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In this paper, we argue that the consequences of democratic backsliding are not limited to the domestic sphere. Instead, we posit that democratic erosion generates strong incentives for leaders to engage in hostile foreign policy behavior toward other states. We estimate a series of models using event data from 2005–2018 to test our hypothesis. Our results consistently support our argument, even after using estimators that account for potential endogeneity issues. Leaders of backsliding democracies are more likely to behave in an aggressive way toward other countries. Our confidence in these results is strengthened by multiple robustness checks, all of which point to the same conclusion. This paper demonstrates that backsliding states are more likely than full democracies to engage in aggressive actions toward other states, which has important academic and policy implications for understanding the international ramifications of democratic erosion.

AbstractAdam Smith and David Hume strongly support commercial societies. But both do not assume that commerce necessarily promotes peace; it might even lead to more wars. Their respective reasoning, however, is very different. Smith claims that wars arise from the rapacity of merchants and manufacturers chasing monopolies, while Hume attributes them to human nature. Smith assumes that the martial spirit decreases, Hume that it is strengthened. Smith supports a standing army, Hume a militia. Hume approves of financing wars by debt; Smith fears escalating military debt. Consequently, Hume advocates expanding commerce to increase the military power of Britain, Smith proposes integrating the British colonies into the Union or abandoning them. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article presents new data on the individuals who mediate (M-IND) in all active UCDP dyads and lethal MIDs, 1989–2019. The dataset contributes to the systematic study of conflict management in several important respects: it covers both international and internal conflicts, it covers low-intensity violence, and it provides information on individual mediators, who appointed them, and type of mediation. Besides presenting the data collection and descriptive statistics, the article engages with the literatures on multiparty mediation and women, peace and security. M-IND shows that women more commonly are appointed as mediators by nongovernmental organizations than by states and international organizations. Our analysis suggests that greater equality in mediation efforts correlates with the use of more varied mediation strategies and is associated with a greater chance of reaching peace agreements. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Scholars increasingly emphasize personal biographical characteristics of leaders in explaining patterns of foreign policy behavior. This article extends insights from this agenda to study how (dis)similarities in the background characteristics of leaders at the dyadic level shape international conflict outcomes. Trust and uncertainty are central to explaining conflict via their connections to commitment- and information-related causes of war. Psychological research provides evidence that perceived similarities between individuals and groups can foment trust and cooperation. We hypothesize that leaders who share more similar backgrounds and life experiences form stronger social bonds and are more trusting of one another. As such, leaders who have more in common with one another should be able to better manage diplomatic disputes and avoid conflict. We test this hypothesis using a new measure of dyadic-leader-level similarity created with the Leader Experience and Attribute Descriptions (LEAD) dataset and data on international conflict onset in politically relevant dyads throughout the period 1946–2004. We find that pairs of leaders with more similar backgrounds are significantly less likely to experience militarized interstate disputes at all levels of hostility even after accounting for a variety of observable and unobservable determinants of conflict. The findings contribute to our understanding of the determinants of international conflict and help advance research on linkages between psychological and rationalist approaches to studying conflict. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The article discusses New Zealand's evolving foreign policy focus on the Pacific region, driven by rising geopolitical competition and concerns over China's growing influence, while highlighting the complexities of regional engagements that often overlook local priorities like climate change. Topics include security and defense arrangements, development assistance, and the diverse actors influencing Pacific geopolitics.

Ethnically motivated domestic pressure can incentivize leaders to support co-ethnics via military cooperation during international crises. When a leader requires the support of an ethnic group to retain office, she may face pressure to support foreign co-ethnics involved in an international crisis. Supporting co-ethnics can bolster a leader domestically, but constraints on the executive limit a leader's ability to respond to ethnically motivated pressure. Using data on 257 international crises from 1949–2001 and two case studies, we find robust evidence for the conditional relationship between co-ethnicity, the domestic political salience of ethnicity, executive constraints, and the likelihood of military coalition formation. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Theory suggests that the meaning of identity categories can vary across populations and change with time. By implication, the analytical usefulness of a given category as a measure of ethnic identity can also change, varying along with its cognitive and social usefulness to the examined population. In a prior study, we claimed that the usefulness of different measures of ethnic identity in Ukraine had changed in response to a revolution and the initiation of violent conflict with Russia in 2014. We now test this theory with new data on a new cataclysm, Russia's 2022 full‐blown invasion of Ukraine. Our analysis confirms that international conflict enhances the usefulness of categories related to external delimitation from foreigners while rendering less useful those pertaining to internal differentiation in Ukrainian society. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This study explores the designs and dynamics of past, present, and potential mediation and negotiation efforts to stop the Russian invasion of Ukraine. Applying insights from mediation and negotiation literature, the article explores three questions relating to negotiating peace in Ukraine: who is best positioned to negotiate or mediate such a process (who should be presented at the table), when should such diplomatic efforts be launched, and how should the processes of peace talks be designed. The study examines the dynamics of the initial peace talks in the spring of 2022 as well as Ukraine’s Peace Formula, which has been discussed by up to 92 countries, excluding Russia. The article discusses the unusual process of negotiating peace without the presence of one of the main parties (Russia) and the challenges and potential of negotiations in this form of international, asymmetric war. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

With a backdrop of chronic military conflict in the Middle East, a group of practitioners and trainers in Intensive Short-term Dynamic Psychotherapy (ISTDP) with roots in Israel, Lebanon, Palestine, Iran and Assyria (Turkey) provide commentary using this model to understand some factors in the precipitation, perpetuation and possible resolution of intractable conflict. First, we review the metapsychology and treatment methods of ISTDP. We explore the ISTDP understanding of attachment trauma as a driver of self-destructive behavior and interactional patterns that leave populations vulnerable to chronic conflict. We review external factors which impinge upon healthy attachments and family and system wellbeing. We review a way of understanding how attachment trauma at one level of the system may influence other levels of the system and vice versa. Finally, we attempt to consolidate this by considering how intrapsychic processes may influence and inform intrafamilial, intracommunity, intranational and international healing between conflicted parties. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper investigates the liminal position of “fixers” in global news reporting and critically examines the very term “fixer”. Building on existing research in the field and ongoing discussions about its inherent inequalities, we address the following questions: How do “fixers” enact their liminality in everyday work? What does the liminality inherent to the term “fixer” say about the positionalities of local media workers and the politics and ethics of transnational collaborations? Based on ten semi-structured interviews with local media professionals – “fixers” – based in Beirut, Dutch, and American reporters, we argue that the problem with the much-contested term “fixer” resides in the reproduction and reification of the presupposed West–East or North–South power relations and in neglecting the power dynamics following from specific roles and experiences. The term thus hinders the understanding of the complex reality of (local) media work and the diverse roles fulfilled. Therefore, we argue that to understand the crucial roles of local media workers in ongoing international conflicts, it is imperative to carefully consider this linguistic entry point. Finally, we discuss how job titles manifest hierarchies and power relations within foreign reporting ecosystems and in the journalistic field more broadly. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The article attempts to determine the principles of international legal regulation of the application of restitution as a form of material responsibility in international law, as restitution is a means of legal protection available to the claimant in the consideration of an international dispute, for which seized property is returned to the original owner in kind. The theoretical provisions regarding the international legal regulation of the application of restitution as one of the forms of material responsibility under international law have been analyzed, using the following sources - the UN International Law Commission (ILC); Article 35 of the Articles on State Responsibility of 2001; Permanent Court of International Justice (PCIJ) (predecessor of the UN International Coin! of Justice). Legal doctrine distinguishes two forms of restitution - restitution in kind («restitutio in integrum») and restoration («restitutio in pristinum»). Restitution in kind (restitutio in integrum) consists in restoring the former material situation. The second form of restitution - restoration (restitutio in pristinum) - is the restoration of immaterial rights. The issue of property restitution has been central to many political changes and peace agreements since the end of the Cold War. Restitution of property, homes, and land has been seen as a means of redressing past injustices in many forms, ranging from communist nationalization and colonial-era land confiscation to outright ethnic cleansing and war crimes. The politics of restitution often figure in broader transitional justice efforts following repression, persecution, and mass violations of human rights. Among the range of transitional justice mechanisms, restitution is most closely related to reparations, both because of their shared historical origins and because of their common desire to return victims to the conditions in which they would have been satisfied if their rights had not been violated. Practical examples of restitution that took place in the Czech Republic, South Africa, Bosnia and Guatemala were analyzed. Were studied the recommendations on how to better plan, organize and implement the restitution program in the conditions of the transition period, which were aptly described in his writings by the outstanding scientist Mr. Rhodri C. Williams [13]. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The question is considered, which aims to establish the main types of armed conflict and to determine the types of armed conflicts in international law, as well as when this or that act of the state will be considered aggression, armed attack or armed conflict, or not. It is indicated that the analysis of modem international relations shows that humanity has not yet managed to get rid of wars and other armed conflicts, which are mostly armed conflicts of a non- intemational nature. This is evidenced by the events in the former Yugoslavia, Rwanda, Afghanistan, Iraq, Liberia, and the Caucasus, and since 2014, Ukraine has not been an exception, the international armed conflict on whose territory has grown from February 24, 2022 into a full-scale war waged by the Russian Federation on the scale of which Europe has not knew since the Second World War. It is noted that modem international relations are characterized by a change in the nature of the conflict, the emergence of a number of new categories and situations, an increase in the number of victims among the civilian population, and an increasing internationalization of armed conflicts of a non-intemational nature. In this regard, the question of the qualification of various types of armed conflicts is extremely relevant, especially in the context of the ongoing full-scale war waged by Russia against Ukraine. The author pays special attention to the provisions of the statute of the International Criminal Court and the statute of the International Criminal Tribunal for the former Yugoslavia, which essentially form the modem doctrine of criminal responsibility for war crimes and the crime of genocide. The article highlights the provisions and the author's assessment regarding the prerequisites for proper qualification, because the prerequisite for proper qualification is a deep study and understanding by a person who applies the mles of law, the principles of international humanitarian law, international state policy, international judicial and investigative practice; correct clarification and interpretation of the content of the international agreement, determination of the limits of the selected norm in time, space and by the number of persons, as well as establishing all its features; collection and analysis of evidence in the case, full and comprehensive establishment of the actual signs of the armed conflict; application of qualification mles developed by theory and practice, with a justified combination of the signs of an armed conflict established by international law with the signs of a committed act. An important place in the work is covered by the theoretical analysis of the term qualification. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The article examines the issues related to the historical evolution of the concept of «prisoner of war» and the rules of detention, treatment and internment of such persons. It is stated that the precedent of discrepancies between legal acts providing for legal regulation of the status of prisoners of war is retrospective. The author analyses the customs of the ancient world and early civilisations for compliance with moral norms in the context of treatment of prisoners of war. Early states did not actually know what a system of «humane» treatment of prisoners of war was, but such countries and states as Ancient Greece and India were the driving force for fundamental changes in the vector of humane treatment of persons held in captivity. Using the method of comparative legal analysis, the author concludes that the periods of the Middle Ages and Modem times in terms of treatment of prisoners of war have both a close correlation and direct inconsistency. The author identifies the legislative acts that served as the basis for the regulatory settlement of the problem, such as the Special Prisoners' Decree or the Hague Convention of 1899. The author analyses the historical changes in international approaches to understanding the concept of «prisoner of war» and the rules for the treatment of such persons from early armed conflicts to modem norms of international humanitarian law. Attention is drawn to the national framework of Ukrainian legislation in the context of the customs of Kyivan Rus, the late Middle Ages, the Ukrainian SSR and the period of independence. The treatment of prisoners of war on the territory of Ukraine has always been historically consistent with moral values, even those which can be compared with modem international humanitarian law. The author concludes that the conflict between theory, legislation and practice has been present throughout human history due to the destructive nature of war and hostilities. The author emphasises the need to find new practical approaches to improve the level of legal regulation of the status of prisoners of war in international humanitarian law and national legislation of Ukraine (in particular, criminal procedure law). [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

What is hope, and how can we measure it? These questions have occupied the minds of hope scholars across disciplines. This article outlines a comprehensive approach to understanding hope: the Bidimensional Model of Hope. Building on the standard definition of hope, the bidimensional model explores hope as the intersection between wishes (desires, aspirations) and expectations (assessment of possibility). Hope is thus located on a bidimensional plane with two perpendicular axes; one corresponds to the levels of wishes to achieve an outcome, and the second to the levels of expectations of achieving the outcome. We claim that the bidimensional approach is comprehensive enough to include existing definitions of hope while being parsimonious, versatile, and applicable to many contexts, including those where the hoped-for outcome is beyond people's actual or perceived control. We show the model's theoretical and methodological utility and its use in existing qualitative and quantitative research on hope in the context of intractable international conflicts. We end with suggesting pathways for developing and applying the Bidimensional Model of Hope to assist hope research in a variety of contexts and disciplines. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The challenge of multilateralism emanates from various interconnected global crises like war, terrorism, climate change, pandemics, and economic disasters that are eroding its effectiveness and legitimacy. The failure of multilateralism over the past three decades to deliver effectively has caused a geopolitical fragmentation that has fostered an environment conducive for the parallel rise of minilaterals, a more vocal and protesting Global South, and rising global powers like China and India, which threaten the conventional multilateral architecture. This article focuses on how the increased trend of minilateralism and the tenor of the Global South have threatened the credibility and legitimacy of multilateral institutions like the UN, World Bank, EU, and IMF. It concludes that, to restore the rules-based multilateral architecture there is need for a reformed, and effective UN and its agencies, globally inclusive and committed minilaterals, a more effective Non-Aligned Movement, and a more active role for Civil Society Organisations. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The article delves into the changing roles of non-military government personnel and private military contractors in combat situations, particularly in low-intensity conflicts. It explores the legal standards for determining combatant status in armed conflicts, emphasizing the need for clear rules to uphold the laws of war. The text argues for classifying non-military personnel as combatants when engaged in combat operations and discusses the implications of extending combatant privilege to non-international armed conflicts. It challenges the notion that civilians directly participating in hostilities, such as CIA personnel and PMCs, are not entitled to combatant immunity, asserting that they can be considered combatants as agents of the State. The article advocates for extending the protections of the Geneva Conventions to all parties involved in armed conflicts, including non-military personnel. [Extracted from the article]

Two states are stuck in a conflict because backing down is costly to their leaders. What can they do to exit the conflict peacefully? We propose a novel mechanism that is practically significant but not yet theorized and tested in international relations: win-win deescalation. One side "wins" because the other backs down, but the other also "wins" because it successfully frames its action to its public as a win. How effective are win frames? How would the public react to their leader's—and the opponent's—win frames? Using an original experiment in the midst of an ongoing US–China trade war, we identify win frames that can induce the perception of winning and reduce the public costs of deescalation for the Chinese government. The catch, however, is that when America uses the same win frames, it can compromise the Chinese government's effort to deescalate the conflict, even when it is America backing down. Our work sheds light on the role of win frames in international conflict and how, in the eyes of domestic audiences, backing down is not necessarily losing—nor is the other backing down necessarily you winning. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The research is dedicated to the International Civil Aviation Organisation (ICAO) and the politicised debates held on its forum. The purpose of the research was to investigate political debates on the ICAO forum and to analyse the attempts to terminate them through references to their political character or the technical character of ICAO. The main research question concerns the arguments used by the delegates/representatives engaged in political debates held on the ICAO forum. The researchers argued that the participants in these debates, mostly diplomats representing member states, have been employing depoliticisation techniques to terminate inconvenient debates, claiming that the ICAO is a technical organisation and political issues should not be debated there. The study covers several diplomatic standoffs at the ICAO forum: debates over ICAO membership/statehood in Spain, Taiwan, Cyprus and South Africa; various instances of the Arab-Israeli conflict; shootdowns of the Korean aircraft by the USSR and the Iranian aircraft by the US; and aviation aspects of the Iraqi invasion of Kuwait. The study specifically covered individual statements of state representatives and debates on the forum of the ICAO Council and Assembly. The research has been performed through qualitative content analysis of the ICAO archival documents acquired both online and during research visit to the ICAO headquarters in Montreal. It was observed that state representatives have been employing depoliticisation in order to defend their countries on the forum of the ICAO from the attacks associated with international conflicts. Depoliticisation as a diplomatic tactic, however, in most cases proved unsuccessful. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper argues that international cooperation on devising radiation standards and measuring devices has been an issue not only of national concern but of binational and international conflict in the interwar period. Moreover, the production of radiation safety standards and radiation units gradually became a diplomatic process that underlined national rivalries and depended on political and diplomatic interests. As a result of this diplomatic process, early major scientific actors on radiation research lost prominence. The need to decide on radiation standards that could address medical, military and industrial concerns was therefore acute long before the 1950s and the establishment of international organizations such as the United Nations Scientific Committee on the Effects of Atomic Radiation (UNSCEAR) and the International Atomic Energy Agency (IAEA), that took the lead in regulating the uses of ionizing radiation in the postwar period. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Russia's aim to build a role as a neutral, independent player in Northeast Asia (NEA) is now under threat as a result of its regional policy choices since the 2014 annexation of Crimea. Moscow's evolving position in the region can arguably be better understood in the light of the dynamic of the Sino-Russian partnership. The decline of Russian capacities, its growing partnership with the People's Republic of China (PRC) and NEA developments have exerted a unique impact on Moscow's relations with regional stakeholders. As a result, Russia's position as a neutral player in Northeast Asian security issues, including in the case of the Korean peninsula and China-Japan Senkaku/Diaoyu island dispute, is no longer tenable. Despite its weaker status, the declining power (Russia) has a specific strategic value to the rising power (PRC) in the short to medium term, thus requiring a more nuanced understanding of the behaviour and role of such powers in the international system. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The Gulf Cooperation Council (GCC) members have reacted differently to strategic shifts in the Middle East, including the relative decline of the United States (US). Why have the GCC governments differed in their defence diversification steps of alignment formation, policy independence and arms procurement? By focusing on the perceptions of Gulf decision-makers, we argue that the GCC governments that are less confident in US security provision have been more proactive in pursuing diversification, whereas those that are more confident in the US have been less pursuant of diversification. We evaluate our argument by comparing the United Arab Emirates (UAE), Qatar and Kuwait. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Fostering trust in international relations is a critically important yet challenging endeavour. Over recent decades, trust deficits among states have intensified and become more widespread, resulting in a systemic condition of pervasive mistrust. The United States (US)-People's Republic of China (PRC) rivalry has played a pivotal role in generating this pervasive mistrust, as states pursue hedging strategies to mitigate their actual or potential vulnerabilities and safeguard their autonomy. A trust-building strategy is needed to counteract the detrimental effects of pervasive mistrust and bolster multilateralism in order to address critical global challenges in the 'dangerous 2020s'. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The Global Combat Air Programme (GCAP), launched by Italy, Japan and the United Kingdom (UK) in December 2022, is among the latest examples of strategic minilateral arrangements – that is, defensive balancing coalitions formed to respond to the systemic challenges of an increasingly competitive international system. A comparative analysis of the three members' objectives suggests, however, that GCAP differs from other forms of strategic minilateralism. Indeed, members' participation in the programme does not necessarily rest on overlapping strategic objectives, but rather on internal considerations linked to domestic industrial and export opportunities. Accordingly, we argue that GCAP should be better categorised as a 'tech-oriented' rather than a 'strategic' minilateral. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

An examination of the McMahon Line, Radcliffe Line and Durand Line highlights their role as agents shaping regional security complexes in South Asia. By unravelling the intricate interplay of historical and rising populist narratives, evolving power dynamics and intensifying state rivalries surrounding these colonial-era boundaries, a comprehensive analysis of their contemporary security implications is provided. Building on Barry Buzan and Ole Wæver's renowned theoretical framework, it is possible to elucidate the complexities of these boundary disputes while also addressing the inherent challenges in empirically applying such a framework to the nuanced dynamics of South Asia. Overall, a case study analysis of the McMahon, Radcliffe and Durand Lines allows the gap between the conceptual construct of the regional security complex and the intricate realities of regional security to be bridged. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Under what conditions do countries formally engage with the People's Republic of China's (PRC) Digital Silk Road (DSR)? A Qualitative Comparative Analysis (QCA) highlights two main findings: first, a comprehensive strategic partnership with the PRC, individually and in combination with China being a leading importer, is a necessary condition to explain countries' formal commitment to DSR; second, as expected, no single condition turns out to be sufficient; rather, an interplay of several factors is required. The results point to the empirical importance (though not always sufficient) of the absence of an alternative foreign-backed initiative with other major powers, the existence of a comprehensive strategic partnership with the PRC, and its presence as a leading importer. This suggests that, in the absence of alternative connectivity plans, countries' existing economic and strategic relationships with the PRC predispose them to formally engage in the DSR. This is particularly the case for Southeast Asian countries. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

In the past few decades, the concept of tolerance has gained a central place in Oman's political discourse and foreign policy. It is often attributed to the country's national identity, which in turn is interpreted as deriving from Oman's Ibadi tradition, the cosmopolitan character of its maritime history and its strategic geographic location. Despite greater attention being paid to the constructive nature of Oman's identity, including its connection with Ibadism, however, a careful reflection on how the concept of tolerance developed from a religious to a foreign policy principle is still missing. A Discourse-Historical analysis of speeches directed towards a domestic and international audience highlights how the political discourse on tolerance, by reinforcing identity-engineering efforts, supported the Omani government's legitimation and status-seeking purposes at home and abroad. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The use of cyber operations in armed conflicts has become a reality, with several states openly admitting to being involved in such activities. An increasing number of nations are developing military cyber capabilities, and the use of these operations is expected to rise. Advancements in offensive cyber capabilities have demonstrated that these operations can significantly impact civilian infrastructure and cause harm to humans. This study explores the complex application of international humanitarian law (IHL) to cyber warfare, focusing on the evolving roles of both state and non-state actors. It examines the difficulties in distinguishing between combatants and non-combatants in the light of the concept of direct participation in hostilities during cyberattacks. Furthermore, this paper examines the responsibilities and legal consequences for states that direct or control non-state actors and the need to adapt IHL to the specific nature of cyber conflicts. It underscores the crucial need for strong legal frameworks to protect civilians and uphold humanitarian principles in the digital era. This study employs cyberattacks which occurred during the Russian-Ukraine armed conflict as a case study. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This research uses a behavioural game-theoretic paradigm to study the role of emotions in forming and preventing international conflict. We find that when two countries' strengths mismatch their resource, one of the two sides is motivated to initiate a conflict. However, national-dignity-related emotions can reduce this motivation. This is because countries with emotional populace are more likely to retaliate, thus becoming less susceptible to provocation. Meanwhile, these countries' leaders are more cautious in provoking other nations due to the fear of losing face from failed provocations. Consequently, long-term patriotic education can reduce international conflict by fostering these emotions. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

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This research is motivated by the arbitrary nature of decision-making environments and the dynamic changes in decision patterns, particularly in international dispute resolution. These challenges introduce uncertainties that could be effectively managed by fuzzy logic, which provides a robust framework for evaluating alternatives under multiple criteria. In this study, an Interval-Valued Type-2 Fuzzy TOPSIS approach is proposed to assess various dispute resolution methods, including negotiation, good offices, mediation, international inquiry, conciliation, international organization, arbitration, and international jurisdiction. Common criteria are determined by examining academic literature and by interviewing relevant experts.—cost-efficiency, duration, impartiality, binding nature, and generalizability are considered essential in determining the best resolution method. The proposed method allows for a nuanced evaluation by incorporating both primary and secondary levels of uncertainty, enabling decision-makers to determine the best alternative solution more reliably. This method's application extends not only to the international law field but also to industrial engineering, where complex, uncertain decision environments require similarly sophisticated multicriteria decision-making tools. By systematically analyzing these resolution methods, this study aims to provide a structured, quantifiable approach that enhances the decision-making process for both international legal practitioners and engineers working with uncertain and dynamic systems. The results of this study ultimately contribute to improved decision-making outcomes and greater efficiency in multidisciplinary problem solving. The assessments of experts in international law, international relations, and political science in their respective fields of expertise have been gathered to form a consensus. This study contributes to the literature as it is the pioneering application of fuzzy multicriteria decision-making techniques in the field of international law. The results of this study imply that the best option from the different decision-maker evaluations is international jurisdiction. Consequently, the utilization of multicriteria decision-making tools can result in more informed and effective decisions in complex and uncertain situations, which is advantageous to both legal practitioners and engineers. Additionally, incorporating different disciplines can help streamline the decision-making process and improve overall efficiency in solving multidisciplinary problems. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The global landscape, enshrined in a wide range of international legal agreements, envisions an era of peaceful coexistence among nations. This vision is based on fundamental legal acts, such as the Charter of the United Nations and the Statute of the International Court of Justice (dated 26.06.1945), which enshrine the principle of peaceful coexistence. In addition, the Declaration on Principles of International Law concerning Friendly Relations and Cooperation among States (24.10.1970) and the Final Act of the Conference on Security and Cooperation in Europe (01.08.1975) build on this foundation, strengthening the doctrine of peaceful interaction between states. The United Nations Charter resonates as a clear call to nations to prioritize peace and diplomacy over confrontation. The provision that “all Members of the United Nations shall settle their international disputes by peaceful means in such a manner as not to endanger international peace, security and justice” (Article 2(3)) is not just a statement of intent; it is a guiding principle that emphasizes the value of peaceful coexistence. This principle favors dialogue over discord, cooperation over confrontation, and understanding over unilateral action. However, the development of international relations from the mid-20th century to the beginning of the 21st century demonstrates a somewhat opposite dynamic. Despite these well-established doctrines, there have been many instances where disputes have escalated into armed conflicts. The Korean War, the Vietnam War, multiple conflicts in the Middle East, and the recent civil war in Syria are just a few examples that have left a deep mark on the structure of world relations. Such events demonstrate the unfortunate tendency of states or groups within states to resort to force or the threat of force as a means of resolving disputes. This departure from the established norm of peaceful settlement raises a number of pressing questions and concerns, especially within the framework of international humanitarian law. How to accurately define “armed conflict”? What distinguishes an international conflict from a non-international one? When delving into this sub-topic, it is very important to distinguish between different classifications of conflicts. A thorough understanding of the criteria that distinguish, for example, between international conflicts, internal unrest, and other types of hostilities is of paramount importance. Referring to these criteria not only helps to accurately categorize conflicts, but also ensures that appropriate legal mechanisms are applied to mitigate the humanitarian consequences of such events. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The research of wartime diplomacy is becoming increasingly important under the influence of global challenges that threaten international security and stability. This study is devoted to the investigation of wartime diplomacy as a tool for the peaceful settlement of international disputes. The article provides a theoretical and legal research of wartime diplomacy in the context of pacific settlement of international disputes. The fundamental international legal acts that enshrine the basic principles of pacific settlement of international disputes are processed and their content is characterized. The main criteria for distinguishing between diplomatic and judicial means of resolving international disputes are proposed: the legal framework, the form of implementation, the subjects of influence and the nature of the result achieved. A brief historical discourse on the formation of the institution of diplomacy is formed and approaches to the definition of the concept of “diplomacy” are detailed. By using general scientific and special, empirical and theoretical, quantitative and qualitative methods of scientific research, the phenomenon of wartime diplomacy is detailed through the prism of the proposed criterias, in particular, identifies the features of this category through its legal framework, forms of implementation, subjects of influence and the nature of the achieved results. The purpose of wartime diplomacy is formulated. The goals, forms and methods of wartime diplomacy in the context of the issues under study are highlighted. The research also examines the wartime diplomatic tools aimed at preventing or resolving international conflicts, in particular: diplomatic conferences, сonsultations, congresses, meetings. Particular attention is paid to “peace conferences” as means of implementing military diplomacy, and three types of peace conferences aimed at resolving conflicts are distinguished: a conference that either follows a “major” conflict or is held to negotiate the termination of one of them; a conference to promote “general” world peace or to mitigate and resolve the outbreak of a conflict; global conferences [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

In a world rich in climate knowledge but short on climate action, it is important to understand the political reasons behind the apparent failure of states to address this planetary crisis. One underexplored dimension of this phenomenon is the impact of broader geopolitics and rivalry, in specific the ability and willingness of potential and actual security and economic rivals to leave their contention at the gates of the United Nations Framework Convention on Climate Change (UNFCCC). This article focuses on India's multifaceted approach to its 'China challenge' with and outside the climate regime. While conventional scholarship focuses on the security and economic dimensions of this rivalry, this study offers a distinct perspective that examines whether this rivalry might lead to a breakdown of cooperation and an increased potential for conflict and weaponisation of seemingly disconnected issue areas. Drawing on a comprehensive triangulation of policy documents, government statements and scholarly literature, this article evaluates the domestic and international factors shaping India's climate-related China policies, including the countries' unique economic ambitions, development imperatives, energy needs and global climate commitments. Furthermore, the article examines Sino-Indian interactions in international arenas such as the UNFCCC and Brazil, Russia, India, China, South Africa (BRICS), and how these interactions influence global climate governance. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

International humanitarian law mandates that the dead must be respected and protected in armed conflict. Among other things, parlies to an armed conflict must ensure that the dead are treated with dignity and that their bodies are not despoiled, pillaged, mutilated, or otherwise maltreated. Not all human remains located on the battlefield, however, will have a direct nexus to the fighting. Some, like those of Prince Grigory Potemkin, a historical figure whose bones were seized by Russian forces from a Ukrainian church in 2022, might even pre-exist an ongoing conflict. Whether rules applicable to the dead apply to such remains is debatable. The international humanitarian law governing the dead implicates the bodies of combatants and civilians killed in conflict, not those of re mote figures from the past. How, then, should the bodies of long-dead people be evaluated under international humanitarian law? This Article, examines a particular subset of human remains--the remains of what the Article describes as the. "exceptional dead"--and determines whether such material can be treated as property under the law of armed conflict. The Article then explores the. "no-property" rule. in. dead bodies and its effect on the protection of human remains in armed conflict. Lastly, the Article considers whether the remains of the exceptional dead might qualify as cultural heritage material entitled to protection as cultural property under international humanitarian law. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The definition of the concept of war crimes is studied in a transdisciplinary course in the close connection of criminal and international law. The author's position regarding the legal definition of the terms «war», «military conflict», «armed «conflict», «laws and customs of war», «aggression» and their combination is formulated and substantiated. It has been confirmed that the Rome Statute of the International Criminal Court provides for the definition of war crimes, taking into account Art. 6 of the Statute of the International Military Tribunal in Nuremberg, and recognizes war crimes as gross, serious violations of the laws and customs of war with a significantly expanded list of such violations. And this, taking into account the national interests of Ukraine, is enshrined in Art. 438 of the Criminal Code of Ukraine. It is proven that wars and armed conflicts: 1) are not identical concepts and it is incorrect to combine them in terms of content, apparently partially; 2) war is a type of military conflict, which is characterized by bilateral use of military force and 3) war can be a military conflict of a non-international character only in the case of civil war, which in the civilized world should be cut off forever through diplomatic efforts and peaceful resolution of conflict problems with respect for rights people and nations. Focused attention on the need for further terminological improvement of the edition of a number of international documents and Art. 438 of the Criminal Code of Ukraine from the point of view of the further implementation of the principle of the rule of law and its key element - the legal certainty of the norms that determine criminal responsibility for the committed act. The author considers it expedient and offers a way to solve the problem of the correctness of the use of the legal construct «laws and customs of war» in the specified article and in international norms (primarily the so-called «Hague laws» and «Geneva laws»). Opinions are expressed regarding the adoption of a decision at the international level to ban wars as military conflicts of an international nature and any armed conflicts as phenomena unacceptable for humanity, and to criminalize violations of the ban on wars at the national level. The term «aggression» is presented as having a defining psychological component, which calls into question the validity of its use to characterize military conflicts as a type of war. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The effect of the adversarial principle within international commercial arbitration has been studied in the article. It has been noted that the ever-growing development of economic relations inextricably leads to an increase in disputes in the field of economic activity. The author believes that international arbitration is one of the most effective means of peaceful resolution of international conflicts. International arbitration is understood as a special procedure for hearing and settling international disputes, as well as an international body, which is created by mutual agreement of the parties to resolve a specific dispute, disputes of a certain category, or any dispute between the contracting parties in case there are some. It has been substantiated in the article that the activity of international commercial arbitration is primarily built on the system of certain procedural principles (dispositive, adversarial, procedural equality of the parties, etc.). The procedural equality of the parties is a condition for the implementation of the adversarial principle, since the parties can compete for defending their subjective rights and interests protected by law only under the same legal conditions by using equal procedural means: to defend own position in the dispute by presenting evidence; to participate in the examination of evidence; to demonstrate initiative and activity in the process of hearing the case; to give arguments for defending oneself and to object the evidence and arguments of the opposing party. It is the adversarial nature of the parties in combination with the procedural requirement of conscientious usage of procedural rights by the parties, as well as the prevention of their abuse constitute a sufficient legal basis for regulating the procedural relations of the parties while hearing a case within international commercial arbitration. Adversarial judicial proceedings are the optimal principle, the one that really ensures effective protection of violated or disputed rights and interests, and that reflects its democratic orientation. The effect of the adversarial principle is mostly manifested in specific features of the rules of evidence within international commercial arbitration, when each person participating in the case proves the referred circumstances or their absence in supporting own claims and objections. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The article provides a scientific and practical analysis of international legal aspects relating to the issue of determining the exclusive jurisdiction of a dispute by means of a choice of court agreement, which is quite relevant, since the ratification of the relevant Convention, which was signed in 2014, took place during the martial law regime, which complicates the process of implementing the provisions of the Convention in the Ukrainian legal system. The author analyses the current Ukrainian legislation in the area of determining the jurisdiction of private law relations with a foreign element, in particular, proceedings in cases related to the jurisdiction determination procedure, and international documents in the area of choice of court agreements, such as the Laws of Ukraine «On International Private Law», «On Amendments to Certain Legislative Acts of Ukraine in connection with the Ratification of the Convention on Choice of Court Agreements», the Hague Convention on Choice of Court Agreements and the New York Convention on the Recognition and Enforcement of Foreign Arbitral Awards. The author identifies certain problems of enforcement of the choice of court agreement in the judicial system of Ukraine and issues of procedural protection of the parties to the agreement. It is noted that currently there is no definition of an exclusive choice of court agreement in national legislation and there are problems in the enforcement of a Ukrainian court decision by other states where no agreement on legal assistance has been concluded. The difficulty of applying the Convention on Choice of Court Agreements in comparison with the New York Convention on the Recognition and Enforcement of Foreign Arbitral Awards has been proven, which may lead to differences in the practice of use among the countries that are parties to the Convention. The author identifies the need to expand Article 4-1 of the Law of Ukraine «On Private International Law» and improve the implementation of disputes involving an exclusive choice of court agreement. The author emphasises the need to resolve problematic issues, as this will positively affect the international legal image of the state and prepare further legislative changes for more effective synthesis of the legal systems of Ukraine and the EU member states. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This study examines the role of humanitarian diplomacy during the Tigray humanitarian crisis in Ethiopia, a humanitarian disaster marked by severe shortages in food, healthcare, and essential services that deeply affect civilians. A qualitative approach using both primary and secondary data grounds the study by exploring key actors in humanitarian diplomacy, their successes, and barriers to aid delivery. Humanitarian actors, such as UN agencies, international NGOs, donor countries, the EU, the US, and the African Union, have engaged with the Ethiopian government, the TPLF, and the Tigray Transitional Government to alleviate the crisis. Notable achievements in humanitarian diplomacy include negotiations, information gathering, communication, civilian needs assessment, resource mobilization, advocacy for international law, and distressed civilians. Humanitarian diplomacy has facilitated international aid operations, saving lives during critical periods, despite practical difficulties. Diplomatic efforts have faced significant interruptions due to access restrictions imposed by the Ethiopian government, security threats from ongoing fighting leading to attacks on aid convoys and casualties among aid workers, and bureaucratic obstacles imposed by the Ethiopian government. This study highlights the necessity for effective humanitarian diplomacy in accounting for complex political landscapes in conflict-affected regions, developing flexible strategies that enhance access to aid, and improving humanitarian interventions. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Recent scholarship has begun to transform the traditional view of George Herbert Mead as a micro-sociological theorist unable to effectively conceptualize conflict, especially by returning to his writings articulated during and after the First World War. Building on this emerging literature with the help of primary source documents, the article traces Mead's personal experiences during the war, including his contentious break with other pacifists, the pressures he felt to contribute war service at home, the serious battlefield injury of his son, his official duties inspecting officer training curricula, and his founding role in postwar political forums. This enables us to contextualize the ideas Mead developed on political institutions, the individual's social conscience, hostile impulses, nationalistic solidarity, institution building, and value-commitments in relation to the events that prompted his reflection. The early evaluations of Mead's ideas on war and politics by his colleagues help us understand how his late work on the development of "international-mindedness" revealed prescient social conditions and dynamics of inter-group conflict. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The Al-Aqsa Flood Operation, which was carried out under the leadership of the Islamic Resistance Movement Hamas on October 7, 2023, represented a shock whose effects did not stop at the borders of the Palestinian issue and the extended conflict it entails between Israel and the Palestinians over land, history and sanctities, but rather went beyond it to confuse regional calculations and evaluate international assessments of the Palestinian-Israeli conflict on both levels official and popular, especially in countries that do not support Palestinian rights. The Al-Aqsa flood operation in the Gaza Strip represented a strategic, not a hypothetical turning point, It's considered aqualitative operation, unprecedented in its timing, size, and geographical depth. Most ceasefire attempts in the Gaza Strip failed, as a number of perceptions emerged about the future of the Gaza Strip after the end of the war. In the face of this new round of the Palestinian-Israeli conflict, which resulted in results of which the humanitarian catastrophe was the most prominent feature,The operation forced the Israeli mind to reconsider the literature of political optimism about the future of Israel, which was promoted by the Zionist right, and caused a shock in the Israeli security system. It led to the loss of the Israeli deterrence theory. This round also brought the issue back into the spotlight of international attention, and the process gave consideration to the military option as a major option in the process of resolving the Palestinian-Israeli conflict. But the repercussions of the Al-Aqsa Flood operation will carry with them for the coming years multiple paths and implications that must be paid attention to, and thinking about preparing strategic plans to deal with them. Hence the importance of the research to identify the importance of these features and study them, as this research presents the repercussions of the Al-Aqsa Flood operation on both sides, which It reflects the course of events and then shows us the transformations in political paths, specifically the positions of the active Palestinian, Israeli, Arab and international forces and their future impact on the Palestinian people and the state. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article theorizes and tests how different types of interstate conflict across borders affect trade between disputing parties and trade diversion with third parties. Building on theories of borders as institutions, we differentiate the effects of two types of international disputes – border disputes and escalated militarized disputes – and draw on 60 years of trade and conflict data to test the effects of these disputes on bilateral and third-party trade flows. We find that border disputes and militarized disputes each depress trade flows between the disputing countries. However, legal border disputes are associated with increased trade diversion with non-disputing countries, which may fully offset the forgone bilateral trade, whereas militarized disputes have the opposite effect. These results show that actors engaged in trade can offset bilateral trade losses from a border dispute by expanding trade with third parties not involved in the dispute, but the same cannot be said of offsetting the losses from militarized disputes. The fact that border disputes and militarized disputes have opposite effects on trade diversion highlights the importance of examining both the type of dispute and the type of trade flows that are affected when studying conflict and trade and evaluating the potentially pacifying incentives of international trade. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The article "Strangers on a Plane" from Diplomatic History recounts the tragic crash of the Yankee Clipper in 1943, shedding light on the experiences of noncombatant Americans during World War II. The narrative focuses on six passengers aboard the flight, including a Jewish refugee, an Olympic athlete, and a war correspondent, highlighting their diverse backgrounds and international experiences. Through meticulous research and individual stories, the author, Brooke Blower, offers a nuanced perspective on Americans' involvement in the global conflict, challenging stereotypes and exploring the complexities of wartime activities. [Extracted from the article]

Copyright of Methaodos: Social Science Journal / Methaodos: Revista de Ciencias Sociales is the property of Departamento de Ciencias de la Comunicacion y Sociologia, Universidad Rey Juan Carlos and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Activation at the beginning of the 20th century. international and national initiatives of many states of the modern world in the direction of ensuring sustainable and balanced development led to the emergence of a number of acts of international organizations, a significant update of the national legislation of Ukraine in the energy and other spheres. A significant part of them are documents of a strategic nature, in particular, they relate to the energy sector, ensuring energy security, energy law and order. At the same time, the latter phenomenon remains insufficiently studied, it is about its theoretical and practical aspects. The purpose of the article involves the study of the theoretical foundations, prerequisites and regularities of the conceptualization of the international energy legal order, substantiation of relevant theoretical and practical aspects that strengthen its role and importance. Achieving this goal will be facilitated by the implementation of relevant tasks and the use of an appropriate methodological framework, which includes such methods as dialectical, epistemological, axiological, comparative-legal, phenomenological, formal-logical, synergistic, etc. It is also advisable to use a number of methodological approaches (integrative, comparative, activity, instrumental, complex, etc.) and methodological principles of research (objectivity, systematicity, integrity, etc.). Іt was noted that in the context of integration and globalization, there was a need to study the state of the international legal order in general, the international energy legal order in particular. The dynamics of international legal regulation are observed, while some gaps or a certain lag in such regulation in the energy sector, problems of the effectiveness of the international energy legal order and the effectiveness of its guarantees remain. At the same time, a detailed study of the concept and nature of this phenomenon, essential features and characteristics, correlation with other types of international legal order, peculiarities of organization and functioning, etc., is considered necessary. Therefore, the mentioned aspects determine the continuation of thorough conceptual research in this direction, taking into account theoretical and practical specifics. It is optimal to understand the international energy legal order as a fundamental complex component of the modern system of international legal relations, international legal order. The strengthening of its role and importance in the modern world order, the system of international law, universal and regional levels of international legal regulation, etc., is justified. This is emphasized by periods of political-legal, socioeconomic instability, ongoing armed conflicts, including hybrid wars, Russia's aggression against Ukraine, resulting in the destruction of energy infrastructure facilities, violations of energy and other rights and freedoms of man and citizen, rights and interests of states, serious threats to international peace and security continue to exist. Therefore, the scientific community, experts, officials of states and international organizations, and other subjects of international law faced tasks that require an urgent solution of a global and strategic nature. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The article provides a comprehensive theoretical and legal analysis of criminal liability for violations of the laws and customs of war, in light of contemporary challenges facing international humanitarian law. The relevance of this study arises from the need to enhance mechanisms of accountability for war crimes amidst modern armed conflicts and the importance of ensuring effective justice against war criminals. The research delves into the historical development of legal regulation for liability concerning breaches of war laws and customs, starting from the Hague Conventions to contemporary international legal instruments. Particular attention is given to the 1949 Geneva Conventions, which serve as a foundational pillar of modern international humanitarian law in protecting the rights of participants in armed conflicts. Through systematic analysis, the article outlines the distinct legal status of various categories of armed conflict participants (combatants, noncombatants, civilians, and prisoners of war) and the nuances of their protection under international humanitarian law. A detailed examination of the elements of the crime defined in Article 438 of Ukraine's Criminal Code is conducted, with a specific focus on the contextual elements that characterize war crimes. The article addresses contentious aspects of the doctrinal interpretation of the contextual element in war crimes, exploring various academic perspectives on its nature and its place within the elements of the crime. The relationship between contextual circumstances and the objective and subjective aspects of war crimes is substantiated. The study also examines the specificities of different types of liability for violations of war laws and customs, including individual, collective, and state responsibility. It analyses the role of international judicial institutions in ensuring the inevitability of punishment for war crimes and highlights challenges in their effective operation. Based on the research, the authors propose improvements to mechanisms for criminal accountability regarding violations of war laws and customs and develop recommendations aimed at enhancing the effectiveness of international justice in this domain. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The article is devoted to the study of international legal provision of nuclear safety in the conditions of war in Ukraine using the example of nuclear power plants. Attention is drawn to the fact that by launching a full-scale invasion of the territory of our country, Russia threatened the entire world with a nuclear war. Her actions showed imperfections and gaps in the international legal framework for the protection of nuclear installations, which did not provide for their protection in cases of terrorist attacks, sabotage and armed conflicts. The article highlights the general chronology of events that took place at the Chernobyl and Zaporizhia NPPs after the start of the full-scale invasion. The dangerous actions of the aggressor country and their possible consequences are outlined. It was found that in the conditions of an armed conflict, nuclear power plants, according to international humanitarian law, are subject to special legal protection, which provides for their protected status and the prohibition of any attacks on them. Key international legal documents on nuclear safety were systematized and researched, determined their role and significance for legal regulation in the field of nuclear safety. These documents mostly focus on issues of internal technical security of nuclear facilities, while their provisions on the general provision of nuclear security do not cover effective mechanisms of international regulation and responsibility, especially in the context of armed conflicts, hostilities or occupation. The reaction of the international community to the crisis events related to nuclear power plants in Ukraine, as well as the key international legal acts adopted to strengthen nuclear security in the context of armed conflict, were also investigated. In particular, the IAEA resolution "Implications of the situation in Ukraine regarding safety, security and guarantees" was analyzed, which emphasizes the importance of observing nuclear safety standards and establishes the principles of protecting nuclear infrastructure in wartime. Special attention is paid to the concept of "Seven indispensable pillars of nuclear safety", which was proposed by the IAEA to ensure the security of nuclear facilities and prevent incidents that could cause catastrophic consequences. The study emphasizes that the international mechanisms for regulating nuclear safety in conflict conditions remain limited, which necessitates the further strengthening of international legal standards and the development of more effective tools to prevent risks associated with nuclear infrastructure in the war zone. The situation at Ukrainian nuclear power plants demonstrated significant gaps in the international system of ensuring nuclear safety, in particular, the lack of proper international legal regulation for the protection of nuclear facilities in the zone of military conflicts. The result of the study was the conclusion that the experience of Ukraine should give impetus to the rethinking and improvement of the international legal framework for ensuring nuclear safety, in particular, by developing new effective mechanisms for the protection of nuclear installations, responsibility for violation of rules, as well as effective influence on violators. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of Canadian Journal of Economics is the property of Wiley-Blackwell and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)