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The article is an attempt to examine the degree of dependency of Jerome's exegesis of the parables from the Gospel of St. Matthew on the exegesis of the same texts by Origen. The primary sources are Jerome's Commentary on the Gospel of St. Matthew written in 398 AD, when he was already opposed to the Alexandrian, and Origen's Commentary on the same Gospel. A detailed comparative analysis of the exegesis of the selected parables led to the following conclusions. The differences between the approaches of both authors are limited to three issues: (1) Jerome's interpretations reflect the spirit of the post-Nicene period, marked by Trinitarian disputes; (2) The Stridonian dissociates himself from all associations with Origen's dubious theological suggestions, such as the pre-existence of souls or apocatastasis, which can be noticed concealed in the exegesis of the Alexandrian; (3) Jerome's comments are short and concisely convey the main spiritual meaning of the parables in question, but this difference in the length of comments is quite secondary. Despite the above differences the reliance of the Stridonian on the Alexandrian is significant. Jerome's elaborations are very similar to those of Origen in terms of exegetic methodology and spiritual content extracted from the text of the Gospel. Even if Jerome does not accept all the solutions proposed by the Alexandrian, he is in constant dialogue with him and remains in his work an Origenist dependent on the allegorical orientation of exegesis. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article describes the Christological heresies found in the Letters of St Jerome. These are Arianism, Apolinarianism, the heresies preached by the Ebionites and Nazarenes, the heresies professing Docetism and Pelagianism. In the heresies described, the Author of the Vulgate demonstrates not only doctrinal errors, but also defends the orthodoxy of the Christian faith in his writings. The article furthermore points out the important issues in Christology highlighted by the Monk of Bethlehem. It is mainly concerned with the confusion of concepts in Greek and Latin concerning the terms οὐσία and ὑπόστασις, the attempt to restore their proper meaning, the formation of the correct meaning and understanding of the term persona, the pointing out of the dangers of Pelagianism and the linking of it to earlier heresies in order to draw attention to its pernicious effects. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The article is an attempt to examine the degree of dependency of Jerome’s exegesis of the parables from the Gospel of St. Matthew on the exegesis of the same texts by Origen. The primary sources are Jerome’s Commentary on the Gospel of St. Matthew written in 398 AD, when he was already an enemy of the Alexandrian, and Origen’s Commentary on the same Gospel. A detailed comparative analysis of the exegesis of the selected parables led to the following conclusions. The differences between the approaches of both authors are limited to three issues: (1) Jerome’s interpretations reflect the spirit of the post-Nicene period, marked by Trinitarian disputes; (2) The Stridonian dissociates himself from all associations with Origen’s dubious theological suggestions, such as the pre-existence of souls or apocatastasis, which can be noticed concealed in the exegesis of the Alexandrian; (3) Jerome’s comments are short and concisely convey the main spiritual meaning of the parables in question, but this difference in the length of comments is quite secondary. Despite the above differences the reliance of the Stridonian on the Alexandrian is significant. Jerome’s elaborations are very similar to those of Origen in terms of exegetic methodology and spiritual content extracted from the text of the Gospel. Even if Jerome does not accept all the solutions proposed by the Alexandrian, he is in constant dialogue with him and remains in his work an Origenist dependent on the allegorical orientation of exegesis.

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From the beginning of the Life of Paul the Hermit, Jerome depicts credibility as the key issue in writing hagiographies. Despite a plethora of unbelievable accounts about men “living in an underground cave with flowing hair down to their feet”, Paul’s biography is intended to be a trustworthy narrative, concerning the true first Christian monk. Such a work necessarily comes into conflict with Athanasius’ Life of Antony: as Jerome partially suggests in the prologue, his account will call into question the truthfulness of a venerable model. In this paper, I provide a rhetorical analysis of some passages of Jerome’s Life of Paul the Hermit. My aim is to explore the links between Late Antique paideia and credibility, showing how the biographer employs persuasive techniques even in the narration of unbelievable episodes. In the final section, I share some reflections on the author’s and his audience’s concept of credibility.

Composed by Jerome at the end of the 4th century, the Life of the Monk Hilarion (BHL 3879) was translated into Greek in a variety of contexts. The richness and diversity of the Greek dossier of this Latin legend provides an excellent starting point for examining the linguistic and cultural transfers of Latin hagiographical texts to the Greek-speaking world. After a brief literature review of the subject, this article presents a comparative study of the prefaces to the two main Greek versions of the legend of Hilarion (Lives BHG 752 and 753). Life BHG 752 is re-edited here in the light of a new manuscript discovery. By looking closely at the two prefaces, we can explore the ways in which a Latin hagiographical text was translated and rewritten in Greek.

The article attempts to shed light on the function of the bizarre martyrdom episode at the beginning of Jerome’s Life of Paul the First Hermit, which, due to its indecency, causes embarrassment among scholars. It, at first glance, seems to be a superfluous and somewhat awkward attempt to make the narrative about the founder of the Egyptian eremitic movement more entertaining. Considering how much space the author devotes to this anecdote in this fairly short text and in what detail he describes the unusual sexual torture, it is apparent that this is not just a titillating interlude to amuse the reader. The “torture” by the woman therefore plays a much more important role in the structure of the text. In this scene, Jerome reverses the standard martyrological pattern of the female martyr being subjected to sexual torture by male persecutors, in an attempt to show the ethos of the new Eastern ascetic movements of which he became an enthusiastic advocate. The entire scene can thus be seen as an allegorical parable about the inner spiritual struggle of an adept at the ascetic life with sexual temptation. This can only be overcome at the cost of physical suffering, which the ascetic inflicts on himself by the strict suppression of his own bodily desires, and which can match the torture that the martyrs have to undergo. He thus makes a connection between martyrdom and the ascetic life, placing both forms of extraordinary faith on the same level. The fact that this struggle with carnal temptation is not thematized in the following narrative of the first hermit is the result of a specific narrative strategy based on the use of the isolated fragments of the story between which there are large narrative gaps. The link, however, between the seemingly unrelated opening martyrdom episode and the main narrative of Paul’s eremitic career may not only be the symbolic meaning of the scene as a parable about the struggle with carnal temptation, but also the word meretrix (harlot) itself, which also appears in the main body of the text in the phrase civitas meretrix (harlot city), which Saint Anthony uses to refer to Alexandria. The martyr’s radical break with his female tormentor may prefigure the hermit’s equally uncompromising break with depraved urban civilization and all its worldly temptations. The strange martyrdom episode can thus also be interpreted as a hidden message about the nature of radical eremitic asceticism. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This essay explores the relationship of solitude to place in Jerome's fourth-century Life of Saint Hilarion. It does so through the medium of Burrus's own experience of solitude and place. In 2020, having planned to visit Hilarion's mountaintop hermitage in Cyprus, she found herself instead weathering the pandemic at the Clark Art Institute in Williamstown, Massachusetts. Thus she came to know Hilarion's Cyprus by developing a relationship with the northern Berkshires; she came to know Hilarion's solitude by experiencing her own. The essay reperforms this interspatial dynamic, reading Jerome through the mediation of four objects of art that Burrus encountered on the Clark campus in 2020–21. Three are contemporary sculptures—Kelly Akashi's A Device to See the World Twice (2020), Thomas Schütte's Crystal (2015), and Giuseppe Penone's Le foglie delle radici (The Leaves of Roots) (2011)—and one is a seventeenth-century map. Burrus suggests that solitude allows us to know place (and ourselves as part of it) more deeply and intimately, offers a vantage point for seeing further and more clearly, undoes our sense of distinctiveness as humans, and transforms the intervals and flows of our movements in space. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Scholarship on the New Testament canon regularly relies on criterial and reception-historical methodologies to antedate the Christian scriptural collection well before its first advocacy as a "rule" of scripture in the 39th Festal Letter of Athanasius of Alexandria (367 CE). Pushing back against these narratives and associated tendencies, this article prefers a functional or forensic approach to the institution of a twenty-seven-book New Testament and highlights evidence demonstrating how the Athanasian episcopal canon was amplified, amended, and accepted in the Christian East and West in the decades following its promulgation. Against suggestions that the canon existed as early as the second century, this handling of data on the New Testament, a scriptural instrument set forth with authoritative and exclusionary intentions, fits the guidelines of creative discourse and historical redescription so as to credit Athanasius, in the fourth century, as the inventor of the canon regnant into the present day. Among other foci, tracing the fortunes of a subcanonical category of books shows the potential for new histories of familiar canonical evidence that may ensue, especially those that plumb the possibility of dissent to the Athanasian scriptural boundaries or augment our awareness of the place and value of such an established standard within institutional, monastic, academic, imperial, and even so-called heretical contexts in and beyond the fourth century. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

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This article analyzes B.-R. Voss' proposal to attribute the verb vicisti to Cicero's Consolatio (fr. 3 Vit. = 13 Mü.: cedo -- inquit -- en manum tollo), based on two quotations from Jerome (Alterc. 14.519: en tollo manus, cedo, vicisti and Adv. Pelag. 3.7: iam iam tollo manum, cedo, vicisti). In a different perspective, the hypothesis advanced here is that Jerome derives vicisti not from Cicero, but from Vergil (Aen. 12.936-937: vicisti et victum tendere palmas / Ausonii videre), contaminating the two quotations. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

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Copyright of Zbornik Radova Vizantološkog Instituta is the property of Institute for Byzantine Studies of the Serbian Academy of Sciences & Arts and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Jerome wrote Epistula prima probably during the decade of 366–376. Little is known about this stage in his life, but it was apparently then that as a young man he became interested in asceticism and at the end of this period of time finally decided to become a monk. However, the ascetic ideas are not the main theme of Ep. 1. The letter tells the story of a falsely accused woman who was subjected to torture and survived seven strokes of the executioner’s sword. The way in which Jerome interprets and presents these events reflects his spiritual profile and aesthetic preferences. The text can be interpreted both as a letter (a ‘real’ or a ‘fictional’ one) with an embedded narrative and as a non-epistolary work with a dedicatory preface. This affects the way in which the reader responds to the introduction (where Jerome’s anxiety concerning the imperfection of his style is expressed) as well as his or her right to assess the subsequent narrative. None of these approaches eliminates the duality in the text’s structure. Therefore, it should be interpreted on the two following levels: as an epistolary speculum animi, which shows Jerome in the situation of undertaking the task of writing the narrative, and as another, literary speculum, which reflects the author’s soul by means of artistic expression.

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According to Socrates, as he is described in Plato’s Phaedo, the definition of a true philosopher is a wise man who is continuously practicing dying and being dead. Already in this life, the philosopher tries to free his soul from the body in order to acquire true knowledge as the soul is progressively becoming detached from the body. Centuries after it was written, Plato’s Phaedo continued to play a role for some early Christian authors, and this article focuses on three instances where Christian women mirror Socrates and/or his definition of philosophy. We find these instances in hagiographical literature from the fourth and fifth centuries at different locations in the Roman Empire - in the Lives of Macrina, Marcella and Syncletica. These texts are all to varying degrees impacted by Platonic philosophy and by the ideal of the male philosopher Socrates. As women mastering philosophy, they widened common cultural expectations for women, revealing how Christian authors in certain contexts ascribed authority to female figures.

Although religious ethicists commonly assess the content of public communication to determine its merits, this article argues that the style and techniques of communication deserve similar analysis. Propaganda often employs rhetorical techniques that impress the recipient through persuasive sleight-of-hand or emotional appeal. Drawing on the church fathers' suspicion of classical rhetoric, as well as Augustine's guarded defense of a specific type of rhetoric, the author formulates two principles of ethical propaganda that may assist public communicators in persuading ethically. These two principles are the procedural movement of beauty from truth, and the use of caritas as a primary motivator in persuasion. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

In parallel with the well-known Easter controversy in Orient, another controversy took place in Occident too, during the second half of the 4th century. Object of such contention was the meaning of the word pascha. Ambrosiaster and Jerome were the protagonists of such dispute. The first, supported the Latin traditional thesis (pascha = passio); the second, promoted a reinterpretation of the Alexandrinian exegesis (pascha = transitus). Through a detailed analysis of their polemic allusions to this issue, here are the reconstructed stages of the Occidental Easter controversy, which was maybe incited by an unaware Ambrose and saw Ambrosiaster as the fiercest competitor. The focus on Ambrosiaster' s Quaestio 96, carried out in parallel with the study of Jerome' s passages, finally suggests a revision of Ambrosiaster' s chronology. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Origen adopted two critical signs from the philological tradition in Alexandria: the obelos, which denotes the elements found in the Septuagint (LXX) but not in the Hebrew Bible, and the asteriskos, which designates the elements found in the Hebrew text but not in the LXX. By examining how Origen and other Church Fathers (including Epiphanius, Jerome, and Augustine) understood the critical signs, this study raises the question of what their attitude toward the Bible was. Therefore, I analyze whether they regarded the obelized elements as an excess in the LXX or a lack in the Hebrew text, or whether they regarded the asterisked elements as an omission in the LXX or an addition in the Hebrew text. This form of analysis leads to the conclusion that Origen and Epiphanius are LXX-centered, Jerome is Hebrew-centered, and Augustine is both LXX-centered and Hebrew-centered. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Jerome wrote Epistula prima probably during the decade of 366-376. Little is known about this stage in his life, but it was apparently then that as a young man he became interested in asceticism and at the end of this period of time finally decided to become a monk. However, the ascetic ideas are not the main theme of Ep. 1. The letter tells the story of a falsely accused woman who was subjected to torture and survived seven strokes of the executioner's sword. The way in which Jerome interprets and presents these events reflects his spiritual profile and aesthetic preferences. The text can be interpreted both as a letter (a 'real' or a 'fictional' one) with an embedded narrative and as a non-epistolary work with a dedicatory preface. This affects the way in which the reader responds to the introduction (where Jerome's anxiety concerning the imperfection of his style is expressed) as well as his or her right to assess the subsequent narrative. None of these approaches eliminates the duality in the text's structure. Therefore, it should be interpreted on the two following levels: as an epistolary speculum animi, which shows Jerome in the situation of undertaking the task of writing the narrative, and as another, literary speculum, which reflects the author's soul by means of artistic expression. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The paper focuses on a hagiographic adaptation of novelistic conventions and narrative techniques in Jerome’s The Life of Malchus, the Captive Monk used to promote the ideal of virginal chastity. The central novelistic motif of chastity and premarital sexual abstinence is transformed in Jerome’s text into the motif of lifelong celibacy, which pushes aside the institution of marriage. Legitimate marital union is no longer the final target ending the adventurous wandering of the central couple. Instead, it is a test of their ascetic constancy, which should verify the faithfulness of the vow of continence. While a desire to marry is an essential element of the romance plot and marriage represents the final happy ending, in The Life of Malchus the driving force is instead the aversion of the main hero to this institution and everything leads to the final separation of the main characters. This end of the story of the married monk, reflecting the official church approach towards syneisactism, is, however, problematized by the contradiction between the frame narrative and the narrative embedded, which provides an alternative solution to the relationship between man and female ascetics. Although their separation is in general desirable, in some circumstances their living together can work, as genuine chastity can never be taken captive (pudicitiam numquam esse captivam), not even in a marital union. It can be transformed into a “marriage of chastity” (coniugium pudicitiae) in which both partners voluntarily renounce any physical contact and undertake to live in chastity and renunciation. Thus, at least in a novelistic perspective, this opens up the possibility of an incorporeal relationship between two persons of the opposite sexes, which are united together by circumstances and forced to share the same household. In this way the author also provides an answer to the critics of his personal relationship with the rich widow Paula. The story about the captive Syrian monk and his involuntary marriage can therefore be perceived as a distinctive novelistic parable about the possibility and impossibility of spiritual cohabitation of man and woman, not affected by carnal lust. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Using the example of Epistula 3 Jerome's citation technique is analyzed in detail. For this purpose, a comprehensive classification grid of intertextual references is introduced for the first time, which allows a systematization of the narrative examination of citations and allusions. Thus, not only differences in the use of Bible verses and quotations of classics can be highlighted transparently but also a (radical) syntactic, structural, and semantic incorporation of biblical and classic pre-texts by Jerome's text can be substantiated. In stark contrast to former, rather negative verdicts on Jerome's "cento style" and semantic incoherences in his writing, this approach is capable of showing a high functionality and authority in Jerome's strategy of referencing, which shapes the narrative of the friendship letter not only aesthetically but also significantly helps to constitute its semantics. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

I propose to approach a selection of Jerome's Letters with the theory of generic modes as established by Alastair Fowler and Klaus W. Hempfer, and with the concept of generic enrichment developed by Stephen J. Harrison. Using these concepts the epistolary genre, which is known for its open nature and diverse forms, can be approached from a shifted aesthetical perspective. My analysis focuses on two exemplary letters. In the first of these two letters, Jerome asks a friend to join him in his ascetic lifestyle in the desert (Hieronymus, Epistula 14). To illustrate the progress of his arguments Jerome employs traditional nautical metaphors and develops a literary celeuma. He does this by turning it into a model for the letter's form and by extending the epistolary genre through a hymn-like mode. Thus, the author christianises the celeuma and turns it into a hymn. In the second letter, Jerome asks a Christian widow to leave Rome and to join him in Bethlehem (Hieronymus, Epistula 46). The author integrates a satirical mode in some passages that allude to the pagan and biblical traditions of satire. He therefore turns his satirical description into an argument supporting his purpose. Both the hymn-like elements and the satirical passages do not have the complete outer form of the according genres but do rather correspond to the concept of modes. The epistolary genre is therefore extended but not replaced by these modes and gains additional meaning through their integration. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

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The paper presents a preliminary study on the linguistic elements and the diversity of Jerome’s Latin, with examples taken from some of his most notable works, his letters, biblical translations, Vita Malchi, and De viris illustribus, to demonstrate his particular contribution to the oft-discussed and problematized domain, namely the Latinitas Christianorum. The article offers a general overview of Jerome’s literary formation, discussing the influence by classical Latin writers. To illustrate the kaleidoscope of Jerome’s writing style, the analysis presents various genres of his writings, ranging from his biblical to non-biblical translation, from reference books and dictionaries to letters and biographies. The conclusion presents some of the linguistic characteristics of his writings to show the nuance in his mastery of Latin.

In the monograph under review, a revised version of a dissertation submitted at the University of Konstanz in 2019, Polcar sets out to provide a full-scale commentary on a single letter of Jerome’s correspondence such as will be familiar to those who have read the work of Scourfield, Adkin, and Cain. The letter under investigation, epistula 79, is addressed to the newly widowed Salvina, containing both consolation for the loss of her husband, Nebridius, and exhortation to chaste widowhood. After a brief introduction to Jerome and the letter’s place in the ancient epistolographic tradition (pp. 11–19) and a survey of the edition and the manuscripts consulted (21–24), there follows a Latin text with a facing translation (pp. 24–45).

Works concerning the history of the Hungarian Reform had been almost absent until the second half of the seventeenth century. The relatively peaceful process of the Hungarian Reform, the lack of armed conflicts, and the tragic memory of the battle of Mohács made the appearance of self-justifying religious narratives in Hungarian historiography seem unnecessary. On the other hand, the changes caused by the Tridentine Catholic renewal movement and the deterioration of the religious and political condition of the Protestant confession culminated in punishing actions. This brought the polemical and self-justifying narratives to the forefront in both literature and historiography. First signs of interest regarding the history of Protestantism appeared on the Catholic side, but they emerged under the pressure of the circumstances. On the other hand, a growing foreign interest gradually appeared on the Protestant side, making way to historiographical works. An example of such an opus is the Historia Ecclesiae Reformatae in Hungaria et Transilvania (1706) by Pál Debreceni Ember. The author presents the history of the Reformed Church in Hungary. He also tries to present the origins of Hungarian Christianity, projecting it onto the Apostolic Period. Finally, he turns to the early Christian writers such as Jerome to prove his theory. The paper aims to present this chapter in Jerome’s reception and its religious background.

The purpose of this article was to compare Jerome’s and Augustine’s sermons on the fifth book of the Psalms with regard to their views on the rich and the poor. After a brief consideration of the different audiences of Jerome and Augustine, we focused on their attitudes to wealth and poverty, and almsgiving and its relationship to eschatology. In both Jerome’s and Augustine’s commentaries we were confronted with problems regarding the nature of the collections, the composition of the audiences, and a lack of overlap between the two works, but it was possible to discern congruences and differences in their exegesis. In their preaching on poverty and riches, both homilists associated Judas with the devil and wealth. With regard to the identification of Christ and the poor, Jerome offers a somewhat uneasy exegesis in explaining that Christ stands at the right hand of the pauper, although the Lord himself is rich. Augustine mentioned the identification of Christ and the poor a few times in Enarrationes in Psalmos and framed the poverty of Christ within the body of the church, emphasising the common humanity of his congregation. In his sermons, mainly delivered to monks, Jerome advocated total renunciation. Augustine made more allowances for human frailty, advocating partial and gradual dispossession. The Songs of Ascent provided both our authors with the opportunity to consider the place of almsgiving in an eschatological context. Contribution: We investigate the views of two prominent Latin fathers on wealth and poverty in their sermons on Psalms 109–150. The focus on wealth and poverty is evident. Judas is identified with the rich and Christ with the poor, placing Christ and riches against each other in an either/or position.

The book of Kohelet has been interpreted in very different, even opposing ways. There are rather divergent views on its main theme. Is Kohelet a God-fearing sage or a hedonistic sceptic? A godly preacher or a godless provocateur? This article shows three important interpretations of the book through the centuries and highlights their presuppositions, methods and results. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The Chronicle by Marcellinus was intended as a sequel to its predecessor Jerome but demonstrates marked differences concerning the underlying historiographic and narrative ideas. The text is distinctly orthodox and emphasizes both the history of salvation and pronounced panegyrics. In his praefatio , Marcellinus voices a clearly individual concept. The summa brevitas of the chronicle is substituted by long passages and the 'chronological present tense' by the tenses of historical narrative. Marcellinus carefully chooses ideologically striking (hitherto unnoticed) quotations both from classical authors and the Old Testament. These intertextual signals underline the author´s interpretation of the historical facts. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

In several places the anonymous Roman presbyter, now known as "Ambrosiaster," expressed concern over the compensation given to presbyters. This article examines his comments in the context of several fourth-century developments: first, restrictions imposed on the members of the curial class in respect to holding clerical office, a phenomenon attested both in imperial legislation and in patristic sources; second, the spread of ascetical ideals of clerical life, fostered especially by writers such as Ambrose and Jerome. While Ambrosiaster shared the view that a member of the clergy (ecclesiasticus) should abstain from "worldly business activities" (negotia saecularia), in contrast to his more ascetic contemporaries, he stressed the importance of adequate payment for the clergy and encouraged wealthy Christians to provide it. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

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Copyright of Clotho is the property of University of Ljubljana, Faculty of the Arts and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

The paper is a part of a research that has investigated the forms and functions of the it-cleft construction in contemporary written English and Czech, with specific focus on its FSP aspects. The research presents a contrastive study of the construction in translation, using InterCorp, a parallel translation corpus. The English it-cleft construction has been described in much detail in various publications. Rather less attention has been given to the construction in Czech; in general, it-clefts seem to be less frequent in Czech than in English, which is due to the fact that Czech, as an inflectional language, has a greater range of primary means of expressing FSP (such as word-order, focalizers, etc.). One of the goals of the present study is to compare the forms and frequencies of it-clefts in Czech translated and non-translated written texts in the comparable corpus Jerome in order to determine whether the English source sentence structure tends to influence the syntax of the resulting Czech translation.

In Tintoretto's Saint Jerome and Saint Andrew (Venice, Gallerie dell'Accademia), St. Jerome glances at an open book. Some have speculated that the book in the painting is a Hebrew Bible, similar to those published in Tintoretto's time, and consistent with classic iconography of Jerome and his Latin Bible translation. This study argues that the book can be positively identified as the 1550‐1551 edition of Maimonides' Mishneh Torah. The timing of the painting coincided with an intensified persecution of the Hebrew printing press which originated with an attack on the same Mishneh Torah edition. Placing the painting in the context of this milieu has led to a new interpretation of the painting and its placement in the Palazzo dei Camerlenghi cycle. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Although Jerome, in speaking about translation, often introduces the opposition between uerba and sensus, this contrast mainly serves to highlight the difficulties of the translator's work and does not actually indicate the need to choose between different methods of translation. In fact, the translator must first of all understand the text, and for rendering it faithfully -- which includes the delicate case of sacred texts -- there is not just one possible method. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

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