Search

In this paper, we argue that the consequences of democratic backsliding are not limited to the domestic sphere. Instead, we posit that democratic erosion generates strong incentives for leaders to engage in hostile foreign policy behavior toward other states. We estimate a series of models using event data from 2005–2018 to test our hypothesis. Our results consistently support our argument, even after using estimators that account for potential endogeneity issues. Leaders of backsliding democracies are more likely to behave in an aggressive way toward other countries. Our confidence in these results is strengthened by multiple robustness checks, all of which point to the same conclusion. This paper demonstrates that backsliding states are more likely than full democracies to engage in aggressive actions toward other states, which has important academic and policy implications for understanding the international ramifications of democratic erosion.

This paper investigates the liminal position of "fixers" in global news reporting and critically examines the very term "fixer". Building on existing research in the field and ongoing discussions about its inherent inequalities, we address the following questions: How do "fixers" enact their liminality in everyday work? What does the liminality inherent to the term "fixer" say about the positionalities of local media workers and the politics and ethics of transnational collaborations? Based on ten semi-structured interviews with local media professionals – "fixers" – based in Beirut, Dutch, and American reporters, we argue that the problem with the much-contested term "fixer" resides in the reproduction and reification of the presupposed West–East or North–South power relations and in neglecting the power dynamics following from specific roles and experiences. The term thus hinders the understanding of the complex reality of (local) media work and the diverse roles fulfilled. Therefore, we argue that to understand the crucial roles of local media workers in ongoing international conflicts, it is imperative to carefully consider this linguistic entry point. Finally, we discuss how job titles manifest hierarchies and power relations within foreign reporting ecosystems and in the journalistic field more broadly. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This study explores the potential of marketing to resolve international conflicts by integrating metaphysical insights. Traditionally seen as an economic tool, marketing can influence societal norms and foster interconnectedness, contributing to peacebuilding efforts. The paper examines traditional conflict resolution methods such as diplomacy, sanctions, and military interventions, highlighting their limitations. It argues that marketing strategies can transform societal perceptions and promote cooperation when aligned with metaphysical principles such as collective consciousness and empathy. The paper also encourages marketers to use Nudge Theory for ethical engagement and behavioral change, emphasizing long-term gains over short-term disputes. By addressing gaps in the literature, this paper underscores the need for further exploration of the metaphysical dimensions of marketing in conflict resolution. It concludes by suggesting that marketing offers a promising alternative to traditional methods for fostering a more harmonious and interconnected global society. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Due to economic growth, significant natural resource overuse and unsustainable use have hastened the adverse effects of excessive consumption, which has resulted in large increases in ecological footprint. Additionally, energy insecurity, increasing fossil fuel usage, and environmental unsustainability are significant challenges resulting from the escalating wars. However, resource consumption and environmental footprints may be impacted by the shift of energy systems and economic activity that promotes the use of clean energy and aids in the digitalization process. Thus, by incorporating external conflicts (EC) into the model, this study examines the effects of natural resources (NR), the digital economy (DIE), government stability (GOV), and clean energy (RE) on the ecological footprint (EF) in G-20 nations from 2000 to 2021. To provide panel estimates resistant to slope heterogeneity and cross-sectional dependence (CD), momentum quantile regression (MMQR) is used. The empirical findings show that the digital economy and natural resources are growing their economic footprints in the G-20 economies and are a major danger to the quality of the environment. The government and clean energy, however, contribute to a less ecological footprint. Furthermore, reducing disputes reduces ecological impact while improving economic conditions degrades environmental quality. These estimates serve as the foundation for comprehensive policies that enhance environmental quality through the energy transition, digitization, and sustainable use of natural resources. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The article discusses Turkey's shift towards a more coercive foreign policy posturing since 2015, focusing on the use of hard power beyond its borders. This new strategy involves military incursions into neighboring countries, setting up outposts, and engaging in militarized disputes in various regional theaters. The article also examines the drivers and implications of this shift, emphasizing the employment of hard power instruments and the quest for strategic autonomy. The contributors analyze how this hard power-oriented foreign policy has been performed in different spheres, such as defense industry, military cooperation, intelligence apparatus, counter-terrorism policies, and energy policies. [Extracted from the article]

Understanding how target states respond to international provocations is crucial to the study of crisis management and conflict onset. The primary focus of existing research is on the individual effects of ally influence and domestic politics without considering their interaction. This study addresses this gap by exploring the combined impact of leadership transitions, manners of leader entry, and ally's importance on target states' decisions to resist challenges. Utilizing the Truly Dyadic Dyad-Year (TDD) version of the Militarized Interstate Confrontation (MIC) dataset from 1920 to 2014, the Archigos leadership dataset, and logit models for statistical testing, our findings reveal that target states' leadership transitions and irregular means of leaders entry significantly increase the likelihood of target states' resistance, particularly when leaders seek to consolidate power. Moreover, although the support of a powerful ally may embolden the target state to resist, the restraining effect of allies during the target state's leadership transitions becomes more pronounced. Our research highlights the intricate balance between domestic political considerations and external influences, emphasizing that an understanding of the domestic political context is essential for comprehending how states respond to international provocations and the effectiveness of ally restraints. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The global rise of right-wing populist (RWP) leaders has raised concerns about the threat they pose to a cooperative international order, but there is little systematic evidence linking RWP leaders to military aggression. Are RWP leaders more prone to initiating international disputes? If so, when and why? We argue that a RWP leader's hyper-nationalist rhetoric can galvanize popular support for militant internationalism, but this only leads to pressures for the leader to follow through on their belligerent rhetoric by initiating international disputes in participatory democracies. Using survey experiments fielded in India and Japan, we find strong support for our claims about the effects of RWP rhetoric on civilian attitudes. Statistical results from original data on populist leaders worldwide (1886-2014) then show that RWP leaders in participatory democracies are more likely to initiate militarized disputes. Our results are troubling given the recent increase in RWP leaders elected in participatory democracies. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The Russo-Ottoman conflict spread over centuries of wars and campaigns between wars. This article delves into one of those campaigns, which took place in the Southern Caucasus in the 1890s. In that decade, the Muslim population of that region found themselves being courted by both the Ottoman and Russian empires, each pursuing its own interests against the other. This struggle was set in the general historical context of the Russian conquest of the Caucasus, but the Muslim population of the Southern Caucasus were quite different to those from the north. These differences, combined with Russia's bitter experience with the Muslims of the Northern Caucasus, necessitated the adoption of a more flexible policy towards the Muslims of the South, especially in the face of Ottoman endeavours to win over their active support in the accelerating Russo-Ottoman tension, which in 1914 resulted in yet another war. The article offers a glimpse into this flexible policy and into the complex picture of dependence and patronage, of ruler and ruled, between the Russian government and the local Muslim population. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Jewish traders from Afghanistan mediated the country's international connections across the twentieth century. Based on fieldwork and interviews conducted in Israel, the USA, and the UK, this article documents the significant nodes at which traders gathered, explores the reorientation of trading networks during the Cold War, analyses the geographical scales across which these networks operated, and assesses the importance of Muslim-Jewish relations to enabling the types of trade in which they were involved. More broadly, it argues that unfolding economic and geopolitical circumstances rather than commitment to a singular 'identity' shaped the trading network. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The article focuses on Switzerland's role in providing good offices in Afghanistan after the Soviet invasion of 1979, as explored in a recent monograph. Topics include Switzerland's neutral-state mediation efforts, the impact of the Afghan conflict during the Cold War and post-Cold War periods, and the ongoing relevance of neutrality in resolving international conflicts.

AbstractLongitudinal networks consist of sequences of temporal edges among multiple nodes, where the temporal edges are observed in real-time. They have become ubiquitous with the rise of online social platforms and e-commerce, but largely under-investigated in the literature. In this paper, we propose an efficient estimation framework for longitudinal networks, leveraging strengths of adaptive network merging, tensor decomposition, and point processes. It merges neighboring sparse networks so as to enlarge the number of observed edges and reduce estimation variance, whereas the estimation bias introduced by network merging is controlled by exploiting local temporal structures for adaptive network neighborhood. A projected gradient descent algorithm is proposed to facilitate estimation, where the upper bound of the estimation error in each iteration is established. A thorough analysis is conducted to quantify the asymptotic behavior of the proposed method, which shows that it can significantly reduce the estimation error and also provides a guideline for network merging under various scenarios. We further demonstrate the advantage of the proposed method through extensive numerical experiments on synthetic datasets and a militarized interstate dispute dataset. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

AbstractAdam Smith and David Hume strongly support commercial societies. But both do not assume that commerce necessarily promotes peace; it might even lead to more wars. Their respective reasoning, however, is very different. Smith claims that wars arise from the rapacity of merchants and manufacturers chasing monopolies, while Hume attributes them to human nature. Smith assumes that the martial spirit decreases, Hume that it is strengthened. Smith supports a standing army, Hume a militia. Hume approves of financing wars by debt; Smith fears escalating military debt. Consequently, Hume advocates expanding commerce to increase the military power of Britain, Smith proposes integrating the British colonies into the Union or abandoning them. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article presents new data on the individuals who mediate (M-IND) in all active UCDP dyads and lethal MIDs, 1989–2019. The dataset contributes to the systematic study of conflict management in several important respects: it covers both international and internal conflicts, it covers low-intensity violence, and it provides information on individual mediators, who appointed them, and type of mediation. Besides presenting the data collection and descriptive statistics, the article engages with the literatures on multiparty mediation and women, peace and security. M-IND shows that women more commonly are appointed as mediators by nongovernmental organizations than by states and international organizations. Our analysis suggests that greater equality in mediation efforts correlates with the use of more varied mediation strategies and is associated with a greater chance of reaching peace agreements. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Scholars increasingly emphasize personal biographical characteristics of leaders in explaining patterns of foreign policy behavior. This article extends insights from this agenda to study how (dis)similarities in the background characteristics of leaders at the dyadic level shape international conflict outcomes. Trust and uncertainty are central to explaining conflict via their connections to commitment- and information-related causes of war. Psychological research provides evidence that perceived similarities between individuals and groups can foment trust and cooperation. We hypothesize that leaders who share more similar backgrounds and life experiences form stronger social bonds and are more trusting of one another. As such, leaders who have more in common with one another should be able to better manage diplomatic disputes and avoid conflict. We test this hypothesis using a new measure of dyadic-leader-level similarity created with the Leader Experience and Attribute Descriptions (LEAD) dataset and data on international conflict onset in politically relevant dyads throughout the period 1946–2004. We find that pairs of leaders with more similar backgrounds are significantly less likely to experience militarized interstate disputes at all levels of hostility even after accounting for a variety of observable and unobservable determinants of conflict. The findings contribute to our understanding of the determinants of international conflict and help advance research on linkages between psychological and rationalist approaches to studying conflict. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The article discusses New Zealand's evolving foreign policy focus on the Pacific region, driven by rising geopolitical competition and concerns over China's growing influence, while highlighting the complexities of regional engagements that often overlook local priorities like climate change. Topics include security and defense arrangements, development assistance, and the diverse actors influencing Pacific geopolitics.

Copyright of Revista UNISCI is the property of Unidad de Investigaciones Sobre Seguridad y Cooperacion International (UNISCI) and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Copyright of Humanities & Educational Sciences Journal is the property of Humanities & Educational Sciences Journal and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Ethnically motivated domestic pressure can incentivize leaders to support co-ethnics via military cooperation during international crises. When a leader requires the support of an ethnic group to retain office, she may face pressure to support foreign co-ethnics involved in an international crisis. Supporting co-ethnics can bolster a leader domestically, but constraints on the executive limit a leader's ability to respond to ethnically motivated pressure. Using data on 257 international crises from 1949–2001 and two case studies, we find robust evidence for the conditional relationship between co-ethnicity, the domestic political salience of ethnicity, executive constraints, and the likelihood of military coalition formation. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article explores whether the aristocratic status of arbitrators or disputants affected the outcome of inter-state arbitrations either before or after the 1899 Hague Peace Conference. This article takes a longue durée approach to the topic by including all inter-state arbitrations between 1794 and 1989. The research shows a statistically significant relationship between respondent-appointed aristocratic arbitrators on a tribunal and the outcome against the aristocratic party, as well as a statistically significant relationship between no respondent-appointed aristocratic arbitrators and outcome in favor of the claimant, but only in inter-state arbitrations before the Conference for both of these relationships. This article brings into question whether aristocratic arbitrators from before the Conference were fully committed to the international rule of law. Moreover, it highlights how such arbitrators stopped making their decisions based on class after the Conference, which should reassure users of inter-state arbitration that worry about such biases. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Theory suggests that the meaning of identity categories can vary across populations and change with time. By implication, the analytical usefulness of a given category as a measure of ethnic identity can also change, varying along with its cognitive and social usefulness to the examined population. In a prior study, we claimed that the usefulness of different measures of ethnic identity in Ukraine had changed in response to a revolution and the initiation of violent conflict with Russia in 2014. We now test this theory with new data on a new cataclysm, Russia's 2022 full‐blown invasion of Ukraine. Our analysis confirms that international conflict enhances the usefulness of categories related to external delimitation from foreigners while rendering less useful those pertaining to internal differentiation in Ukrainian society. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This study explores the designs and dynamics of past, present, and potential mediation and negotiation efforts to stop the Russian invasion of Ukraine. Applying insights from mediation and negotiation literature, the article explores three questions relating to negotiating peace in Ukraine: who is best positioned to negotiate or mediate such a process (who should be presented at the table), when should such diplomatic efforts be launched, and how should the processes of peace talks be designed. The study examines the dynamics of the initial peace talks in the spring of 2022 as well as Ukraine’s Peace Formula, which has been discussed by up to 92 countries, excluding Russia. The article discusses the unusual process of negotiating peace without the presence of one of the main parties (Russia) and the challenges and potential of negotiations in this form of international, asymmetric war. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The article attempts to determine the principles of international legal regulation of the application of restitution as a form of material responsibility in international law, as restitution is a means of legal protection available to the claimant in the consideration of an international dispute, for which seized property is returned to the original owner in kind. The theoretical provisions regarding the international legal regulation of the application of restitution as one of the forms of material responsibility under international law have been analyzed, using the following sources - the UN International Law Commission (ILC); Article 35 of the Articles on State Responsibility of 2001; Permanent Court of International Justice (PCIJ) (predecessor of the UN International Coin! of Justice). Legal doctrine distinguishes two forms of restitution - restitution in kind («restitutio in integrum») and restoration («restitutio in pristinum»). Restitution in kind (restitutio in integrum) consists in restoring the former material situation. The second form of restitution - restoration (restitutio in pristinum) - is the restoration of immaterial rights. The issue of property restitution has been central to many political changes and peace agreements since the end of the Cold War. Restitution of property, homes, and land has been seen as a means of redressing past injustices in many forms, ranging from communist nationalization and colonial-era land confiscation to outright ethnic cleansing and war crimes. The politics of restitution often figure in broader transitional justice efforts following repression, persecution, and mass violations of human rights. Among the range of transitional justice mechanisms, restitution is most closely related to reparations, both because of their shared historical origins and because of their common desire to return victims to the conditions in which they would have been satisfied if their rights had not been violated. Practical examples of restitution that took place in the Czech Republic, South Africa, Bosnia and Guatemala were analyzed. Were studied the recommendations on how to better plan, organize and implement the restitution program in the conditions of the transition period, which were aptly described in his writings by the outstanding scientist Mr. Rhodri C. Williams [13]. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The question is considered, which aims to establish the main types of armed conflict and to determine the types of armed conflicts in international law, as well as when this or that act of the state will be considered aggression, armed attack or armed conflict, or not. It is indicated that the analysis of modem international relations shows that humanity has not yet managed to get rid of wars and other armed conflicts, which are mostly armed conflicts of a non- intemational nature. This is evidenced by the events in the former Yugoslavia, Rwanda, Afghanistan, Iraq, Liberia, and the Caucasus, and since 2014, Ukraine has not been an exception, the international armed conflict on whose territory has grown from February 24, 2022 into a full-scale war waged by the Russian Federation on the scale of which Europe has not knew since the Second World War. It is noted that modem international relations are characterized by a change in the nature of the conflict, the emergence of a number of new categories and situations, an increase in the number of victims among the civilian population, and an increasing internationalization of armed conflicts of a non-intemational nature. In this regard, the question of the qualification of various types of armed conflicts is extremely relevant, especially in the context of the ongoing full-scale war waged by Russia against Ukraine. The author pays special attention to the provisions of the statute of the International Criminal Court and the statute of the International Criminal Tribunal for the former Yugoslavia, which essentially form the modem doctrine of criminal responsibility for war crimes and the crime of genocide. The article highlights the provisions and the author's assessment regarding the prerequisites for proper qualification, because the prerequisite for proper qualification is a deep study and understanding by a person who applies the mles of law, the principles of international humanitarian law, international state policy, international judicial and investigative practice; correct clarification and interpretation of the content of the international agreement, determination of the limits of the selected norm in time, space and by the number of persons, as well as establishing all its features; collection and analysis of evidence in the case, full and comprehensive establishment of the actual signs of the armed conflict; application of qualification mles developed by theory and practice, with a justified combination of the signs of an armed conflict established by international law with the signs of a committed act. An important place in the work is covered by the theoretical analysis of the term qualification. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The article examines the issues related to the historical evolution of the concept of «prisoner of war» and the rules of detention, treatment and internment of such persons. It is stated that the precedent of discrepancies between legal acts providing for legal regulation of the status of prisoners of war is retrospective. The author analyses the customs of the ancient world and early civilisations for compliance with moral norms in the context of treatment of prisoners of war. Early states did not actually know what a system of «humane» treatment of prisoners of war was, but such countries and states as Ancient Greece and India were the driving force for fundamental changes in the vector of humane treatment of persons held in captivity. Using the method of comparative legal analysis, the author concludes that the periods of the Middle Ages and Modem times in terms of treatment of prisoners of war have both a close correlation and direct inconsistency. The author identifies the legislative acts that served as the basis for the regulatory settlement of the problem, such as the Special Prisoners' Decree or the Hague Convention of 1899. The author analyses the historical changes in international approaches to understanding the concept of «prisoner of war» and the rules for the treatment of such persons from early armed conflicts to modem norms of international humanitarian law. Attention is drawn to the national framework of Ukrainian legislation in the context of the customs of Kyivan Rus, the late Middle Ages, the Ukrainian SSR and the period of independence. The treatment of prisoners of war on the territory of Ukraine has always been historically consistent with moral values, even those which can be compared with modem international humanitarian law. The author concludes that the conflict between theory, legislation and practice has been present throughout human history due to the destructive nature of war and hostilities. The author emphasises the need to find new practical approaches to improve the level of legal regulation of the status of prisoners of war in international humanitarian law and national legislation of Ukraine (in particular, criminal procedure law). [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

In the 21st century, space technology has become inseparable from global and national strategies. The current era is the third generation of space contestation -- Space Contest 3.0. is wholly different, because of new power centers and a wholesome strategy for global dominance based on space technology -- space economy ecosystems. It is defined by 4Ms -- Money, Mining, Military and Morphing, that aim at accruing geo-strategic and -economic benefits by creating a robust space economy, mastering global energy and rare-metal supply chains, building lethal yet cost-effective counter-space technologies, and morphing peoples' mindsets by impacting business and society both. It is defined by strategic technological domains that include affordable and accessible space services powered by ubiquitous space segments alongside low-cost reusable launch segment, and smart OODA loop-enabling counter-space technologies. The strategic implications include a race for global dominance and resulting strategic realignments, possible celestial delineations for resource extraction and consolidation of insurging private space sector. Space Contest 3.0 is getting attenuated by factors, such as evolving strategic partnerships, on-going trade war between USA & China, economic lucrativeness, international conflicts and a Thucydides trap-like global scenario. The global outlook is that there are no "do-it-all" space powers, instead there are power centers of space ecosystems led by space leaders USA, China and Russia. Space faring nations can gain substantially by partnering with global space powers. The net outcome is a global dominance race -- where space economy is running ahead of the military space contestation in the great powers' competition. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The research is dedicated to the International Civil Aviation Organisation (ICAO) and the politicised debates held on its forum. The purpose of the research was to investigate political debates on the ICAO forum and to analyse the attempts to terminate them through references to their political character or the technical character of ICAO. The main research question concerns the arguments used by the delegates/representatives engaged in political debates held on the ICAO forum. The researchers argued that the participants in these debates, mostly diplomats representing member states, have been employing depoliticisation techniques to terminate inconvenient debates, claiming that the ICAO is a technical organisation and political issues should not be debated there. The study covers several diplomatic standoffs at the ICAO forum: debates over ICAO membership/statehood in Spain, Taiwan, Cyprus and South Africa; various instances of the Arab-Israeli conflict; shootdowns of the Korean aircraft by the USSR and the Iranian aircraft by the US; and aviation aspects of the Iraqi invasion of Kuwait. The study specifically covered individual statements of state representatives and debates on the forum of the ICAO Council and Assembly. The research has been performed through qualitative content analysis of the ICAO archival documents acquired both online and during research visit to the ICAO headquarters in Montreal. It was observed that state representatives have been employing depoliticisation in order to defend their countries on the forum of the ICAO from the attacks associated with international conflicts. Depoliticisation as a diplomatic tactic, however, in most cases proved unsuccessful. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The challenge of multilateralism emanates from various interconnected global crises like war, terrorism, climate change, pandemics, and economic disasters that are eroding its effectiveness and legitimacy. The failure of multilateralism over the past three decades to deliver effectively has caused a geopolitical fragmentation that has fostered an environment conducive for the parallel rise of minilaterals, a more vocal and protesting Global South, and rising global powers like China and India, which threaten the conventional multilateral architecture. This article focuses on how the increased trend of minilateralism and the tenor of the Global South have threatened the credibility and legitimacy of multilateral institutions like the UN, World Bank, EU, and IMF. It concludes that, to restore the rules-based multilateral architecture there is need for a reformed, and effective UN and its agencies, globally inclusive and committed minilaterals, a more effective Non-Aligned Movement, and a more active role for Civil Society Organisations. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Ervjola Selenica is post-doc fellow and adjunct professor in Terrorism and Counterterrorism at the University of Bologna and associate research fellow at the University of Sussex. Previously, she was post-doc fellow at Scuola Normale Superiore (Firenze). She holds a PhD in International Studies (University of Trento), an MSc. in International Development Studies (University of Amsterdam), a BA in International Relations and Political Science (University of Bologna), and a PGDip on Peace and Conflict (Peace Research Institute Oslo). Her research interests include education, international interventions, conflict, global changes. She has published at The Journal of Contemporary European Studies, Italian Political Science Review/Rivista Italiana di Scienze Politiche, Critical Studies on Terrorism, Globalisation, Societies and Education, and Journal of Southeast European and Black Sea Studies. The paper analyses national and international interventions on preventing and countering violent extremism (P/CVE) and radicalisation in Kosovo and their underpinning rationales. The analysis seeks to understand how a country with a Muslim majority is targeted by P/CVE and counter-radicalisation policies. Furthermore, it seeks to understand whether these policies are informed by an understanding of violent extremism and radicalisation as underpinned by Islamic extremism and, if so, how they tackle and interact with the question of Islam in Kosovo. The article has found that P/CVE and counter-radicalisation policies in Kosovo are mainly externally driven and funded, rest upon the same preventative, anticipatory logic that has characterised similar policies implemented in EU member states, are informed by an understanding of violent extremism and radicalisation as ideological processes fuelled by radical Islam, and encompasses an all-societal approach combining hard and soft measures of prevention as those found in other EU and non-EU contexts. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The current Special Issue marks a major milestone in the history of developmental psychopathology; as the final issue edited by Cicchetti, we have an opportunity to reflect on the remarkable progress of the discipline across the last four decades, as well as challenges and future directions for the field. With contemporary issues in mind, including rising rates of psychopathology, health disparities, and international conflict, as well as rapid growth and accessibility of digital and mobile technologies, the discipline of developmental psychopathology is poised to advance multidisciplinary, developmentally- and contextually- informed research, and to make substantial progress in supporting the healthy development of individuals around the world. We highlight key future directions and challenges for the next generation of developmental psychopathology research including further investigation of culture at multiple levels of analysis, incorporation of macro-level influences into developmental psychopathology research, methods advances to address heterogeneity in translational research, precision mental health, and the extension of developmental psychopathology research across the lifespan. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The article delves into the changing roles of non-military government personnel and private military contractors in combat situations, particularly in low-intensity conflicts. It explores the legal standards for determining combatant status in armed conflicts, emphasizing the need for clear rules to uphold the laws of war. The text argues for classifying non-military personnel as combatants when engaged in combat operations and discusses the implications of extending combatant privilege to non-international armed conflicts. It challenges the notion that civilians directly participating in hostilities, such as CIA personnel and PMCs, are not entitled to combatant immunity, asserting that they can be considered combatants as agents of the State. The article advocates for extending the protections of the Geneva Conventions to all parties involved in armed conflicts, including non-military personnel. [Extracted from the article]

This paper argues that international cooperation on devising radiation standards and measuring devices has been an issue not only of national concern but of binational and international conflict in the interwar period. Moreover, the production of radiation safety standards and radiation units gradually became a diplomatic process that underlined national rivalries and depended on political and diplomatic interests. As a result of this diplomatic process, early major scientific actors on radiation research lost prominence. The need to decide on radiation standards that could address medical, military and industrial concerns was therefore acute long before the 1950s and the establishment of international organizations such as the United Nations Scientific Committee on the Effects of Atomic Radiation (UNSCEAR) and the International Atomic Energy Agency (IAEA), that took the lead in regulating the uses of ionizing radiation in the postwar period. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Two states are stuck in a conflict because backing down is costly to their leaders. What can they do to exit the conflict peacefully? We propose a novel mechanism that is practically significant but not yet theorized and tested in international relations: win-win deescalation. One side "wins" because the other backs down, but the other also "wins" because it successfully frames its action to its public as a win. How effective are win frames? How would the public react to their leader's—and the opponent's—win frames? Using an original experiment in the midst of an ongoing US–China trade war, we identify win frames that can induce the perception of winning and reduce the public costs of deescalation for the Chinese government. The catch, however, is that when America uses the same win frames, it can compromise the Chinese government's effort to deescalate the conflict, even when it is America backing down. Our work sheds light on the role of win frames in international conflict and how, in the eyes of domestic audiences, backing down is not necessarily losing—nor is the other backing down necessarily you winning. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of Journal of Anbar University for Law & Political Sciences is the property of Republic of Iraq Ministry of Higher Education & Scientific Research (MOHESR) and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Copyright of Turkish Studies - Economics, Finance, Politics is the property of Electronic Turkish Studies and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

In a world rich in climate knowledge but short on climate action, it is important to understand the political reasons behind the apparent failure of states to address this planetary crisis. One underexplored dimension of this phenomenon is the impact of broader geopolitics and rivalry, in specific the ability and willingness of potential and actual security and economic rivals to leave their contention at the gates of the United Nations Framework Convention on Climate Change (UNFCCC). This article focuses on India's multifaceted approach to its 'China challenge' with and outside the climate regime. While conventional scholarship focuses on the security and economic dimensions of this rivalry, this study offers a distinct perspective that examines whether this rivalry might lead to a breakdown of cooperation and an increased potential for conflict and weaponisation of seemingly disconnected issue areas. Drawing on a comprehensive triangulation of policy documents, government statements and scholarly literature, this article evaluates the domestic and international factors shaping India's climate-related China policies, including the countries' unique economic ambitions, development imperatives, energy needs and global climate commitments. Furthermore, the article examines Sino-Indian interactions in international arenas such as the UNFCCC and Brazil, Russia, India, China, South Africa (BRICS), and how these interactions influence global climate governance. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Russia's aim to build a role as a neutral, independent player in Northeast Asia (NEA) is now under threat as a result of its regional policy choices since the 2014 annexation of Crimea. Moscow's evolving position in the region can arguably be better understood in the light of the dynamic of the Sino-Russian partnership. The decline of Russian capacities, its growing partnership with the People's Republic of China (PRC) and NEA developments have exerted a unique impact on Moscow's relations with regional stakeholders. As a result, Russia's position as a neutral player in Northeast Asian security issues, including in the case of the Korean peninsula and China-Japan Senkaku/Diaoyu island dispute, is no longer tenable. Despite its weaker status, the declining power (Russia) has a specific strategic value to the rising power (PRC) in the short to medium term, thus requiring a more nuanced understanding of the behaviour and role of such powers in the international system. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The Gulf Cooperation Council (GCC) members have reacted differently to strategic shifts in the Middle East, including the relative decline of the United States (US). Why have the GCC governments differed in their defence diversification steps of alignment formation, policy independence and arms procurement? By focusing on the perceptions of Gulf decision-makers, we argue that the GCC governments that are less confident in US security provision have been more proactive in pursuing diversification, whereas those that are more confident in the US have been less pursuant of diversification. We evaluate our argument by comparing the United Arab Emirates (UAE), Qatar and Kuwait. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Fostering trust in international relations is a critically important yet challenging endeavour. Over recent decades, trust deficits among states have intensified and become more widespread, resulting in a systemic condition of pervasive mistrust. The United States (US)-People's Republic of China (PRC) rivalry has played a pivotal role in generating this pervasive mistrust, as states pursue hedging strategies to mitigate their actual or potential vulnerabilities and safeguard their autonomy. A trust-building strategy is needed to counteract the detrimental effects of pervasive mistrust and bolster multilateralism in order to address critical global challenges in the 'dangerous 2020s'. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The Global Combat Air Programme (GCAP), launched by Italy, Japan and the United Kingdom (UK) in December 2022, is among the latest examples of strategic minilateral arrangements – that is, defensive balancing coalitions formed to respond to the systemic challenges of an increasingly competitive international system. A comparative analysis of the three members' objectives suggests, however, that GCAP differs from other forms of strategic minilateralism. Indeed, members' participation in the programme does not necessarily rest on overlapping strategic objectives, but rather on internal considerations linked to domestic industrial and export opportunities. Accordingly, we argue that GCAP should be better categorised as a 'tech-oriented' rather than a 'strategic' minilateral. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

An examination of the McMahon Line, Radcliffe Line and Durand Line highlights their role as agents shaping regional security complexes in South Asia. By unravelling the intricate interplay of historical and rising populist narratives, evolving power dynamics and intensifying state rivalries surrounding these colonial-era boundaries, a comprehensive analysis of their contemporary security implications is provided. Building on Barry Buzan and Ole Wæver's renowned theoretical framework, it is possible to elucidate the complexities of these boundary disputes while also addressing the inherent challenges in empirically applying such a framework to the nuanced dynamics of South Asia. Overall, a case study analysis of the McMahon, Radcliffe and Durand Lines allows the gap between the conceptual construct of the regional security complex and the intricate realities of regional security to be bridged. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Under what conditions do countries formally engage with the People's Republic of China's (PRC) Digital Silk Road (DSR)? A Qualitative Comparative Analysis (QCA) highlights two main findings: first, a comprehensive strategic partnership with the PRC, individually and in combination with China being a leading importer, is a necessary condition to explain countries' formal commitment to DSR; second, as expected, no single condition turns out to be sufficient; rather, an interplay of several factors is required. The results point to the empirical importance (though not always sufficient) of the absence of an alternative foreign-backed initiative with other major powers, the existence of a comprehensive strategic partnership with the PRC, and its presence as a leading importer. This suggests that, in the absence of alternative connectivity plans, countries' existing economic and strategic relationships with the PRC predispose them to formally engage in the DSR. This is particularly the case for Southeast Asian countries. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

In the past few decades, the concept of tolerance has gained a central place in Oman's political discourse and foreign policy. It is often attributed to the country's national identity, which in turn is interpreted as deriving from Oman's Ibadi tradition, the cosmopolitan character of its maritime history and its strategic geographic location. Despite greater attention being paid to the constructive nature of Oman's identity, including its connection with Ibadism, however, a careful reflection on how the concept of tolerance developed from a religious to a foreign policy principle is still missing. A Discourse-Historical analysis of speeches directed towards a domestic and international audience highlights how the political discourse on tolerance, by reinforcing identity-engineering efforts, supported the Omani government's legitimation and status-seeking purposes at home and abroad. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

What is hope, and how can we measure it? These questions have occupied the minds of hope scholars across disciplines. This article outlines a comprehensive approach to understanding hope: the Bidimensional Model of Hope. Building on the standard definition of hope, the bidimensional model explores hope as the intersection between wishes (desires, aspirations) and expectations (assessment of possibility). Hope is thus located on a bidimensional plane with two perpendicular axes; one corresponds to the levels of wishes to achieve an outcome, and the second to the levels of expectations of achieving the outcome. We claim that the bidimensional approach is comprehensive enough to include existing definitions of hope while being parsimonious, versatile, and applicable to many contexts, including those where the hoped-for outcome is beyond people's actual or perceived control. We show the model's theoretical and methodological utility and its use in existing qualitative and quantitative research on hope in the context of intractable international conflicts. We end with suggesting pathways for developing and applying the Bidimensional Model of Hope to assist hope research in a variety of contexts and disciplines. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The global landscape, enshrined in a wide range of international legal agreements, envisions an era of peaceful coexistence among nations. This vision is based on fundamental legal acts, such as the Charter of the United Nations and the Statute of the International Court of Justice (dated 26.06.1945), which enshrine the principle of peaceful coexistence. In addition, the Declaration on Principles of International Law concerning Friendly Relations and Cooperation among States (24.10.1970) and the Final Act of the Conference on Security and Cooperation in Europe (01.08.1975) build on this foundation, strengthening the doctrine of peaceful interaction between states. The United Nations Charter resonates as a clear call to nations to prioritize peace and diplomacy over confrontation. The provision that “all Members of the United Nations shall settle their international disputes by peaceful means in such a manner as not to endanger international peace, security and justice” (Article 2(3)) is not just a statement of intent; it is a guiding principle that emphasizes the value of peaceful coexistence. This principle favors dialogue over discord, cooperation over confrontation, and understanding over unilateral action. However, the development of international relations from the mid-20th century to the beginning of the 21st century demonstrates a somewhat opposite dynamic. Despite these well-established doctrines, there have been many instances where disputes have escalated into armed conflicts. The Korean War, the Vietnam War, multiple conflicts in the Middle East, and the recent civil war in Syria are just a few examples that have left a deep mark on the structure of world relations. Such events demonstrate the unfortunate tendency of states or groups within states to resort to force or the threat of force as a means of resolving disputes. This departure from the established norm of peaceful settlement raises a number of pressing questions and concerns, especially within the framework of international humanitarian law. How to accurately define “armed conflict”? What distinguishes an international conflict from a non-international one? When delving into this sub-topic, it is very important to distinguish between different classifications of conflicts. A thorough understanding of the criteria that distinguish, for example, between international conflicts, internal unrest, and other types of hostilities is of paramount importance. Referring to these criteria not only helps to accurately categorize conflicts, but also ensures that appropriate legal mechanisms are applied to mitigate the humanitarian consequences of such events. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The research of wartime diplomacy is becoming increasingly important under the influence of global challenges that threaten international security and stability. This study is devoted to the investigation of wartime diplomacy as a tool for the peaceful settlement of international disputes. The article provides a theoretical and legal research of wartime diplomacy in the context of pacific settlement of international disputes. The fundamental international legal acts that enshrine the basic principles of pacific settlement of international disputes are processed and their content is characterized. The main criteria for distinguishing between diplomatic and judicial means of resolving international disputes are proposed: the legal framework, the form of implementation, the subjects of influence and the nature of the result achieved. A brief historical discourse on the formation of the institution of diplomacy is formed and approaches to the definition of the concept of “diplomacy” are detailed. By using general scientific and special, empirical and theoretical, quantitative and qualitative methods of scientific research, the phenomenon of wartime diplomacy is detailed through the prism of the proposed criterias, in particular, identifies the features of this category through its legal framework, forms of implementation, subjects of influence and the nature of the achieved results. The purpose of wartime diplomacy is formulated. The goals, forms and methods of wartime diplomacy in the context of the issues under study are highlighted. The research also examines the wartime diplomatic tools aimed at preventing or resolving international conflicts, in particular: diplomatic conferences, сonsultations, congresses, meetings. Particular attention is paid to “peace conferences” as means of implementing military diplomacy, and three types of peace conferences aimed at resolving conflicts are distinguished: a conference that either follows a “major” conflict or is held to negotiate the termination of one of them; a conference to promote “general” world peace or to mitigate and resolve the outbreak of a conflict; global conferences [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]