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Objetivo: A desinformação é um desafio multifacetado que ameaça a sociedade em diversos aspectos, envolvendo interesses políticos, econômicos e ideológicos. Esse fenômeno se propaga de forma viral através das redes sociais e outras plataformas de comunicação instantânea, disseminando uma variedade de narrativas. O aumento do uso desses recursos digitais, impulsionado pelo uso cotidiano de dispositivos, permite que diversos atores participem desse ecossistema informacional. Método: Este estudo tem como objetivo realizar uma análise preliminar dos principais temas abordados pelas narrativas de desinformação durante o processo eleitoral no Brasil em 2022. A pesquisa, de caráter exploratório, foi conduzida nos meses de agosto, setembro, outubro e novembro de 2022. A primeira fase foi dedutiva, coletando dados de agências de checagem reconhecidas pelo Tribunal Superior Eleitoral e pelo Supremo Tribunal Federal, utilizando a ferramenta Tempora, desenvolvida pelo Laboratório em Rede de Humanidades Digitais do Instituto Brasileiro de Informação em Ciência e Tecnologia. A segunda fase foi indutiva, analisando o conteúdo publicado pelas agências selecionadas sobre o tema das eleições, com o auxílio da ferramenta Voyant Tools. Resultados: Os resultados dessa análise indicam que as fake news e outras formas de desinformação seguem a mesma lógica dos “trending topics” das redes sociais. Essa dinâmica não é uma expressão cultural autêntica, mas sim uma estratégia direcionada a neutralizar oponentes. No contexto eleitoral, essa estratégia envolveu principalmente os candidatos Jair Bolsonaro e Luiz Inácio Lula da Silva. Conclusões: Este estudo contribui significativamente para o avanço do conhecimento sobre desinformação, enfatizando a importância da educação, regulação e conscientização pública na luta contra esse desafio e na preservação da integridade dos processos democráticos.

Entre o crescente número de opções na literatura sobre o Bolsonarismo, uma se destaca: Guerra cultural e retórica do ódio, de João Cezar de Castro Rocha. Esta resenha discute o seu livro, destacando a complexidade de sua construção sobre o fenômeno, beirando o literário. Partindo da hipótese principal de Rocha, que assume que o Bolsonarismo transcende e antecede a figura de Jair Bolsonaro, se discute também seu método de etnografia textual e os elementos do que chama de um Brasil pós-político.

The terrorist attack on Brazil’s capitol on January 8, 2023, showcased the country’s empowered, embittered extreme right, whose hallmarks will be familiar to students of conservatism further afield: anachronistic anticommunism; hostility to liberal democracy; a sense of embattlement, despite controlling key institutions and platforms; a tapestry of disinformation and conspiracy theory; vaguely Christian cultural sensibilities and militantly Christian chauvinisms; and increasing adherence across national and denominational frontiers to an amorphous, antiglobalist brand of antidemocratic and patriarchal autocracy. This article argues that this right represents the migration of formerly extreme iterations of conservatism—including, remarkably, monarchism—from the fringe to the center of reactionary and even national politics. Monarchism, while by no means controlling Brazil’s fractious and unruly right (or series of rights), shows us what conservativism in Brazil looks like in the present moment—firstly, because it has gained acceptability and even celebration in Brazil’s government and among its most exalted right-wing leaders; and secondly, because its historic and more recent tenets are now virtually indistinguishable from those of the broader right in Brazil. Monarchists, I contend, provide a prism, even a roadmap, for understanding the defiantly retrograde yearnings and (necessarily) vague and contradictory proposals of the current right.

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This is a short commentary on the relevance of Jair Bolsonaro for the critical theorizing of the political. It considers the resurfacing of fascism in the past decade or as the manifestation of a political form which is consistent with the mode of thinking that nourishes the liberal political architecture. It does so by discussing key philosophical, critical, and anticolonial formulations which indicate as present the elements that allow for the kind of binding of the State with its citizens that supports fascism, both in the past and in the present. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

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Since March 2020, a huge quantity of data, rankings, charts and tables has been informing the ways we speak and act in the pandemic. This article focusses on the centrality of numbers in a major national controversy: the quantification of avoidable deaths by COVID-19. Launched by scientists who first addressed the omissions of Donald Trump and Jair Bolsonaro in the management of the pandemic, estimations of avoidable deaths rapidly transitioned into the political arena with the installation of a parliamentary enquiry committee on the coronavirus crisis. The article examines the emergence and development of these estimates, as well as the role they have played and continue to play in constructing the pandemic as passed as they vie for a place in the memory of the COVID-19 crisis in the present. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The Palmares Foundation was created in 1988 in the context of Brazil’s process of re-democratization and the celebration of the one hundred year anniversary of the abolition of slavery in the country. Since then, it has played a central role in Afro-Brazilian memory and in the articulation of public policies in this area. The election of Jair Bolsonaro in 2018 marked a turning point for this Foundation insofar as it began to be used as a space for the dissemination of a certain conception of the racial debate present in conservative movements in Brazil, marked also by a denial that racism exists in the country and a reworking of the long-standing “myth of racial democracy.” In this study, I analyze how forgetfulness became an institutional policy of the Palmares Foundation and how this policy relates to a particular interpretation of racial relations in Brazil.

O artigo busca como objetivo principal aprofundar uma possibilidade de leitura simbólica, por meio da análise de personagens e cenas, do thriller de horror O animal cordial (2017), dirigido por Gabriela Amaral Almeida. A leitura propõe o filme como uma metáfora do Brasil contemporâneo: um país rachado por tensões sociais de diferentes matrizes ― raça, gênero, cor, classe social, rivalidades regionais ― que vêm se esgarçando em uma trama de medo e ódio. No filme, graças ao evento inusitado que liga as engrenagens da trama, essas tensões terminam por explodir em uma série de atos de violência, que aludem de múltiplas e diferentes maneiras ao conceito de “homem cordial”, elaborado em 1936 pelo historiador Sergio Buarque de Holanda.

Outer Space é um fórum de internet e site de notícias brasileiro especializado no universo gamer, o qual faz parte de uma rede de sites e plataformas digitais que vem sendo chamada de machosfera. Frente ao crescente impacto que comunidades online exercem sobre questões políticas e acontecimentos contemporâneos, o tema deste trabalho é a análise dos enunciados sobre Jair Bolsonaro no fórum Outer Space. O objetivo é analisar a forma como os participantes do Outer Space defendem as ideias bolsonaristas. O problema de pesquisa é o seguinte: quais são os argumentos que os participantes do Outer Space utilizam para defender as ideias bolsonaristas? O método utilizado corresponde uma análise de conteúdo Qualitativa sob um corpus de 60 publicações extraídas do “tópico oficial sobre Jair Bolsonaro”. Os resultados sugerem que a maior parte dos participantes promovem enunciados de apoio a Jair Bolsonaro, na maior parte das vezes justificados por uma percepção de superioridade moral.

Com base nos autores Raewyn Connell, Michael Kimmel e Jason Stanley, o artigo busca auxiliar na compreensão de como a masculinidade hegemônica tornou-se a base para a fundamentação dos principais pilares do discurso político da extrema-direita no Brasil. Para isso, realizou-se a análise do discurso com base em um dos primordiais alicerces da campanha eleitoral para a presidência de Jair Bolsonaro em 2022, a defesa da “família tradicional brasileira”, como exemplo de discurso sustentador das estruturas androcêntricas e patriarcais e, portanto, da masculinidade tradicional em nossa sociedade. Ainda, o estudo usou as pesquisas de Pierre Bourdieu e Heleieth Saffioti com o objetivo de evidenciar como a naturalização dessas falas por lideranças políticas pode contribuir na propagação de diferentes formas de violência de gênero contra grupos “submissos” a essas estruturas hegemônicas de masculinidade.

The rule of law in Brazil suffered mightily during the presidency of Jair Bolsonaro. His pugnacious public-security rhetoric, antagonism to environmental and indigenous issues, and connivance with corruption contributed to deepening long-standing problems of Brazilian democracy, while setting a number of traps that his successor, Luiz Inácio Lula da Silva, is now forced to navigate. Despite the apparent success of political institutions in blocking Bolsonaro's most damaging threats to democracy, they have not emerged unscathed. The high court, in particular, has been tarnished by its increasing politicization and the clear evidence that it continues to fail to deliver the most basic foundations of a democratic rule of law. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

In 2018, the Social Liberal Party (psl), of little relevance until then, secured Jair Bolsonaro’s election as President of Brazil and achieved success in state and national legislative elections. Building upon these results, the question arises: which party aspects contributed to success in the legislative contests? In this article, we analyze the party’s organizational factors and candidacies, pointing out that the Bolsonaro-led coordination conferred a centralizing profile to the party. Thus, despite having low institutionalization, the psl capitalized on the benefits of the Bolsonaro phenomenon for other contests beyond the presidential one. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

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O artigo propõe discutir a partir da ideia de nação associada ao radicalismo e fundamentalismo religioso a participação ativa de uma grande parcela da sociedade brasileira na campanha eleitoral pró - Bolsonaro nos anos de 2018 e 2022. O estudo constata o engajamento de líderes religiosos, tais como pastores evangélicos e padres católicos e suas respectivas igrejas servindo-se do lócus religioso como lugar de discursos, apoios, e manifestações a favor da eleição e reeleição de Jair Messias Bolsonaro em nome de Deus, da Família e da Propriedade. PALAVRAS- CHAVE:Ativismo político-religioso.Fundamentalismo.Campanha eleitoral. Jair Bolsonaro ABSTRACT The article proposes to discuss from the idea of ?? nation associated to the radicalism and religious fundamentalism, the active participation of a largeportion of Brazilian society in the pro-Bolsonaro electoral campaigns in the years 2018 and 2022. The study confirms the engagemento freligious leaders, such as evangelical pastors and Catholic priests and the irrespective churches usingthe altar and the religious space as places of speeches, support, anddemonstrations in favor of the election and reelection of Jair Messias Bolsonaro in thename of God, the Family and the Property. KEYWORDS:Political-religiousactivism. Fundamentalism. Electioncampaign. Jair Bolsonaro.

En Tormenta, Thaís Oyama analiza detalladamente el primer año del gobierno de Jair Bolsonaro en Brasil, un período que estuvo marcado por crisis, intrigas y secretos. El libro no pretende ser una obra académica en el sentido tradicional, pero aporta valiosa información sobre el ascenso de Bolsonaro y el fenómeno del Bolsonarismo en la política brasileña. La autora presenta datos inéditos y ofrece una visión interesante de cómo un político antes considerado irrelevante pudo llegar al poder y mantenerse en él a pesar de las controversias. Uno de los aspectos destacados de este libro es la manera en que Thaís Oyama aborda la relación entre Bolsonaro y los militares, así como su enfoque en la narrativa antiglobalista que caracteriza al gobierno. Además, se adentra en la participación de las Fuerzas Armadas y su papel en la política brasileña contemporánea, lo que proporciona una perspectiva única sobre este período crucial.

Criado em 2006 como um serviço de microblog, o Twitter em 2021 foi considerado a 16ª rede social mais popular do mundo, de acordo com o número de usuários ativos mensais e, ao longo do tempo, se tornou uma das principais plataformas de discurso e para a discussão política. Tomando por referência a análise de conteúdo e de discurso, o objetivo deste artigo é analisar a construção e do discurso conservador da extrema direita em relação ao tema da homossexualidade, considerando os posicionamentos de Jair Bolsonaro no Twitter durante os anos de eleições (2018 e 2022) e seu governo (2019-2022). A partir da análise dos tweets foi possível entender um pouco as transversalidades e as complexidades da construção de um discurso discriminatório e de ódio que buscava provocar o pânico moral na sociedade brasileira, como estratégia para aumentar seu engajamento nas redes sociais e eficácia nos pleitos eleitorais.

In this paper it will be defended the hypothesis that the digital communication of the then president of Brazil Jair Messias Bolsonaro (2019-2022) used populist discourses to react to the worst moments of ratings on social networks, materialized through official statements, facts of the presidential agenda or factoids, published both in the professional press and on social networks. Thus, we will present data collected on Twitter between January 3, 2020 and March 18, 2021, regarding reactions and sentiments related to Bolsonaro. Additionally, we will take an analysis of the news that would have reacted to the downs of popularity of the then president in the mentioned social network. The theoretical framework of this work is anchored in the concepts of populism and presentism and the relation of these phenomena with social media; in the concept of emotional media and in the practice of spin doctoring. From an analysis standpoint, it can be seen that Bolsonaro's strategy on Twitter was to take advantage of the contemporary phenomenon of presentism, by overlapping negative facts with news that used populist and emotional aspects. Despite of somewhat working for deeper crises in digital popularity, however, it failed to make the president mentions more positive than negative. This article concludes that it is necessary to Eedited according to spin doctoring techniques. Without media regulation about that, the situation may degrade to levels difficult to recover from. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This study analyzes the coverage of the Covid-19 pandemic in two Brazilian television news programs, specifically Fantástico from TV Globo and Domingo Espetacular from Record TV. Our objective is to study how both programs interpreted Jair Bolsonaro's positions during the crisis, marked by populist antagonism that led to a series of attacks on doctors, scientists, and intellectuals through a negationist and anti-science rhetoric. To do so, we conducted a study of a corpus of 308 news articles collected at different moments during the pandemic. The materials were scrutinized based on the intersection of content analysis and framing techniques. This approach allowed us to systematize data on the visibility of the pandemic and understand the frames of meaning proposed by the two channels in the discursivization of the former president's actions. We started with the hypothesis that the coverage exposed Record TV's alignment with the far-right government, which began during the 2018 elections, and highlighted the critical orientation assumed by TV Globo, especially regarding the figure of the president, in the face of his extremism. This sets it apart from a tradition of support for conservative rulers. The results show significant differences in the coverage of the two programs. While TV Globo openly criticized Bolsonaro's positions, aligning with the discourse of science, Record TV, affiliated with the Universal Church of the Kingdom of God, embraced a discourse in line with the negationist agenda, giving voice to anti-science speeches that normalize the populism of the then-president. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article analyzes how the event reported by the media as the "Day of Fire", as it becomes a media event, in a context of deep mediatization, is discussed by Jair Bolsonaro in his official Twitter account. It is understood that the discussion of this media event is part of a dispute of symbolic and persuasive power, transcending the media vehicles and conflicting with other sources of information, lived experiences, and interests of specific social groups, influencing the construction of a mobilizing narrative, which guides Bolsonaro's discursive practice in the public opinion dispute. To this end, a thematic content analysis was applied to publications gathered from the account @jairbolsonaro between July 4th and September 16th, 2019. Next, two different discourse archetypes were constructed - one using elements of risk communication and the other using elements of populist communication - in order to understand and identify the characteristics and patterns of proximity among the tweets. Based on these two communication models and the political-social context surrounding this media event, we use Critical Discourse Analysis to interpret how Bolsonaro's discourse relates to the Brazilian socioenvironmental crisis here remarked. At last, we arrived at the conclusion that the discourse mediated through Bolsonaro's Twitter focuses on four main aspects: 1) it is reactive to the transformation of the socioenvironmental event "Day of Fire" into a media event; 2) it employs, as a strategy for the resumption of the public debate, a populist construction of two antagonistic political camps; 3) it seeks the silencing of non-capitalist ways of relating to the environment; and 4) it reveals a neoliberal populist discourse, which neglects a communication aimed at the prevention and mitigation of the existing risk. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

From a document corpus taken from leading journals recording the discourses and actions of President Jair Bolsonaro and his team in managing the economy, politics, and the COVID-19 pandemic, it is more than clear that this administration refuses to play by the rules of the democratic game. There is a close relationship between the authoritarian administration and the naturalization of a logic that prioritizes market interests above all, producing an ultra-neoliberalism that not only operates within the economic and financial sphere but also produces antidemocratic modes of social subjectivity. Segundo um corpus de documentos proveniente dos jornais principais que registravam os discursos e ações do Presidente Jair Bolsonaro e seu equipe com respeito a sua gerência da economia, da polítca e da pandemia do COVID-19, fica muito claro que este governo se recusa a cumprir as regras do jogo democrático. Ademais, existe uma relação íntima entre o governo autoritário e a uniformização de uma lógica que prioriza os interesses do mercado sobre todo, produzindo um ultra-neoliberalismo que não somente opera dentro da esféra econômica e financeira mas também gera modos antidemocráticos de subjetividade social. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Right-wing parties and movements, as well as right-wing ideology, are an important factor in the political life of Latin American countries. By the end of the second decade of the XXI century. more than half of the political regimes of Latin American countries were right-wing or center-right. In the article, on the example of the analysis of the Brazilian version of the phenomenon of the right trend, an attempt is made to show the reasons for the very existence and political survival of the right and their popularity in society, the deep rootedness of the right ideology in the depths of public consciousness, its influence on public sentiment. A brief analysis of the ideology and politics of right-wing movements and right-wing political leaders is given – from Getúlio Vargas to Jair Bolsonaro.

RESUMO Este trabalho busca apreender, à luz da semiótica discursiva, elementos do messianismo no discurso de Jair Bolsonaro. Para isso, analisa três pronunciamentos do político realizados respectivamente: a) após a confirmação da vitória nas urnas; b) durante a cerimônia de posse no Congresso Nacional; e c) após o recebimento da faixa presidencial, no Parlatório do Palácio do Planalto. Nesses pronunciamentos, o enunciador reforça os valores do grupo em que se situa, articulando ideias como combate à corrupção, conservadorismo nos costumes, rejeição a minorias sexuais e apelo a identidades religiosas e nacionalistas. Essas ideias, como procuraremos demonstrar, são reafirmadas em torno de uma vitória eleitoral com forte viés messiânico.

En el presente artículo analizamos uno de los principales escenarios que Bolsonaro utilizó para comunicarse con sus bases durante toda su legislatura: los lives semanales en su cuenta oficial de Instagram. Así, estudiamos una muestra de diez lives, describiendo cómo su comunicación no verbal podía activar un proceso de humanización y aproximación del líder, normalizando formas de violencia y fortaleciendo la polarización política. La metodología empleada en el análisis se sustenta en la grounded theory, que sistematiza la investigación cualitativa a través de la construcción de hipótesis y teorías mediante la recolección y el análisis de datos. Este procedimiento de análisis propone una metodología inductiva que extrae las categorías de la comunicación no verbal a través de la descripción y clasificación del material y de las fuentes de datos por analizar. La contextualización e interpretación de los resultados se apoya en un trabajo etnográfico de campo durante la campaña electoral. Los resultados apuntan al uso de elementos amateurs en los videos que generan una aproximación de Bolsonaro con los ciudadanos, así como la inclusión de movimientos corporales que muestran su carisma como un líder imperfecto y del paralenguaje basado en el humor para la construcción de un personaje violento.

The article examines how mainstream news organizations in Brazil have tweeted about Jair Bolsonaro, investigating to what extent they may (voluntarily or not) amplify the visibility of populist leaders. We also scrutinize the levels of audience engagement with posts mentioning the President. Our empirical design comprises a content analysis of 128,096 tweets published throughout 2019 by Folha de S. Paulo, O Estado de S. Paulo, and O Globo. The results reveal that such newspapers focused on controversies and negative issues involving Bolsonaro, while posts addressing public policies did not achieve high visibility or engagement. The article also discusses to what degree the newspapers may be taking advantage of users' preferences for content with populist features to reinforce their watchdog role and boost audience ratings. Our findings also contribute to understanding how populist leaders and media organizations can build a mutually beneficial relationship, even though they publicly claim to oppose each other. Finally, the paper suggests new hypotheses to be explored, such as the argument that quality papers may be loosening the division between news and opinion when using social media to satisfy audience niches in polarized environments. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Este artículo busca verificar, a partir de reportajes televisivos sobre política, cómo el universo del poder ejecutivo es tratado por tres diferentes emisoras brasileñas. Busca identificar cómo se comporta el teleperiodismo brasileño en este tipo de coberturas y qué indicios deja emerger sobre su autopercepción al informar. La metodología es el Análisis de Materialidad Audiovisual, desarrollada por el Núcleo de Periodismo y Audiovisual/UFJF y que comprende audiovisuales sin fragmentación (audio + video + edición). Entiende la producción de sentido y su relación con las audiencias desde la experimentación del audiovisual integral. Aplicamos la ficha de análisis propuesta por el método en los reportajes que elaboran narrativas sobre la asunción de Jair Bolsonaro en los principales programas informativos de las tres emisoras (JN, RB y JR), cruzamos la información extraída para comprender, además de las diferentes líneas editoriales, la ontología profesional de los locutores comunes. El resultado apunta a adaptaciones del "modo de hacer" teleperiodístico y también a indicios de la ruidosa relación entre el gobierno y los medios de comunicación en el período. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

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The article proposes an evangelical foreign policy model to analyse the relationship between evangelical groups and conservative governments in foreign policymaking. Using Brazil as a case study, we argue that the model is defined by the convergence of views and interests between conservative cabinet members and domestic evangelical groups on four foreign policy issues that are critical to evangelicals worldwide – the relationship with Israel, persecution of Christian minorities, abortion rights, and evangelical missions in Africa. To analyse the convergence, we use an original database of 207 speeches from Brazilian evangelical parliamentarians (Evangelical Parliamentary Front) and 1992 discourses from Jair Bolsonaro's cabinet members from January 2019 to July 2022, as well as multiple documents from the main evangelical groups in Brazil. In the case of Brazil, this is the first time that typical religious considerations have been officially adopted by the country's foreign policy, indicating the growing importance of evangelical thinking in Brazilian politics. This is also one of the first analyses, not centred in the United States, that shows how views and interests of evangelical groups and conservative governments converge in international affairs, broadening perspectives on the political participation of the ever-growing evangelical movement in the Global South. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

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Durante a segunda metade da década de 2010, passou-se a perceber no continente americano a ascensão dos discursos de extrema-direita, que categorizou a chamada “onda conservadora”. A extrema-direita é pautada pela defesa do conservadorismo no que concerne aos valores sociopolíticos (como a preservação da família tradicional) e pelo liberalismo nas vias econômicas. Um dos fatores que incentivou a ascensão dessa vertente ideológica foi o aumento do número de participação política da sociedade neopentecostal: religião que tem suas bases no esforço individual e na preservação dos costumes tradicionais. Um dos países que vem ganhando destaque na incorporação dos valores neopentecostais na política nacional é o Brasil, a partir da eleição de Jair Messias Bolsonaro pela maioria evangélica em 2018. O presidente (que participou como deputado originalmente do Partido Social Cristão) se identifica como sendo parte da matriz judaico-cristã e tem suas decisões pautadas na retomada dos valores tradicionais cristãos do ocidente político. O presente artigo tem como objetivo identificar os fragmentos religiosos na condução de política externa do governo Bolsonaro e analisar até que ponto estes são responsáveis pelo alinhamento com os Estados Unidos de Donald Trump.

Resumo O artigo explora dois aspectos do triênio 2019-2021 na política brasileira. Investiga-se em qual rumo Jair Bolsonaro, desde a chefia do Poder Executivo, buscou modificar as instituições e, ao mesmo tempo, que tipo de mobilização social suscitou. Argumenta-se que, enquanto as transformações institucionais apontaram para um regime autocrático, o movimento bolsonariano utilizou metodologia fascista. Foram tomados como casos exemplares a luta em torno do controle da Polícia Federal e as técnicas de agitação e propaganda que culminaram nas manifestações de 7 de setembro de 2021.

This paper analyses the conspiratorial worldview that surrounded the foreign policy of Jair Bolsonaro's government in Brazil during the tenure of Ernesto Araújo as Brazilian Foreign Minister (2019-2021), discussing the potential roles that conspiracy theory played for Bolsonaro's political movement and administration. We focus on Ernesto Araújo's so-called globalist conspiracy theory, employing his speeches, publications, and interviews as main sources. We conclude that Araújo's globalist conspiracy theory constitutes what Michael Barkun calls a 'systemic conspiracy theory', presenting significant potential functions for the energization and cohesion of Bolsonaro's political movement. The paper also concludes that, given its focus on the intrinsic unit of the 'nation' and the 'people', Araújo's globalist conspiracy theory has opened potential avenues for the use of symbolic and material violence against Brazilians who do not fit into this unit, consolidating ideological foundations for the fasciticization of Bolsonaro's followers, with significant and grave potential consequences for Brazilian democracy. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The mix between public interest topics and private agendas were hallmarks of Jair Bolsonaro's mandate, elected president of Brazil in 2018. The objective of this article is to verify the space occupied by the main topics of public interest in relation to the main agendas related to the private sphere in Bolsonaro's Instagram profile posts from January 2019 to June 2020. The research analyzed the presence of public and private themes from concepts about public communication and public interest, based on Weber (2017), Esteves (2011), and Gomes and Maia (2008), and democracy, based on Dahl (2001), Bobbio (2007), and Roisanvallon (2020). The results showed that the president allocates more space to agendas belonging to the private sphere than to topics of public interest and, also, permeates relevant topics for society with private positions, which distorts public communication and obstructs its basic concepts. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The presidential candidacy of Jair Bolsonaro in Brazil in 2018 was the Populist Radical Right's (PRR) first one to be electorally successful in Latin America. Although it is possible to assert that Bolsonaro belongs to the PRR given his political career, few studies have focused on the supply-side and Bolsonaro's ideas and discourses. This article analyzes the relevance of the three defining attributes of the PRR – nativism, authoritarianism, and populism – in Bolsonaro's ideological and programmatic platform. Based on an analysis of the 2018 electoral manifesto, campaign and government speeches, and social network posts, three arguments will be made: (i) authoritarianism is the primary defining attribute of Bolsonaro; (ii) populism only exists in the country associated with a solid negative political identity, an anti-Workers' Party sentiment known in Brazil as antipetismo; and (iii) neoliberalism must be considered a fourth ideological element of the Brazilian PRR. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

One pillar of democracy is its definition, according to which it represents the government of the people, by the people, for the people. Thus, the people category plays a decisive role in democratic countries, both institutionally and symbolically, and is used as a component of the most diverse discourses and positions in the democratic spectrum, including populism and its digital aspects. This article investigates the construction of the idea of people in Jair Bolsonaro’s tweets, trying to understand how this construction takes place and what idea of people can be deduced therefrom. We evaluated whether the data corroborated a populist stance on the part of the president’s official profile on Twitter. To this end, tweets archived in the “Wayback Machine” containing the word “people” were collected from December 31, 2019, to June 17, 2022. Checking was done directly on Twitter using the collected identification numbers to search for the tweets. We identified that the notion of people in Jair Bolsonaro’s speech on Twitter is unclear, but these “people” are called to support the populist politician, resulting in mobilization and a permanent political campaign focused on disinformation with an appeal to emotion and religiosity. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

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Copyright of Investigación Económica is the property of Universidad Nacional Autonoma de Mexico, Facultad de Economia and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Abstract This paper analyses the conspiratorial worldview that surrounded the foreign policy of Jair Bolsonaro’s government in Brazil during the tenure of Ernesto Araújo as Brazilian Foreign Minister (2019-2021), discussing the potential roles that conspiracy theory played for Bolsonaro’s political movement and administration. We focus on Ernesto Araújo’s so-called globalist conspiracy theory, employing his speeches, publications, and interviews as main sources. We conclude that Araújo’s globalist conspiracy theory constitutes what Michael Barkun calls a ‘systemic conspiracy theory’, presenting significant potential functions for the energization and cohesion of Bolsonaro’s political movement. The paper also concludes that, given its focus on the intrinsic unit of the ‘nation’ and the ‘people’, Araújo’s globalist conspiracy theory has opened potential avenues for the use of symbolic and material violence against Brazilians who do not fit into this unit, consolidating ideological foundations for the fasciticization of Bolsonaro’s followers, with significant and grave potential consequences for Brazilian democracy.

O contexto do debate público sobre a pauta socioambiental nos anos do Governo Jair Bolsonaro (PL) provocou reações no Brasil e no mundo. Esse cenário remonta ao período da ditadura militar, quando os militares governaram o país e, através do uso da propaganda dentro e fora do Brasil, forjaram uma percepção bastante particular sobre meio ambiente e Amazônia. Neste artigo, investiga-se o papel da propaganda e da desinformação em massa durante a presidência de Jair Bolsonaro (PL) na implementação de um projeto de destruição nacional na agenda socioambiental. A discussão teórica e os resultados empíricos indicam que, entre junho e outubro de 2020, passado e presente se encontraram nas novas configurações da disputa pela opinião pública, instrumentalizando-se da desinformação como estratégia de governo no desmonte da proteção ambiental.

Este artículo propone la categoría “no-militarismo - militarismo” para clasificar los liderazgos de Mauricio Macri (2015) y Jair Bolsonaro (2018). Sostiene que dicha clasificación permitiría captar con mayor precisión que la ideológica sus estilos dirigenciales. A partir de una metodología mixta basada en las herramientas del Manifesto Research on Political Representation y del análisis discursivo, examina los spots de campaña y las últimas entrevistas preelectorales de ambos líderes. Los resultados respaldan la pertinencia de la propuesta y dan pie a futuras investigaciones.