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In the enclosure of the paper, we bring the testimony about the Serbs' suffering in Kosovo and Metohia, namely in certain villages in municipalities Vučitrn, Lipljan, Kosovo Polje and Priština. The document is stored in the archives of the Eparchy of Raška Prizren, which has been relocated from Prizren to the Gračanica Monastery since 1999.

This paper approaches the topic of missing Serbs in Kosovo and Metohia by the application of the anthropological theoretical framework on waiting, which treats this waiting process as socially and politically constructed. Furthermore, it considers the role of the families of missing persons in memory praxis related to this humanitarian problem. By outlining the relevance of understanding the position of families of missing persons, it was shown that their personal stories contribute to the formation of a collective narrative, which is important to the wider community of displaced Serbs from Kosovo and Metohia. Additionally, it was concluded that the ability of this humanitarian problem to contribute to the conflict resolution, depends not only on the investigation of missing people, but also on a wider recognition of victims and the protection of their family members and organizations formed by them, which carry on the duties of establishing interethnic cooperation. The misuse of this humanitarian problem, as outlined by their families, is shown as a serious impediment to mending interethnic relations. The paper tries to give a closer look at the voices and silences of families of missing persons by showing how their waiting for investigation and information regarding the disappearances is politically structured, and at the same time charged with the promise of social change.

Folk tradition in general is very often associated with natural entities, drawing its strength from believing in their magical properties. The cult of tree is one of the remnants of pagan elements that the Church accepted, because the people resisted all church proclamations, prohibitions and with their perseverance in respecting the cult of tree in all segments of life managed to preserve it. In that endeavor, the tree was given a new semantic meaning, which resulted in its partial imposition on the church. There are numerous examples of respect for the cult of the tree, which is noticeable within the multitude of customs and rituals that are still performed in rural areas throughout Serbia. In the Serbian folk tradition, a pine tree is often considered sacred if it is planted in a significant place or by an important person. A prominent example of such a belief can be found in the village of Gornje Nerodimlje, where the pillar of parliamentary customs was a pine tree, which, according to the beliefs of today's population, was personally planted by King Milutin and sung in the folk song "Oj, bore sabore." Given the current circumstances in which the Serb population was completely evicted from Gornje Nerodimlje, thus preventing them from accessing their long-guarded and respected sanctities, the Easter gathering, which many locals describe as the happiest holiday of their lives in Kosovo and Metohija, is destroyed along with the trees which represented a central elements of this tradition. Therefore, it is especially important to preserve this tradition from the memory of older locals. The semantic connection of the song to the pine tree certainly opens the possibility of analyzing the melodies in which the musical elements of depicting the meaning of the text can be noticed. In the minds of the displaced population of Gornji Nerodimlje, the song "Oj, bore sabore" is dedicated to King Milutin's pine tree. Although according to the dilemmas presented, we cannot claim that this tree has always been known as a handicraft of this historical figure, nor that the song was sung in the honor of that tree, we cannot deny that ancient tradition to people who lived in Gornje Nerodmlje or their descendants.

At the end of 1981 Municipal Board of SUBNOR in Kraljevo proposed the fraternization of Kraljevo and Titova Mirovica. The fraternization took place finally on the 23rd of November 1983. Until the end of 1987, fraternization and co-operation did not lead to a significant result. New circumstances occurred after the 9th plenary session of CC of LCY held on 26th of June 1987. The tasks set at that time gave the possibility to increase the co-operation of Kraljevo and Titova Mitrovica. For the financial fundament of the co-operation implementation were planned the resources which Kraljevo pay for the Fund for the underdeveloped. The co-operation in the field of social activities included diversified forms of integration of primary, grammar, higher and high schools. The co-operation included the organization of visits, encounters and competitions, visits in the field of sport ad physical culture. Despite bad political circumstances at the end of 1968, co-operation between two fraternizing cities started going upwards. The future co-operation course was influenced by the adoption of the Yugoslav Programme of Measurements and Activities for the Transmigration Stopping of Serbs and Montenegrins from Kosovo (YU - Programme). The point 9 of this Programme it was foreseen that Kraljevo and Sombor supported Titova Mitrovica. In February and March 1989 had started the events in Kosovo and Metohija which marked the beginning of the stagnation process of relationships. Some continuation of fertile co-operation from 1988 existed later, first of all, in the domain of culture and sport. The attempts of renewal and reinforcement of economic co-operation were, of course, more difficult until 1990 the progress in co-operation in the domain of economy was not achieved.

The end of break-up of Yugoslavia marked the beginning of the aggression against Serbia, with the aim of achieving the Western powers claim to the East. The West knew that Kosovo and Mathai was the weakest point of Serbia, but also its cornerstone. The rights of minorities in Kosovo and Metohia were protected like nowhere else in the world. The biggest falsehood was that more than a million Albanians were expelled from Kosovo and Metohia. Kosovo and Metohia prepared aground for aggression of the NATO Pact on the Federal Republic of Yugoslavia. The reason for the bombing was Slobodan Milošević, "the second Hitler" as the Westerners called him. Under the Rambouillet Agreement, humiliating conditions were imposed to Serbia. These conditions were worse than Hitler's 1941 conditions and among other things, they said: "NATO personnel will have together with their vehicles, combat aircraft and equipment, free and unrestricted passage and unimpeded access to the entire territory of the FRY, including flying airspace and the territorial waters". This was the hint complete military occupation of the FRY by the NATO alliance. Adolf Hitler said in 1941: "The Axis Forces will not seek the passage of their troops over the Yugoslav territory, not the use of roads and a railway network purposes". Serbia was offered an ultimatum in Rambouillet, which had been secret until then, and which questioned country's independence. On the Brussels secret agreement on March 13, 1999. NATO members decided to attack Serbia... The date of the start of the attack was set for March 24, 1999. The following conclusions were reached: 1. Operation Alligator should serve to humiliate Yugoslavia and with Blitzkrieg humiliate the army and police in Kosovo and Metohia. 2. In case of resistance, Yugoslavia is to be destroyed by the most destructive weapons using depleted uranium and cassette bombs. 3. The International Court established in the Hague, should rule in a swift procedure to the political, military and police leadership of Yugoslavia. Judge for the most serious crimes in the field of war low: for genocide, war crimes and violation of laws and customs of war. 4. The response to Yugoslavia's resistance should be to kill civilians, demolish bridges, hospitals, schools, kindergartens, infrastructure, power stations and power lines. Destruction of refineries would cause an ecological disaster. 5. Create the conditions for the creation of an independent state of Kosovo that will function only with the presence of NATO forces, which will be retreating over the period of the last 20 years. Kosovo will later join Albania and taking territory from Serbia (south Serbia to near Aleksinac), Western Macedonia and Malesia from Montenegro, will create a Greater Albania that will dominate the Balkans. The NATO aggression began on March 24, 1999, all round Serbia. The Serbs offered heroic resistance. After the bombing, the FRY was broken.

The paper discusses 'The Wedding of Kraljević Marko', the event of a collective character, named after a famous epic character in Serbian tradition, which is practised in Štrpce on the day of White Shrove. I presented this event taking into account its main participants and the spatial and temporal frameworks in which it takes place, with the aim of contributing to the research of the culture of Serbs in Kosovo and Metohia. This research aims to replace general topics with specific topics, usually involving the interpretations based on the absence of clear space and time coordinates, by looking at precisely defined events, in order to provide an ethnographic material that could serve for possible comparative or repeated surveys of the same phenomena. The results presented in this paper were obtained from the field research of qualitative type carried out in Štrpce on White Shrove in 2018. The results of the study showed that 'The Wedding of Kraljević Marko' is a central ceremony during the celebration of White Shrove in Štrpce. It shows a wedding ritual, distinguished by a clearly defined organization at three levels: 1) of space, 2) time, 3) participants. The actors of 'The Wedding of Kraljević Marko' include only men, mostly younger, who make a masked procession through Štrpce, with several main characters, such as, in the first place, Kraljević Marko, as a 'groom', and snaša, as a 'bride'. Playing wedding roles, in which the central attention is dedicated to 'the newlyweds' as bearers of a marital relationship that symbolizes the birth of the offspring, points to the ancient origin of the phenomenon of the shrovetide procession in Štrpce, which can be accommodated in that past when it was believed that the transition from winter to spring season by imitation of a wedding ritual can affect the fertility of nature, crops, people and cattle. That the roots of this phenomenon do not rely only on this belief, which speaks in favor of its complexity, indicate the other elements from which it is compiled, such as the connection of the shrovetide procession to the beginning of the Easter fasting as a period in which, due to spiritual 'purification', people are supossed to enter good mood and forgive insults, intrigues and quarrels. 'The Wedding of Kraljević Marko' shows the characteristics similar to the shrovetide weddings recorded in other regions inhabited by the Serbs, the characteristics by which these phenomena are recognizable, such as ritualism, collectivity, colorfulness. According to these characteristics, this custom can primarily be described as a folk festivity, or as an event of social and entertainment character. As a collective joy, 'The Wedding of Kraljević Marko' is also a type of social valve, that is the kind of unusual practice which under controlled conditions enables the release of the pressure of the proclaimed social principles and the inversion of the existing order into an apparent, another world, different from the world of the established everyday reality. The shrovetide wedding in Štrpce reflects inversion of reality exactly in the sphere of marital relations, where the roles of the main actors, above all the 'bride', as a female principle, are mostly shown in the reverse mirror of generally accepted social values, through satire and lasciviousness. Accordingly, the role of 'The Wedding of Kraljević Marko' ceremony could be viewed as the role of a latent criticism of the established way of marrying, especially in the context of the patriarchal social order, where a woman, with a position subordinated to the position of a man, has a limited freedom of behavior, where two things most often expected from her are innocence and physical beauty. The significance of 'The Wedding of Kraljević Marko' for Serbs in Štrpce is of particular importance in the context of contemporary social and political processes in Kosovo and Metohia, where in the majority Albanian environment, and under the pressure of full integration into the so-called Kosovo institutional system, proposed by the 2013 Brussels Agreement, their position is largely uncertain. The preservation of the shrovetide wedding, which they perceive as a part of their traditional heritage, is therefore of crucial importance for the Serbs in Štrpce today, because it is an important issue of their cultural and historical continuity, especially in a situation where under the mentioned circumstances they have a great need to express their ethnic identity.

After the change in the balance of power in foreign policy by the end of the 1930s and the annexation of Austria, Yugoslavia was tempted to defend itself from two totalitarian regimes embodied in Nazi Germany and Fascist Italy. Taking into consideration the power and aggressiveness of Germany, Yugoslav war plans assumed it to be the leading enemy. The war plans made from 1938 to 1941 proposed the defence in the northern and western fronts using stronger forces. In this case Albania was regarded as an Italian territory, especially after the annexation in 1939. The outbreak of war between Greece and Italy represented an aggravating circumstance since it led to the accumulation of the Italian army in Albania. The last war plan for this period, plan 'R-4' proposed the intrusion into the Albanian territory and joining the Greek forces.

The foundation of sport's clubs in the territory of Kosovo and Metohia in the Kingdom of Yugoslavia was controlled by the state due to the number of the Albanian population. Each selfinitiated starting up of each kind of association had for its consequences the possibility of negative impact on the youth, which had to be brought up in the spirit of integral Yugoslav orientation. Propaganda conducted by Kosovar Committee or Italian agents toward national masses had the most easily been transferred via football, which experience its rise in the interwar period. The foundation of the sport's club 'Victory' in Đakovica in 1935 threatened to become detrimental to the interest of the state in the milieu with greater percentage of the Albanian population so that it had to be prevented in the beginning. Bearing in mind the dossier of the founder mostly of Islamic religion, the authorities in Zetska banovina and the Ministry of physical education of the people banned, two years afterwards, the work of the club from the fear of negative impact and possible association on religious basis. There had been similar cases in 1939 in Kosovska Mitrovica and Pristina, which were settled at the same way.

Primary school in Zupče is considered to be one of the oldest schools in Stari Kolašin. It started working in 1923, and it will celebrate the centenary of existence in the near future. Since its very foundation until school year of 1964/1965, it was a four-grade primary school, and since September 1964, following the decision of the Zubin Potok Municipal Assembly, it received the status of an eight-grade school. Then the first students of the fifth grade enrolled in it. Having been transformed into an eight-year-grade school, it became the head school, to which Rujište, Čabra and Perkovac as the school's prominent departments were assigned. As the number of students increased with the time, the old building became too crowded for all the students, so the municipality took care to provide a new one in a relatively short time. There was a building of a cooperative home in the village that nobody used. That is why it was quickly adapted for the school, and seven spacious classrooms, teachers' chambers, offices for director and secretary, physical education room and two auxiliary rooms were obtained. A fenced yard and raised courts for volleyball, basketball and football were set up around the school a bit later. At its foundation the school was named 'Primary School Zupčanska', at the time of the Kingdom of Yugoslavia, it was called by the Serbian saint of St. Sava, and in 1968 the name was changed to the Elementary School 'Blagoje Radić'. The number of students ranged from 60, at the time of the foundation, to 240 who attended the school in the 1970s. The school, of course, was also facing the problems that are an integral part of the educational process. The lack of school furniture and teaching materials are just some of them. However, all these difficulties were solved with the help of the local administration, the Ministry and the teachers and other teaching personnel who have been working here. By attending Zupčanska primary school, many generations of students have been cherishing the most beautiful memories from school days. The school has managed to survive both during wars and the greatest sufferings. It still exists today as a symbol of education and culture of this region.

The paper discusses the dance of peacock and peahen, the ritual of a collective character that is practised in Velika Hoča on the third day of Easter. I presented this ritual taking into account its main participants and the spatial and temporal frameworks in which it takes place, with the aim of contributing to the research of the culture of Serbs in Kosovo and Metohia. This research aims to replace general topics with specific topics, usually involving interpretations based on the absence of clear space and time coordinates, by looking at precisely defined events, in order to provide ethnographic material that could serve for possible comparative or repeated surveys of the same phenomena. The results presented in this paper were obtained from the field research of qualitative type carried out in Velika Hoča on several occasions in late 2016 and during 2017. The results of the study showed that the dance of peacock and peahen is the phenomenon of syncretic character, which means that it links elements from several cultural epochs including the oldest that appears to date back to pre-Christian times, and that could be connected to the practices of spring cycle rituals and customs dedicated to fertility, marriage, etc. The actors of peacock and peahen dance include only women, and the leading roles - the role of the peacock and the peahen - belong to two older women, with a significant experience in dancing, while other roles belong to girls and other women. From an analytical point of view, the origin of this dance can be seen as a response to the need of the female members of the community to compensate for the shortcomings of their real social position in a patriarchal context, and they will do so through a socially acceptable form to emphasize the importance of their role in a reality where their decision-making in the past was often disabled, in matters such as choosing marriage partners. Today, this ritual is part of the cultural heritage of great importance for the Serbs in Velika Hoča, in terms of self-identification, especially in a situation where they live in the environment inhabited by an Albanian majority, and in conditions of a deeply altered socio-political context after the war in Kosovo in 1999, where they have a great need to express their ethnic and religious identity.

The paper examines the specificity of the local melodic-rhythmic motives of particular areas in Kosovo and Metohia using the song 'Carnation, My Flower' as it has been recorded by different folk melodies collectors. A comparative analysis points not only to the variability of the melodic-rhythmic pattern on which it was sung, but at times also to the complete contraposition of the mentioned pattern, all depending on the place in which the song was sung, and possibly on the singer subject to improvisations. We cannot claim with certainty that there is the 'genuine' tune, the original melody which the lyrics of the song 'Carnation, My Flower' were written to, especially if we take into consideration the fact that each version was recorded in different areas of Kosovo and Metohia. The oldest recorded version of this song found in the works of Mokranjac provides some key elements noticed in other versions; however, it cannot be said that these are the characteristics of this song in particular, but they can be classified as melodic manners of songs from Kosovo and Metohia. Considering that the highest degree of changes is found in the chronologically youngest record of the song (Vasiljević), it can be assumed that through the oral transmission of the song during the period of more than half a century, different local elements have gradually entered the song while singing, and other influences have affected the gradual loss of the 'genuine' melodies of the folk tradition. Following the song 'Carnation, My Flower', we have come upon the distinction of certain local specificities and local manners of melodic movements of traditional songs. Each of these occurrences is a phenomenon that should be examined and which can help in the systematic study of the music of Kosovo and Metohia with a view to partially refuting a global consideration of traditional songs of the province as being uniform without regard to the locality. Each area, each place in Kosovo and Metohia has its specific, unique elements not only in music but in all aspects of folk tradition and culture, therefore, the study of these elements must be performed with definiteness of location.

Seven species of Lepidoptera - Triodia sylvina (Linnaeus, 1761), Trichiura crataegi (Linnaeus, 1758), Eriogaster lanestris (Linnaeus, 1758), Endromis versicolora (Linnaeus, 1758), Caradrina clavipalpis (Scopoli, 1763), Polymixis rufocincta (Gayer, 1828) and Oria musculosa (Hübner, 1808) were recorded for the first time in Kosovo and Metohia, Republic of Serbia. The next seven species- Trichiura crataegi (Linnaues, 1758), Lycia graecarius (Staudinger, 1861), Biston strataria (Hufnagel, 1767), Agriopis aurantiaria (Hübner, 1799), Erannis defoliaria (Clerck, 1759), Parasemia plantaginis (Linnaeus, 1758) and Euplagia quadripunctaria (Poda, 1761) were confirmed for the same area. Besides detailed faunistic data, illustrations of some adults are given.

The basic characteristics of the events of the Invasion of Yugoslavia (the so-called April War) in the area of the County of Kosovska Mitrovica coincide with those related to the Kingdom of Yugoslavia during those 12 days - a general chaos and military defeat. The local Serbian population was against the pact with Hitler, while the Albanian population stood aloof. Manifestations were organized with a goal of opposing the signing of the Tripartite Pact, which occurred after the military coup and the ousting of the Cvetković-Maček Government, as well as the celebration in the name of this act. The first two days of war in this area had passed quietly, without any particular events, to the third day when the shattered and demoralized Yugoslav troops entered Kosovska Mitrovica. They had failed to defend the Gorge of Kačanik, an extraordinarily important strategic point. With an apparent superiority in equipment, military technique and armament, the main reasons of the quick and relatively easy breakthrough of the German Wehrmacht was related to the bad conditions within the Yugoslav army. These conditions were the result of the poisoned interethnic relations between its members. A rather massive amount of betrayals on behalf of the officers and soldiers of Croatian ethnicity, 'the bad blood' among soldiers of different ethnic, religious and political backgrounds, desertions and mutinies, with bad tactics, have made the Army of the Kingdom of Yugoslavia suffer defeat after defeat in all battlefields, thus in this area as well. The Ibarska Division, mainly consisted out of personnel from the area of the County of Kosovska Mitrovica, had unsuccessfully terminated its warfare and just after two days of war its soldiers were captured. Unlike the Ibarska Division, the Kosovska-Mitrovica Detachment, formed directly on the order of general Milan Nedić, has quite successfully implemented its war tasks. It has liberated Vučitrn and advanced enough to be four kilometres from Pristina, but the order for the taking of the Gorge of Kačanik could not be executed. What is characteristic of the area this paper is dealing with is the fact that parallel to the wartime events - diversions took place, as well as attacks and crimes towards Serbian civilians on behalf of armed Albanian groups. Many of these groups were liquidated or repressed on behalf of the Yugoslav army, but their key organizers remained at their posts and during the occupation they had represented the Quisling authorities. Kosovska Mitrovica had fallen on April 16th - which is the date when the occupation started. The brief so-called April War in this area ended at that point.

The main objective of Serbian part in Kosovo and Metohia at the end of 80s and beginning of 90s was the abolition of constitutional provisions of the Constitution from 1974, and improvement of Serbian community position. The position of Serbs and Montenegrins in that period had deteriorated so that they commenced with massive emigration. The Albanians commenced with silent resistance to Serbian power due to the reduction of their autonomy. In order to improve their life standard they emigrated abroad. The second half of the 80s was the period of great demonstrations of Serbs and Montenegrins in Belgrade - especially 1988. The term 'brotherhood and unity' was changed by the one 'blood and soil'. In that period the rise of Slobodan Milošević commenced due to his popularity among people. After the self-proclamation of its independence (1991), which was abolished by Serbian Assembly the year later, Kosovo Albanians created parallel institutions and commenced with non-violent resistance to Serbian power. The basic methods of struggle were strikes, protests and demonstrations. Serbian reactions to those institutions consisted of marginalization of Albanians from cultural, economic and political life of the Province. Parallel institutions were qualified as the illegal ones. The basic aim of this resistance was its international recognition. Later on Kosovo issue is being internationalized. Their basic objective was independence. The leader of Kosovo Albanians Rugova was no table to unify all Albanians in the struggle against Serbian power. He could not submit political parties' contradictories to the common platform of their struggle. He made mistakes by straining of their hopes for independence even though international community did not want to tolerate borders changing. The Albanians had been highly disappointed by the Dayton's peace Accord since it did not put their issue in the agenda. By using the methods of coercive diplomacy, creators of this peace accord wished to end up the bloody war in Bosnia and Herzegovina. Federal Republic of Yugoslavia was recognized in 1996, and sanctions were lifted except outer wall of sanctions. In such circumstances Kosovo issue is internationalized and KLA is raised as a new force of Kosovo Albanians. Non-violent method of struggle is changed by the armed one.

The continuity of basilicas in Kosovo and Metohia can be followed beginning with Roman basilica-like halls via early Christian and Byzantine buildings of cultural character, whose existence and function are in accordance with certain historical events which, including some conditions and circumstances, have been reflected to this territory. Business function of the public character of basilicas in Roman period continued, together with the role of cult place dedicated to the liturgy service, its further existence. Their position and larger concentration in the surrounding of some larger urban centres may be put into bond with special importance of settlements which were, besides economic seats of some region, episcopal seats as well.

In his main oeuvre from the field of political philosophy ('Basic Traits of the Philosophy of Right'), Hegel wished to reconcile civil society with state. Civil society is for Hegel the way of abstract notion of property concretization. Subjective form of property is evolutioning into objective relationships among title holders. It is in the state where the will is set free from its particular interests and is becoming free in the widest sense of the word. Since civil society is established as per marketing principles, it is subject to inequalities. Since inequalities bear destructive effect on the life in community, civic particularism may be overcome only in institutional way. That institution is the state as the 'seriousness of the spirit', and the essence of civil society. Civil society is a liberal one, and the state is based on liberal principles. For Hegel, contrary to Hobbes and Locke, liberal society is not a social contract among individuals who possessed some natural rights (property), but reciproque and equal agreement among citizens and states which wish to recognize themselves mutually. It is not an own interest, but searching for rational recognition. The same as citizens, states also wish to reconcile themselves mutually, what in the situation in Kosovo and Metohia alike gets the original form.

Based on this research it may be concluded refugees in Serbia are to be found in very difficult position without the chances to improve it. For now, the majority still depends on any kind of relief, but that relief has never been abundant, and contributes only to temporary problems solving. Needless to say that refugees are one of the most deteriorated category of population bearing in mind the fact they lost their home, and were subject to trauma, fear, uncertainty, and poverty. Besides the stories of the respondents all this is more than evident and real, so that to some extent, we are able to justify their avoidance of talking and answers to questions. All the respondents leave the impression of the person which has a lot of to tell, but most things they deeply repress in themselves.

This paper deals with an overview of recent dialectological researches in Kosovo and Metohia from the early beginning until now. A special stress is put on dialectological researches of Marinko Božović, and his contribution to the dialectological science. Božović's two dialectological studies such as: The Speech of Ibarski Kolašin, and The Speeches of the Middle Ibar have removed the former whiteness in the map of Stokavian dialect. They handle the above mentioned space from phonetic, morphological, syntactic and lexical side. Some smaller dialectological papers of prof. Božović have been also presented.

Unemployment is the situation where a part of the working population willing to work is without a job. Unemployment is one of the biggest economic problems of modern world. High unemployment rate entails numerous consequences for the national economy and the society as a whole. For this reason, the problem of unemployment is a key issue of any policy. The issue of unemployment is one of the central questions of the strategy of the European Commission's 'Europe 2020' as well as national development strategies. In this paper, we show the structure of unemployment in Kosovo and in Serbia in 2012 and 2013 by various criteria and perform certain conclusions regarding the situation and trend of development.

The breakup of Yugoslavia and the beginning of the 'wars for the Yugoslav heritage' has encouraged in the West a great interest for Yugoslavia. From the pen of journalists, publicists and researches, during the following decade an extensive literature had been made, which served to set the fundamentals of the new, post-Yugoslav discourse. Under the strong influence of the foreign politics of government of states from which the authors came and on the foundations of Balkanism of Marija Todorova, post-Yugoslav discourse made a territory which since 1995 has been called The Western Balkan. The important place of the discourse, its origin in essential and symbolic meaning, was Kosovo. Kosovo and Metohia in Yugoslavia in the 80s, is shown as a place of constant national frictions, where the system of apartheid was established. Albanians in the first place, thanks to high natural growth, became majority, so the Serbs, encouraged with their irrational connection with the territory, established the police regime which made the Albanians second-class citizens. That scenery enabled the construction of Kosovo as general place of the discourse and 'the place where it all began'. Kosovo myth is interpreted as the symbol of Serbian focus on the past, burden with history and 'non-acceptance of the reality'. It is the source of the overgrowth of the Serbian nationalism of the 80s. Authors almost unanimously consider that the breakup of Yugoslavia started on the Kosovo, while the earlier events from the Yugoslav and Serbian history are being ignored or used to substantiate their claims. Even though the selection of the crucial moment is different from author to author, what they have in common is that the beginning of the breakup of Yugoslavia is set in Kosovo and Metohia, to give basis to other general places of the discourse: to Serbian guilt for the war, Serbian aggressive nationalism as the cause of the breakdown, Slobodan Milosevic as the antihero of the literature. Kosovo with the post-Yugoslav discourse has been constructed as the centre of nationalism myth, the source of chauvinism, symbol of the Serbian focus on the past and obsession with history. It is the beginning of the overgrowth of Serbian nationalism, implementation of Serbian politics, the rise of antihero Milosevic and breakup of Yugoslavia.

Going to church for Serbian population in Kosovo and Metohia, as well as in other parts of Serbia, was always representing an important event in the life of individual and family which they are belonging to. The specificity of church as traditional institution played an important role in the clothing choice being chosen for the visit to its religious buildings, wherein a special attention is paid to the strict rules laid down by church dogma. This theme was chosen by the author as a research subject because it gave insight into material manifestation of religious identity of internally displaced persons from Kosovo and Metohia through the clothing choice they were considering suitable for going to church. In that sense, a crucial importance was given to the questions relating to the fact how clothing for church was chosen, what its features were, and to the fact whether religion influenced everyday dressing of the respondents.

In this paper results of empiric research of violence over women in three municipalities in Kosovo and Metohia - Kosovska Mitrovica, Leposavić and Gračanica were shown. In the first case, it is about women living and working exclusively in urban milieu, while in the second and the third case women from rural origin are dominating. Phenomenon of violence over women in such specific socio-cultural frame, which is featured by post-war and post-socialist transformation, was not researched thoroughly in so far scientific/field researches due to numerous factors, and efforts of some researchers to point firstly to some 'more important' social problems in Kosovo and Metohia. This paper is the result of more extensive research, whose objective is to inform professional public with the perceptions of women/respondents on the violence presence in their families and the nearest milieu. We have tried to make the 'silent' voices of 'ordinary' women closer to professional public indicating the necessity of realization of much more thorough researches on this subject.

This paper discusses the folk musical creativity of town of Gnjilane and surrounding from the perspective of music education. The possibility of using the traditional folk music creation of this region in primary school teaching music was pointed out. The literature that deals with folk music traditions of the Gnjilane region was analysed. The basic characteristics of folk songs and dances from Gnjilane region and their educational function in teaching music were determined. The paper describes some of the folk customs of the Gnjilane region originating from the distant past. The use of traditional songs and dances of this region in education, will contribute to fostering and preserving the rich Kosovo-Metohia folk music tradition.

In this paper the results of explorative research carried out in Kosovska Mitrovica had been presented immediately after the so-called the 'Brussels' Agreement' signing, which was initialed on April 19th 2013. Although the whole research was based on the implementation of six focus-groups discussions, for the needs of this paper we will point out the attitudes of students of the University of Pristine with temporary seat in Kosovska Mitrovica. During the writing of this paper, the implementation of some parts of this Agreement had already started, but the aim of the paper was to make professional public opinion familiar with the perception of 'new' reality which was only announced to the citizens of the Republic of Serbia by mass media during the research implementation. The research result are indicating a strong worry of the students of the University of Pristine, with temporary seat in Kosovska Mitrovica, on their own future in Kosovo and Metohia, and everyday life which in the moment of research implementation was not certainly 'carefree'. Nevertheless, above all the fear about the formal appearance of faculty diplomas after the graduation was present, since immediately after the signing of the 'Brussels' Agreement' rumour was spreading on 'Kosovar seals' on 'Serbian diplomas'.

The paper is dealing with the analysis of the sources and the literature referring to the history of Kosovska Mitrovica at the beginning of the 20th century. The significance of the events that took place in the town on the river of Ibar during this period was great. However, the current historical science, primarily the national one, has not devoted them too much attention. Therefore, the author aims to draw attention to some of the most important bibliographic references that can be used for further research of the past of this city.

After the armed conflicts throughout the nineties of the twentieth century occurred in former Yugoslavia, identification of war victims is a challenging task. This paper gives a detailed description of exhumed remains identification process. One of the study objectives has been a comparison between DNA results and traditional forensic identification methods. This paper deals with the identification of human remains that were exhumed in Kosovo and Metohia in the period 2001-2012, belonging to Serbs and other non-Albanian ethnic communities (Montenegrins, Bosniaks, Roma, Gorani, and others), as well as much lower number of Albanians who were also killed during the war and post-war period. The experience of this process and the experience of other countries show that there is a need to organize appropriate services for identification of human remains in Serbia, capable to react effectively in case of mass disaster.

During the six decades in literary work Milovan J. Bogavac has created extensive research, historiography, literary and scientific work. He makes five monographs, four studies, two books of literary criticism, a chronicle, an anthology and a history of literature, as well as six books of prepared. One of the few members of our literary historiography which is almost entirely devoted to the study of literature and Serbian cultural heritage in Kosovo and Metohia and in that work achieved significant results. A huge literary and historical criticism of the work is presented mainly in newspaper articles and to a lesser extent in journals in the field of literature, culture and art. If we bear in mind the fact that the press and critics are full of attention to books of Milovan J. Bogavac, it is clear what is and what was his scientific and cultural mission focused on the Serbian people. Overview of evaluation of Bogavac works in the current literary criticism shows what marked his place in the history of values.

The territory of Kosovo and Metohia represents a close unit which consists of the two naturally different regions whose geographic, climatic, and soil characteristics conditioned the possibility for the development of economic activities, out of which agriculture came to the fore either in cattle breeding or farming. Agriculture was the main economic activity which domestic population was dealing with in the period before Roman conquests. By conquering of this area, the Romans brought new forms of earning activities which were especially being expressed through the organization of agricultural production and the appearance of villa rustica as basic production unit. In the conquered territory there were several extremely agricultural regions suitable for some kinds of agriculture. Valleys of larger rivers, basins, plains, especially in Metohia, the valley of the river Beli Drim, were suitable for the farming development, cultivation of different vegetable crops, horticulture and viticulture. Although different in geomorphologic sense, the area of Kosovo was also mostly of agricultural character, whose arable areas are concentrated in the valleys of the rivers of Binačka Morava, Ibar, Sitnica, Drenica and other smaller rivers. Farming in hilly areas, which mostly relates to the area of Kosovo due to the unfavourable relief, was probably of limited character that is, based upon smaller arable areas being enabled by such conditions. Agriculture in these hilly areas was based upon animal husbandry, that is cattle breeding, and products exchange from this branch of agriculture with cereals from agricultural fenced areas. Besides hilly and mountainous areas, there were favourable conditions for cattle breeding in lower, hilly areas, which were especially related to the transition zone from Kosovo and lower Metohia. This area was suitable since it had possessed good pastures, wherein low and thick forest was suitable for the breed of small cattle such as sheep, goats etc. A considerable part of arable area was during the Roman conquests distributed to the Roman immigrants as evidenced by the appearance of villa rustica as follows: in the valley in the river of Beli Drim near Drsnik, Uroševac, at Ulpiana, in the valley of the river of Lab near Glavnik, in the valley of the river of Ibar near Vučitrn at Donji Stanovci, Valača near Zvečan, and in Vuča near Sočanica. Places where they were registered usually indicated they had been built along river course, wherein right and left river banks had been suitable for cultivation, and their position was conditioned by the proximity of the main communications so as products distribution from the possessions would be easier. Their position was also influenced by the proximity of rural settlements so as to make use of labour force in the possessions during the season works. Data relating to the agricultural production originate from the archaeological researches carried out which were intensive during the second half of the previous century. The achieved data were sparse, and based on them it could be said something very generally on agricultural activities at this area, which left enough open space for some amendments during future researches.

Conflicts, which later on turned into the war in Kosovo and Metohia, are explained by the issues linked with the autonomy of Kosovo and Metohia, influence of the events from recent past embodied in different interpretations of the truth and political manipulation, and the role of NATO itself. The issue of the autonomy of Kosovo and Metohia is subject to different interpretations: for Kosovar Albanians autonomy represented statehood as the final pace toward the secession from SFRY (Serbia), while for the Serbian part Kosovo and Metohia possessed a large autonomy. Moreover, autonomous status of Kosovo and Metohia was being reinforced permanently, and in 1974 it reached de facto republican status. On the other hand, Kosovo and Metohia had de iure autonomous status, because Albanian population had not been granted the status of constituent nation. Many Western analysts thought Kosovo and Metohia should have been granted republican status as the road toward the unavoidable independence, so that conflicts were less likely to occur. Some analytics such Malcolm and Mertus think that Kosovar conflicts, and subsequent war are the result of the events from the recent past combined with political manipulation, and they were accompanied by the cultural form of domination and subordination of the one ethnic group. Each part had its perception of truth. In that circumstances, mediators as NGO-s should have had an impartial judgment. Finally, humanitarian intervention by the NATO was not legal from the point of view of classical international law. It was the result of coercive diplomacy, whose effects were on short-time basis. The actual presence of NATO (KFOR) goes in favour of the mentioned claim. Thus, geopolitics has prevailed over the humanism.

The war in Kosovo and Metohia made relationships between Russia and Western Alliance (NATO) become worse. Russia, advocating the principles of international law, pointed out that NATO intervention toward FRY had been illegal. It created conditions for future interventions of this kind in the world. Besides its membership in the Partnership for Peace, Russia realized that NATO was changing its strategy from defensive toward offensive organization. The war itself was asymmetric since it was about the confrontation of extremely modern army against the small and insufficiently trained one. Regarding Russia, the war showed that NATO had not taken into account Russia's foreign policy interests in South-eastern Europe. The events happened at the Prishtina's airport 'Slatina' witnessed the ephemeral role of Russia in Kosovo crisis: Despite the fact Russian forces occupied the airport, they could not get their own sector within KFOR but they were incorporated into the American, French and German one. Russia learnt many lessons out of this war such as: non-reliability of partnership with Western Alliance, and the fact that the same alliance, encouraged by the new members from the South-eastern Europe, would not hesitate even to attack Russia. Russia was very well aware of the fact it was inferior to the alliance, and in that sense it had adopted new Military doctrine as per which it should have revised its nuclear strategy - the production of nuclear ballistic missiles and intercontinental ones called ICBU. They will be compensation for the backwardness in conventional arms. Furthermore, Russia was supposed to redesign air forces in order to perform quick reactions toward enemy's forces. The precondition of all mentioned was the reform of military sector accompanied by military forces professionalization with great mobility. Russia should insist in the future on its membership in UN, where it disposes of the right to veto, membership in OEBS and Contact group. Economic relationships should take up the first position (South Stream). Russia did not recognize self-proclaimed independence of Kosovo since it governed itself with international law and opposed to the NATO-s expansion to the East.

The territory of Kosovo and Metohia includes the area which possesses all favourable conditions for different branches of economy development. Besides mining and agriculture which made the basis of economy, other similar activities also appeared and contributed to the economic development. Trades and handicraft got their importance immediately after the conquest of this area and establishment of Roman administration over it. By conquering of this area the building of road infrastructure commences immediately, which, besides military and invading character had very important economic role. Besides these important communications, the first urban settlement had been established, which were founded in places rich with natural resources, where urban centres played an important role in supplying of population with basic foods and others. In the first centuries of the Roman presence, basic needs were met by the import from more developed production centres such as Gaelic, Rhine, and Mediterranean. The important findings from that period were usually of luxurious character, which reached this area by migration of armies and traders. The economic development conditioned by the development of mining led to economic one, which resulted in the population number increase whose needs could not be met only by import but handicraft local production appeared (pottery, glass, granite, metal, bone) in which skilful artisans work probably settled from Italy or Western provinces. In this period in Kosovo and Metohia, besides domestic production there were imports from adjacent developed provincial centres. Economic crisis in the period of soldier's tsars at the end of the 3rd century had impact on the decreased economic power of population, and invasions of barbarian tribes and bandits, created uncertainty regarding communications, which had negative impact on trade, and great Western industrial centres. Now the volume of domestic local production is increasing in which local artisans and craftsmen are working. Bone industry develops rapidly, which was mostly present in the area of Kosovo and Metohia in Ulpiana where a great presence of glass and ceramics pots, stone plastics were noticed, which could be put in connection with their local production. Data related Roman trade and handicraft were given by archaeologic researches in the second half of the previous century so that future researches will enlighten more clearly trade connections and give positive answers on the existence of different workshops whose presence are to be predicted based on many archaeologic findings of domestic production, semiproducts and the ones of handicraft's tools near greater urban centres which were uncontestably the main trade and handicraft's centres in the territory of Kosovo and Metohia.

The war in Kosovo and Metohia was the result of a decade long tensions between ethnic Serbs and Albanians. It was led from the air in order to avoid more potential victims in case of land invasion. The end of war was the result of mutual concessions: from NATO side and the Serbian one. The sovereignty of FRY was not put into question, but a great autonomy of Kosovo was predicted including the possibility of independence acquisition (secession). The Resolution 1244 was not abolished, but it was being derogated in order to prepare the fundament of Kosovo independence. Serbian military-security forces were withdrawn from the territory of Kosovo and Metohia. NATO intervention was not legal from the point of view of international law, but it subordinated sovereignty to human rights. Intervention was justified in cases of humanitarian need. Event though humanitarian need (catastrophe) is taken as the basis for the intervention, the example of such kind could not be found in the past. So, Kosovo cases were qualified as sui generis one. Thus, the war in Kosovo became an example to be followed in the future, and an unresolved situation may become the threat to the peace and security in the surrounding countries. Democratic countries give themselves the right to interfere and intervene into internal affairs of others differently from the autocratic ones, which was supposed to be neither correct nor consistent. Kosovo conflict and war rattled global power structure, especially with China and Russia as new challengers of the USA power. Both countries are trying hard to reach USA, but they are still in transition with unstable financial systems, migrations and unresolved system of social protection. Regarding Kosovo conflict and war, they engaged themselves rather indirectly than directly. As Security Council permanent members they were voting against the independence of Kosovo, but did not involve themselves into the war directly. Kosovo war showed how China is backward regarding war technique, and Russia regarding financial engagement. In addition, China expected membership in WTO, and Russia a great financial assistance. Russia engaged in negotiations via the Contact Group. With the arrival of Putin, Russia could not engage in Balkan more militarily but only commercially due to the fact most Balkan countries entered NATO or Partnership for Peace Programme. Internal cohesion of Russia with centralistic governance was reinforced, and ethnic tensions were calmed down. The perspective of Russia is United Nations and commerce through pipeline.

The character of Marko Kraljević, built up in folk poetry and prose equally, is a paradigmatic example of myth making. Historically known as Turkish vassal in literature, he had outgrown his historical position and got all characteristics of the greatest protector of Serbian people. His 'case' is thus the greatest check of all theoretic hypotheses on the way of oral tradition transmission and variation happening on that way. In the frame of the cycle of Marko Kraljević in epic poems written down in Kosovo and Metohia during the 19th and 20th century common forms, formulas and figure of speech are recognized, and what makes them specific deals with language, verse and surrounding in which the hero is situated. Adequately to time and space in which poems appeared, the language is full of dialectics and Turkish loanwords with incorrect decasyllabic verse. Marko Kraljević was, thanks to the situations in which people put him, although the most frequently shown as the hero of incredible force, approached people and somewhat desacralized. Thus, the function which had been dedicated to him was not violated (the function of powerful protector), but it had been shown the need of people to have in this sensitive area with them an alive protector.

In this paper the specificities of ethnic identity of Serbs in Kosovo and Metohia, and first of all, in the Northern part of Kosovska Mitrovica - the town which still represents the trigger of ethnic conflicts are presented. In the context of social conflicts consequences in Kosovo and Metohia, which was recognized by one third of United Nations members as the independent state, the characteristics of ethnic identity of Serbs that were opposing the idea of life outside of the borders of the Republic of Serbia should have been recognized. That was conducted by the sociology of identity whose importance in the researches of this kind is to be at high level. Deeply instrumentalized from political aspect, ethnic identification of the Serbian and Albanian people is based on the presentation of himself as the victim of hegemony of 'other'. The crimes of his people are in the conversations diminished and vice versa - the ones of other ethnic group are exaggerated. Such condition in Kosovska Mitrovica, the divided town in the North of Province, conditions the renewal of ethnic conflicts, which are taking place in the main bridge over the river of Ibar - a symbolic border between majority of 'us' and majority of 'them'. In such socio-political constellation, the importance of ethnic identity is being deepened, neglecting other ways of collective identification.

Since Aron's theory of international relations, as the author says, is to be the non-dogmatic and multidisciplinary one, it can be applied to the war and post-war situation in Kosovo and Metohia. Aron determines the war pluralistically and realistically, and all that is based on historical sociology. It is just the method of historical sociology which enabled him to make a rise above classical realists and realize the problem in its complexity. Furthermore, the analysis of war in Kosovo and Metohia may be carried out on the basis of Aron's analysis of mutual relationships of peace and war in international relations making statement strategy and diplomacy are in the service of politics and vice versa. The character of war in Kosovo and Metohia may be also determined stating it had been initially civic war, and by the internationalization of Kosovo issue became international conflict. The conduct of war was largely connected with force and power parameters the state is disposing of. The decision on peace and war is being made based on bio-sociological and material facts up to the political system of the state. Finally, the war and post-war condition in Kosovo and Metohia may be also qualified as a hybrid one between realism and globalism through the interrelationship between 'hard' and 'soft' power.

This paper represents the result of explorative field research on the theme of the attitudes of Serbs from Kosovo and Metohia on the Brussels's Agreement signed by the official delegations of Belgrade and Pristine on the 19th of April 2013, and the scheduled local elections for the 3rd of November 2013. That Agreement in the moments of the field research realization did not have the impact on the everyday life change, but it evidentially brought unrest among the members of Serbian people in the province. The field research was based on the six focus-grouped discussions realization. The first three discussions were carried out in Kosovska Mitrovica in June 2013. The remained three groups were carried out in the biggest rural areas in the central part of the province - Štrpce, Gračanica and Ranilug in September 2013. For this paper needs attitudes of Serbs from the central part of the province will be indicated. The participants of focus groups expressed their attitudes on the characteristics of Brussels's Agreement, degree of information of Serbs on the agreement detail, and sentiment the sign of the Agreement arises in them. They were also talking on the local elections in Kosovo and Metohia. The set of questions on the elections showed contradictory attitudes on the achievement of politicians belonging to different parties, but the common conclusion consisted of the fact they should go to the elections. The basic characteristic of these discussions is discomfort, fear from the unknown and the feeling of rejection 'from their state' of Serbia.

Velimir Parlić is one of the most important representatives of poetic vocation in Kosovo and Metohia between two world wars. As a large number of Serbian writers and cultural workers of that time spends his active part of literary work in Skoplje, so does Parlić as well. In the poems collection Corpse and Sun, and in other creative works, a new and specific, a bit nihilistic image of reality was being felt, which had been the result of general and personal powerlessness. He advocated surrealistic and avant-garde ideas. This attitude was promoted by Parlić in poetry, while short stories represent the realistic view of the world.

The territory of Kosovo and Metohia with two mining regions rich with ores of lead, zinc, silver and gold was for Roman Empire of particular importance, and first of all, had represented and important economic motive during the Romanization of these areas. The Romanization of these areas begins at the end of the 1st century, where the first settlements are being founded, which formation and schedule were influenced by economic factors. Romans came across mines at this area which had been exploited by Dardans with the increased and enlarged mining activity, and made mining an important economic branch. For Roman Empire, mining and metallurgy played an important role as to maintain a stable monetary system having impact on economic security, so that it was necessary to ensure a continuous influx of precious metals. Bearing in mind the provinces rich in precious metals ores, Romans were forcing in them a mining activity in order to ensure a permanent income. Such activity neither bypassed the territory of Kosovo and Metohia, that is Gornjomezijska Dardania, where an intensive exploitation had started at the end of the 1st and at the beginning of the 2nd century, immediately after the province being founded, and its apogee was written down during the 2nd and the 3rd century in the period of serious crisis where the supplies of precious ores had been depleted in Spanish and British mines where due to the frequent breakthrough of Barbarian tribes the province of Dacia had been abandoned in 272, during which great mines of silver and gold were lost. Roman Empire at these areas lasted until the 5th century which was indicated by the traces of mining and metallurgy activities at Ulpiana. The majority of mines belonged to the tsar, and regarding the government they were exempted from provincial head, and their jurisdiction was delegated to the tsar's procurer representing in that way independent areas in tsar's property. Besides a poor turnout of domestic population, mostly free people were working in mines and slaves of foreign origin, settled on the basis of imperial decrees for intensive exploitation of ores. Settlements and mining labour were controlled by the army and tsar's procurer. Many settlements of miners developed highly, while some of them turned into real urban focal points accompanied by urban scheme of Roman towns. In the territory of Kosovo and Metohia such role was shared by municipium Dardanorum, urban focal point and centre of Ibar's Mine's Region and Ulpian, which besides it was the urban focal point of Janjevski district, it was administrative centre of the whole mining area of Dardania as well.

In this paper the author considers art music works of Serbian composers, based on the traditional folk music of Kosovo and Metohia. The aim is to stimulate interest in listening to and familiarize with the national art music in the primary school music teaching. Compositions inspired by traditional music of Kosovo and Metohia, as well as composition which represent treatment of folk songs of this region, have been investigated in order to propose to listen in class. By listening to these works contribution is being made to the introduction of national art music, as well as the affirmation of Kosovo and Metohia national musical creativity.

'Kosovo issue' was gradually being opened after 1981 April riot occurring in the territory of the Social Autonomous Province of Kosovo. The reactions within the Communist Party of Yugoslavia, setting up the platform and attempts to calm the situation down were followed by more and more liberating and open media reporting. The Serbian Orthodox Church, using its unofficial papers 'Pravoslavlje' and 'Glasnik', tried to make the public acquainted with the situation in the area of Raska-rrizren eparchy, as well as with the assaults, exiles, robberies and other problems that the Serbian Orthodox Church and the entire Serbian people used to face. Due to the sensitive position of the Serbian Orthodox Church under the communist regime, the editorials used various methods in order to avoid the criticism and possible negative consequences. Writing itself in time became more and more liberal following the reporting of other media. The Serbian Orthodox Church believed that the Serbian people in Kosovo should remain in Kosovo at all costs enduring the situation until it had been resolved. The change of general public climate and relations, particularly of the Serbian party and state organs towards Kosovo affected the church to develop the idea of matching its views and attitudes on the situation in the Socialist Autonomous Province of Kosovo with the views of party and republic organs. For this reason, the actions of the Serbian Orthodox Church grew more open and direct. The papers of the Serbian Orthodox Church, which used to talk about tradition and everyday life of the church, became one of the instruments for expressing views and participating in social dialogue.

The breakup of Yugoslavia, and especially Kosovo crisis, air attacks of NATO on FRY, terror over non-Albanian population of Kosovo after the invasion of NATO troops in Kosovo and Metohia, as per the author's view, damaged this population seriously in every way. People lost practically everything they had had, and the dramatic events of their leaving of Kosovo represented a real human tragedy. Their living conditions in new milieus significantly deteriorated, and they cannot be compared themselves with what they had already had. In that way they partly lost their faith. They are depressive and live in great misery so that celebrating of feasts, which once abounded in rich table and great celebration, reduced itself to some rituals, as they are saying, only as a sign of that day mark. The only wish and dream of them was all to get back as it had been beforehand so that their faith would once again be woken up.

During the First World War security-related circumstances in Kosovo and Metohia were unfavorable. Albanian population largely contributed to such condition since it had not been pleased with the unification of Kosovo and Metohia into Serbia The occupation forces were accepted warmly as the liberated ones. In reality, their aim was to conquer Kosovo and make use of all resources. From geopolitical point of view, they were conducting their policy of penetration toward the East. Nobody cared on the position of the Albanians and other ethnicities. Non-effected delimitation with Albania also contributed to such condition. Albania was the field of the unique intermingled imperial interests of great powers of that time. Serbia was not pleased with the delimitation since it could not realize its historic aim - exit to the Adriatic Sea through the Northern Albania. Interests of great powers were insurmountable obstacle. Serbia itself could be satisfied only with the great solution - exit to the Adriatic Sea so that it did not have a maneuver to reach compromise. The delimitation was finally carried out in 1926 (Florence). On the more developed security system we could talk after the establishment of the first organization in charge for world peace preservation - League of Nation.

The paper of these authors represents an empirical research of explorative type, realized with the aim to comprehend attitudes of secondary school pupils, and students of Serbian nationality, on the everyday life in Kosovo and Metohia. The research was carried out by the use of focus-group research technique. The results indicate on the non-satisfaction of social life, first of all, by using Facebook. Although the popularity of Facebook network with young Serbs in Kosovo and Metohia only the part of general world Facebook mania, Facebook and Internet have got specific weight in general; thy represent at the same time an escape from the restrained, closed, narrow, poor, and dull area as Kosovo and Metohia today looks like for Serbs; they are their insight into the world through wire, and the possibility to communicate with 'theirs'. The desire for leaving is dominantly noticeable from the place of origin, which is prominent with the respondents from enclaves, and the absence of clear perspective of life in Kosovo and Metohia. Although explorative, the research indicated to the numerous negative appearances of socialization of youth in postconflict area due to which the authors believe it is indispensable to realize much larger and comprehensive researches on the theme of specificity of everyday life of youth in the Southern Serbian province.

The author emphasizes the fact that Kosovo-Metohian Serbs, together with their church, remain sharply opposed to the idea of independent Kosovo any longer, which would lead to the complete disappearance of Serbian people from these historical, spiritual, and cultural areas. In addition, besides its spiritual work, a special task of the Serbian Orthodox Church is a constant maintenance of awoken consciousness of the whole Serbian people including world publicity on the importance of Kosovo and Metohia as a cradle of spirituality, culture, and history of one European people, which was in all circumstances at the side of western democratic states.

This paper represents the result of explorative research with the aim to look into the attitudes of students and secondary-school pupils of Serbian nationality on the life perspectives in Kosovo and Metohia. In the first part of the paper the authors talked on everyday life, which in the conditions of Serbian society destruction in the last decade of the 20th century, had become a respectable field within social sciences. The authors see the everyday life of youths as attractive and priority theme to be researched, should relevant conclusions on the perspectives of youths life in post-conflict surrounding were desired. In this paper conditions and personal experience of education in post-war society were researched, whereas in the second part it was talked on the feeling of (non)security due to life conditions in Kosovo and Metohia. The research was carried out by the use of focus-group technique. Among the respondents there was an emphasised need to leave from the origin place in the peaceful parts of Serbia. That tendency is more present with the respondents from villages/enclaves, which are to see the northern Kosovska Mitrovica as peaceful part of Serbia as well, whereas the respondents originally from the north of the province are speaking on the leaving to Belgrade and other university centres with the aim to escape from political everyday life. The research also shows the prominent dissatisfaction of the young Serbs with everyday life, spare time, perspectives which are not to be seen, due to which the authors believe it is necessary to carry out the research with greater sample and by the use of complementary techniques in the future, and with the aim of more thorough acquaintance of scientific publicity with the attitudes of young Serbs on the life characteristics in Kosovo and Metohia.

The attitude of CPY toward the Kingdom of Yugoslavia, and later on Yugoslavia, including the issue of annexation of Kosovo and Metohia to Albania, was being evolved. During the interwar period it largely coincided with the attitudes of Communist International (Kominterna), and mostly corresponded to the requests of the Albanians in Kosovo and Metohia. In the initial years of the Second World War, political circumstances in Kosovo and Metohia were disorganized, which was the result of the structure of the Albanian population, condition left by the Kingdom of Yugoslavia, politics of great powers 'divide et impera', and the make up and isolation of Territorial Committee of CPY for Kosovo and Metohia - it was very unproportional, mostly in favour of Serbian members. Until the Bujan's Conference, Albanian communists did not extend their request for the annexation of Kosovo and Metohia to Albania, and opposed to Balli Kombetar. On the other hand, communist movement made great concessions to Albanian nationalists, and at the same time, suppressed Albanian anti-communist movement. The recognition of the right to self-determination up to secession was not disappeared completely. One of the concession was the change of the title 'Metohia' in 'Dukadjin' (November 1943), although 'Dukadjin' included a larger geographic area. Furthermore, the second way of concession was the Bujan's Conference which included 49 participants out of which only 7 participants were Serbs. 1/5 of them were not from Kosovo and Metohia. The Resolution itself gave an overview of the inter-war situation in Kosovo and Metohia until the conference - the policy of agrarian reform and colonization was condemned, the Kingdom of Yugoslavia was considered as imperialistic creation putting the Albanians into the second place etc. Generally speaking, after the capitulation of Italy, Albanian communists started infiltrating their ideas of Great Albania through the Territorial Committee of CPY for Kosovo and Metohia, since they could not do it through the Italian propaganda. No matter how the war will end up (but it was largely known the fascism will lose the war), Kosovo and Metohia should be annexed to Albania. There were no requests for the independence of Kosovo and Metohia. Finally, without foreseeing the final attitude toward the policy of CPY in Kosovo and Metohia, it can be said that CPY, making concessions to Albanian nation in Kosovo and Metohia, opened the possibility of rudimentary ways of Kosovo-Metohian area institutionalization (Territorial Committee of CPY for Kosovo and Metohia and Military Committee (1943).

During the period of almost three decades, from 1912 to 1941, in the area of Old Serbia there were four administrative systems changed. In the article, the author deals with the introduction of Serbian administration after liberation, and the problems that have made this process. Before it was ended, the First World War had broken out. During the occupation, 1915-1918, territory of Old Serbia was divided between Austria-Hungary and Bulgaria, and one part was under German government. After the war, the Kingdom of SCS was created and the issue of administrative divisions came into the center of political conflict between the government and the Croatian block. The laws that were governing the issue of administrative division, adopted in 1922 and on 1929, were in the service of state politics, in order to seduce a powerful centralized system and to eliminate the tradition of historical provinces. During the 1930s, there was a large number of projects created, all about reorganization of the federal government. They all watched Old Serbia like a part of future Serbian federal unit. The outbreak of the Second World War prevented the implementation of these ideas. In a country that was saturated with problems of foreign policy and the struggle of the Croatian issue, the area of Old Serbia was neglected although the problems were never solved.

The author tries to explain extremely complex position of Sandžak in the first war year of the Second World War, by the help of a thorough analysis of the most important events and processes shaping the history of this area. The paper is based on the original material of the Archive of Yugoslavia, Military Archive, Archive of Serbia, Archive of the Town of Kraljevo, and Archive of the Town of Novi Pazar, including a chosen scientific literature dealing with the study of the area of Serbia in the Second World War.

Significance of daily life of women in the north of Kosovo and Metohia has been described and analyzed in this paper. Writing of this work was inspired by long-lasting neglection of this topic in academia. Daily life of residents in Kosovo and Metohia - which is considered as (post)conflict part of territory of Serbia, and Albanians together with most developed countries in the world describe it as developing country - is burdened with numerous problems. Basic determinant of life in the north of this province is uncertainty. Living in this context for eleven years, residents of that part of province had fundamentally changed their general and life priorities. We chose women and specifics of daily life because their opinion regarding social events in Kosovo and Metohia is neglected. Through observing we come to a conclusion that currently a reconstruction of once major traditional patriarchal values is taking place. This condition led to changes in importance of many roles and positions of women and men. Women (some for the first time) got chance to step out from their privacy, by entering into working environment. Some of them became economic pillars for their families. Most of them during their free time passively adopts media content served to audience, without putting an effort to enrich their own world. However, changes occur in context of daily contradictory media, political, ideological and financial manipulations that affect all ethnic communities in this province.