson: Política y gobierno en el estado Los Andes (1881-1899). Briceño Monzón, Claudio Alberto Índice acumulado Publicaciones 17-28 m.doctor@reading.ac.uk semestral Nivel analítico

The presented study is an analysis of the regional integration process of the Association of Southeast Asian Nations ASEAN utilizing theories of international relations and integration. The dissertation studies the factors which contributed to its formation, evolution and transformation and the perspectives of its further development. ASEAN was established by virtue of Bangkok Declaration signed on August 8, 1967 among Indonesia, Malaysia, Philippines, Singapore and Thailand. Subsequently Brunei joined the Association in 1984, Vietnam 1995, Laos and Myanmar 1997 and Cambodia 1999. ASEAN's formation falls within the process of creating of regional organizations after World War II, a period of the biggest development of the institutionalization of the international cooperation. Association was based on relatively free and voluntary cooperation and political declarations. With the end of Cold War and bipolarity, with the defeat of communism and the advent of political and economic reforms in the former socialist bloc ASEAN institutionally strengthened and transformed itself, expanded its membership and the decision to form ASEAN Free Trade Area AFTA in 1992 and the Treaty on the Common Effective Preferential Tariffs shifted Association from the stage of cooperation to integration. ASEAN becomes an international organization (based on international legal agreement with the objectives, principles, internal structure etc.) through the adoption of the Charter in 2008. The Charter is the symbol of the transition process from voluntary cooperation based on political declarations to creation of an intergovernmental organization with international legal personality and legal contractual basis for community building, to strengthen the norms and principles. ASEAN has functioned over 40 years based on personal, very frequent and regular contacts between the key elites (who have significantly contributed to its creation and development), as a grouping of common practice and an emerging common identity. It is a form of intergovernmental cooperation, where member states have exclusive position in the decision process; there are no supranational institutions that would have exclusive powers. ASEAN is the initiator of the development of regionalism in Asia, a considerable number of international structures, inter-and trans-regional contacts, forums and programs. Its activities after the Cold War fall into the framework of the new regionalism The thesis tries to point out possible perspectives for its future path, especially in connection to recently born special cooperation ASEAN+3 (China, Republic of Korea, Japan) and plans for building of East Asian Community (ASEAN+3, Australia, New Zealand, India) and its Free Trade Area. Basic characteristics of ASEAN integration process: it takes place in Southeast Asia, it is a process and a state, it consists of economic, political, security, social and cultural part, the emphasis is on economic affairs, its origin is in the postwar period, the main actors are the states and their elites (from the 90's NGO's, think-tanks and civil society become active creating a broad network of socio-cultural relations and interactions), integration expands by the process of ASEAN +3 and EAS, there is a spillover effect within and outside ASEAN, integration process is gradually evolving from a lower to a higher level. Carried out research has its limitations, since it is impossible to generalize the results and formulate a clear assessment of the large international complex, the information is always limited and the social process is miscellaneous. Well-known is the fact that political elites do not act according to the theories, which they often do not know, but based on their own understanding of reality and interests of individual states, eventually groups of countries. No theory is able to explain fully the evolution of ASEAN, failing to capture reality in its full extent, and thus the prospects for the future are some speculations. From the theoretical examination of ASEAN I elect neofuncionalism, since ASEAN represents a process of empowerment, where elites play a crucial role; they share many values and objectives and contribute to the integration process. The rise of transactions in the regional grouping (trade, communication, exchange of ideas), gradually creates a sense of common identity, elites have closer contacts and their values are complementary. Southeast Asia should occupy an important place in the Czech Republic's foreign policy, taking advantage of traditional contacts with the region. Priority should be given to economic ties and active political involvement in the multilateral framework of ASEM, an important part of political dialogue should be question of human rights.