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Colonche is a traditional beverage produced in Mexico by the fermentation of fruits of several cacti species. In the Meridional Central Plateau region of Mexico, where this study was conducted, it is mainly produced with fruits of Opuntia streptacantha; there, the producers perform spontaneous fermentation and/or fermentations through inoculums. Several factors can change the microbial community structure and dynamics through the fermentation process, but little attention has been directed to evaluate what type and extent of change the human practices have over the microbial communities. This study aims to assess the microbiota under spontaneous and inoculated fermentation techniques, the microorganisms present in the inoculums and containers, and the changes of microbiota during the process of producing colonche with different techniques. We used next-generation sequencing of the V3-V4 regions of the 16S rRNA gene and the ITS2, to characterize bacterial and fungal diversity associated with the different fermentation techniques. We identified 701 bacterial and 203 fungal amplicon sequence variants (ASVs) belonging to 173 bacterial and 187 fungal genera. The alpha and beta diversity analysis confirmed that both types of fermentation practices displayed differences in richness, diversity, and community structure. Richness of bacteria in spontaneous fermentation (0D = 136 ± 0.433) was higher than in the inoculated samples (0D = 128 ± 0.929), while fungal richness in the inoculated samples (0D = 32 ± 0.539) was higher than in spontaneous samples (0D = 19 ± 0.917). We identified bacterial groups like Lactobacillus, Leuconostoc, Pediococcus and the Saccharomyces yeast shared in ferments managed with different practices; these organisms are commonly related to the quality of the fermentation process. We identified that clay pots, where spontaneous fermentation is carried out, have an outstanding diversity of fungal and bacterial richness involved in fermentation, being valuable reservoirs of microorganisms for future fermentations. The inoculums displayed the lowest richness and diversity of bacterial and fungal communities suggesting unconscious selection on specific microbial consortia. The beta diversity analysis identified an overlap in microbial communities for both types of fermentation practices, which might reflect a shared composition of microorganisms occurring in the Opuntia streptacantha substrate. The variation in the spontaneous bacterial community is consistent with alpha diversity data, while fungal communities showed less differences among treatments, probably due to the high abundance and dominance of Saccharomyces. This information illustrates how traditional management guides selection and may drive changes in the microbial consortia to produce unique fermented beverages through specific fermentation practices. Although further studies are needed to analyze more specifically the advantages of each fermentation type over the quality of the product, our current analysis supports the role of traditional knowledge driving it and the relevance of plans for its conservation.

The tropical South American savannas have been occupied and manipulated by humans since the late Pleistocene. Ecologists consider that soils, hydrology, and seasonal precipitation influence the structure and composition of plants and the fire-proneness of savannas. However, the human influence on these dynamics remains uncertain. This is because little is known about human activities and what influence they have on the diversity of ecosystems. Considering this, our study sought to synthesize the management practices used by small-scale societies of the South American savannas, compile the species that are the focus of direct management, and demonstrate the role of this management in maintaining the diverse ecosystems that make up the savannas. We also set out to test the hypotheses that forms of management differ depending on the ecosystem and cultural matrices. To do so, we conducted a systematic review, in which we collected 51 articles with information about the management carried out by small-scale societies. From this, we categorized 10 management practices directed to ecosystems: protection of the ecosystem, enrichment of species, topographic changes, increased soil fertility, cleaning, prevention of fire, resource promotion, driving of game, swidden-fallow, and maintenance of ecosystem structure. We identified 19 native plant species whose populations are managed in-situ. These management practices have proven capable of keeping savanna and grassland ecosystems open and increasing the occurrence of forest ecosystems in the mosaic, as well as favoring plants of human interest in general. We note that there is a relationship between management practices with ecosystems and cultures, which suggests that both factors influence the management of landscapes. We conclude that management practices of small-scale societies are responsible for domesticating South American tropical savannas and that these savannas are composed of a mosaic of culturally constructed niches. The small-scale societies that inhabit these environments have important traditional ecological knowledge and strategies that enable the use, conservation, and restoration of savannas, extremely threatened by agribusiness today.Systematic Review Registration: [website], identifier [registration number].

In landscapes that support economic and cultural activities, human communities actively manage environments and environmental change at a variety of spatial scales that complicate the effects of continental-scale climate. Here, we demonstrate how hydrological conditions were modified by humans against the backdrop of Holocene climate change in southwestern Amazonia. Paleoecological investigations (phytoliths, charcoal, pollen, diatoms) of two sediment cores extracted from within the same permanent wetland, ∼22 km apart, show a 1,500-y difference in when the intensification of land use and management occurred, including raised field agriculture, fire regime, and agroforestry. Although rising precipitation is well known during the mid to late Holocene, human actions manipulated climate-driven hydrological changes on the landscape, revealing differing histories of human landscape domestication. Environmental factors are unable to account for local differences without the mediation of human communities that transformed the region to its current savanna/forest/wetland mosaic beginning at least 3,500 y ago. Regional environmental variables did not drive the choices made by farmers and fishers, who shaped these local contexts to better manage resource extraction. The savannas we observe today were created in the post-European period, where their fire regime and structural diversity were shaped by cattle ranching. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Aims: The extent and persistence of pre-Columbian human legacies in old-growth Amazonian forests are still controversial, partly because modern societies re-occupied old settlements, challenging the distinction between pre- and post-Columbian legacies. Here, we compared the effects of pre-Columbian vs. recent landscape domestication processes on soils and vegetation in two Amazonian regions. Methods: We studied forest landscapes at varying distances from pre-Columbian and current settlements inside protected areas occupied by traditional and indigenous peoples in the lower Tapajós and the upper-middle Madeira river basins. By conducting 69 free-listing interviews, participatory mappings, guided-tours, 27 forest inventories, and soil analysis, we assessed the influences of pre-Columbian and current activities in soils and plant resources surrounding the settlements. Results: In both regions, we found that pre-Columbian villages were more densely distributed across the landscape than current villages. Soil nutrients (mainly Ca and P) were higher closer to pre-Columbian villages but were generally not related to current villages, suggesting past soil fertilization. Soil charcoal was frequent in all forests, suggesting frequent fire events. The density of domesticated plants used for food increased in phosphorus enriched soils. In contrast, the density of plants used for construction decreased near current villages. Conclusions: We detected a significant effect of past soil fertilization on food resources over extensive areas, supporting the hypothesis that pre-Columbian landscape domestication left persistent marks on Amazonian landscapes. Our results suggest that a combination of pre-Columbian phosphorus fertilization with past and current management drives plant resource availability in old-growth forests. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

ABSTRACT Amazonian peoples use and manage plant populations in previously domesticated landscapes, but the extent of landscape transformation remains uncertain, especially in interfluvial areas. We tested the hypothesis that useful plant communities vary in richness, abundance and basal area around pre-Columbian and current settlements independent of the distance to a major river. Nine plots were established at different distances from settlements in the Humaitá National Forest and the Jiahui Indigenous Land, where trees and palms with DBH ≥ 10 cm were sampled. Interviews were used to identify species, their uses and management practices. We found high values of richness, abundance and basal area of useful species around settlements both close to and 70 km from the major river. Different use categories presented different responses to current management, which shows that management by current and past populations is selective. We showed that areas of intensive management and landscape transformation are not limited to the margins of major rivers, but also occur in interfluvial areas within a radius of 5 km from pre-Columbian and current settlements. Indigenous people and local communities manage forests around their settlements over time, showing that they are key actors in the sustainable use of Amazonia.

For millennia, Amazonian peoples have managed forest resources, modifying the natural environment in subtle and persistent ways. Legacies of past human occupation are striking near archaeological sites, yet we still lack a clear picture of how human management practices resulted in the domestication of Amazonian forests. The general view is that domesticated forests are recognizable by the presence of forest patches dominated by one or a few useful species favored by long-term human activities. Here, we used three complementary approaches to understand the long-term domestication of Amazonian forests. First, we compiled information from the literature about how indigenous and traditional Amazonian peoples manage forest resources to promote useful plant species that are mainly used as food resources. Then, we developed an interdisciplinary conceptual model of how interactions between these management practices across space and time may form domesticated forests. Finally, we collected field data from 30 contemporary villages located on and near archaeological sites, along four major Amazonian rivers, to compare with the management practices synthesized in our conceptual model. We identified eight distinct categories of management practices that contribute to form forest patches of useful plants: (1) removal of non-useful plants, (2) protection of useful plants, (3) attraction of non-human animal dispersers, (4) transportation of useful plants, (5) selection of phenotypes, (6) fire management, (7) planting of useful plants, and (8) soil improvement. Our conceptual model, when ethnographically projected into the past, reveals how the interaction of these multiple management practices interferes with natural ecological processes, resulting in the domestication of Amazonian forest patches dominated by useful species. Our model suggests that management practices became more frequent as human population increased during the Holocene. In the field, we found that useful perennial plants occur in multi-species patches around archaeological sites, and that the dominant species are still managed by local people, suggesting long-term persistence of ancient cultural practices. The management practices we identified have transformed plant species abundance and floristic composition through the creation of diverse forest patches rich in edible perennial plants that enhanced food production and food security in Amazonia.

Home gardens are considered germplasm repositories and places for experimentation, thus they are key sites for the domestication of plants. Domestication is considered a constant process that occurs along a continuum from wild to managed to domesticated populations. Management may lead to the modification of populations and in other cases to their distribution, changing population structure in a landscape. Our objective is focused on the management received in home gardens by perennial species of fruits. For this, the management practices applied to native and exotic perennial fruits species by a group of 20 women in the periurban zone of Iguazú, Argentina, were analyzed. In-depth interviews were conducted, as well as guided tours for the recognition and collection of specimens of species and ethnovarieties. Sixty-six fruit species managed in the home gardens were recorded. The predominant families are Rutaceae, Myrtaceae, and Rosaceae. The fruit species with the highest number of associated management practices are pitanga (Eugenia uniflora) and pindó (Syagrus rommanzoffiana). The 10 species with the highest management intensity are (in decreasing order of intensity) banana (Musa x paradisiaca), palta (Persea americana), pitanga (E. uniflora), mango (Mangifera indica), cocú (Allophylus edulis), mamón (Carica papaya), guayaba (Psidium guajava), limón mandarina (Citrus x taitensis), güembé (Philodendron bipinnatifidum), and mandarina (Citrus reticulata). Among the families with the greatest modifications in their distribution, abundance and presence of ethnovarieties in domestic gardens, are the native Myrtaceae and the exotic Rutaceae. The main management practices involved are cultivation, tolerance, transplant and enhancement in decreasing order. It can be concluded that in Iguazú, fruit species management shows both in plant germplasm as in environment a continuum that through tolerance, transplant and cultivation latu sensu has derived in a mosaic of species in different management situations, which in turn are representative of an anthropogenic landscape in constant domestication and change.

Home gardens are considered germplasm repositories and places for experimentation, thus they are key sites for the domestication of plants. Domestication is considered a constant process that occurs along a continuum from wild to managed to domesticated populations. Management may lead to the modification of populations and in other cases to their distribution, changing population structure in a landscape. Our objective is focused on the management received in home gardens by perennial species of fruits. For this, the management practices applied to native and exotic perennial fruits species by a group of 20 women in the periurban zone of Iguazú, Argentina, were analyzed. In-depth interviews were conducted, as well as guided tours for the recognition and collection of specimens of species and ethnovarieties. Sixty-six fruit species managed in the home gardens were recorded. The predominant families are Rutaceae, Myrtaceae, and Rosaceae. The fruit species with the highest number of associated management practices are pitanga (Eugenia uniflora) and pindó (Syagrus rommanzoffiana). The 10 species with the highest management intensity are (in decreasing order of intensity) banana (Musa x paradisiaca), palta (Persea americana), pitanga (E. uniflora), mango (Mangifera indica), cocú (Allophylus edulis), mamón (Carica papaya), guayaba (Psidium guajava), limón mandarina (Citrus x taitensis), güembé (Philodendron bipinnatifidum), and mandarina (Citrus reticulata). Among the families with the greatest modifications in their distribution, abundance and presence of ethnovarieties in domestic gardens, are the native Myrtaceae and the exotic Rutaceae. The main management practices involved are cultivation, tolerance, transplant and enhancement in decreasing order. It can be concluded that in Iguazú, fruit species management shows both in plant germplasm as in environment a continuum that through tolerance, transplant and cultivation latu sensu has derived in a mosaic of species in different management situations, which in turn are representative of an anthropogenic landscape in constant domestication and change. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The emergence of sedentism and agriculture in Amazonia continues to sit uncomfortably within accounts of South American pre-Columbian history. This is partially because deep-seated models were formulated when only ceramic evidence was known, partly because newer data continue to defy simple explanations, and partially because many discussions continue to ignore evidence of pre-Columbian anthropogenic landscape transformations. This paper presents the results of recent geoarchaeological research on Amazonian anthropogenic soils. It advances the argument that properties of two different types of soils, terras pretas and terras mulatas, support their interpretation as correlates of, respectively, past settlement areas and fields where spatially-intensive, organic amendment-reliant cultivation took place. This assessment identifies anthropogenic soil formation as a hallmark of the Amazonian Formative and prompts questions about when similar forms of enrichment first appear in the Amazon basin. The paper reviews evidence for embryonic anthrosol formation to highlight its significance for understanding the domestication of a key Amazonian crop: manioc (Manihot esculenta ssp. esculenta). A model for manioc domestication that incorporates anthropogenic soils outlines some scenarios which link the distribution of its two broader varieties—sweet and bitter manioc—with the widespread appearance of Amazonian anthropogenic dark earths during the first millennium AD.

Palms are a natural resource that has been abundantly used by Amerindians for centuries. Only a few palm domestications have been reported in the American tropics, where there is great diversity of the Arecaceae family. We report the results of a survey combining ethnobotanical and ecological methods to study the past and present management and distribution of palms by the Asháninka indigenous people from the Tambo river region in the Peruvian Amazon. Our objectives were to document palm-related traditional ecological knowledge, to examine correlation between palm abundance and Asháninka management practices and social exchange of palm resources, and to address the question of how the Asháninka have modified palm diversity and distribution in their territory. We found that most palm species have multiple uses; the most intensively managed were palms that provide thatch, notably Attalea phalerata, Oenocarpus mapora and Phytelephas macrocarpa. Of these, Attalea phalerata was the most commonly cultivated and was found only in cultivated stands. Our results have implications for understanding the domestication of Attalea weberbaueri, which is a landrace within the Attalea phalerata complex. A closer understanding of this process would require morphometric and genetic methods to compare wild and managed populations. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

In this paper we present a myth about the origins of the peach palm (Bactris gasipaes Kunth), recorded during a research project dedicated to landscape domestication and the management of palms by the Asháninka people of Amazonian Peru. This myth is most likely the outcome of cross-fertilization between European Christian and Amerindian traditions during colonial times, but which must have undergone significant changes during the 'indianization process'. The myth provides an excellent starting point for discussing Asháninka relationships with non-humans and the environment and ways of transmitting ethnoecological knowledge, as well as the importance of the sharing of food. It is also relevant in explaining the purposes of peach palm domestication by the Asháninka, as well as their knowledge and participation in the dispersal of the palm. We conclude that peach palm utilization is only one facet of the relationship between the kiri palm and Asháninka people. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of Ciência Florestal (01039954) is the property of Ciencia Florestal and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Bracatinga ( Mimosa scabrella) is a legume tree species common in the early stages of succession in Araucaria angustifolia forests in southern Brazil. Bracatinga can form high-density monospecific stands called bracatingais. Its traditional management for charcoal production involves maintenance of the seed bank. Our objective was to analyze the genetic diversity and structure of bracatingais to understand the mechanisms by which intraspecific diversity of M. scabrella is created and maintained in landscapes managed by family farmers in their agroforestry mosaics. We analyzed 14 bracatingais using 8 allozyme loci. We compared parental and progeny generation indices (7 loci) and described the mating system (9 loci) of two progenies. Overall diversity was high: A = 2.69, H = 0.257, H = 0.382 and similar between populations. Overall fixation ( F = 0.364) was similar to the fixation index ( f = 0.329). The genetic divergence among populations was low (Θ = 0.052) but significant. The progenies' genetic diversity values were similar to those of the previous generation ( H = 0.342 vs. 0.420/ H = 0.432 vs. 0.400). Progenies were compatible with half-sib and full-sib crossing expectations (θ = 0.204 and 0.194). Our data showed that there is a tendency for genetic structuring caused not only by the reproductive system but also by genetic drift. It is very likely that the high genetic diversity is amplified by internal migration within each bracatingal. This study showed that current landscape management can contribute to maintaining high levels of bracatinga genetic diversity, which contributes to its regional conservation. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Abstract: In the Amazon Basin, within a landscape of infertile soils, fertile Anthrosols of pre-Columbian origin occur (Amazonian Dark Earths or terra preta de Índio). These soils are characterized by high amounts of charred organic matter (black carbon, biochar) and high nutrient stocks. Frequently, they were considered as sign for intensive landscape domestication by way of sedentary agriculture and as sign for large settlements in pre-Columbian Amazonia. Beyond the archaeological interest in Amazonian Dark Earths, they increasingly receive attention because it is assumed that they could serve as a model for sustainable agriculture in the humid tropics (terra preta nova). Both questions lack information about the pre-Columbian practices which were responsible for the genesis of Amazonian Dark Earths. It has often been hypothesized that deposition of faeces could have contributed to the high nutrient stocks in these soils, but no study has focussed on this question yet. We analyzed the biomarkers for faeces 5β-stanols as well as their precursors and their 5α-isomers in Amazonian Dark Earths and reference soils to investigate the input of faeces into Amazonian Dark Earths. Using Amazonian Dark Earths as example, we discuss the application of threshold values for specific stanols to evaluate faeces deposition in archaeological soils and demonstrate an alternative approach which is based on a comparison of the concentration patterns of 5β-stanols with the concentration patterns of their precursors and their 5α-isomers as well as with local backgrounds. The concentration patterns of sterols show that faeces were deposited on Amazonian Dark Earths. [Copyright &y& Elsevier]

Copyright of Economic Botany is the property of Springer Nature and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

The emergence of sedentism and agriculture in Amazonia continues to sit uncomfortably within accounts of South American pre-Columbian history. This is partially because deep-seated models were formulated when only ceramic evidence was known, partly because newer data continue to defy simple explanations, and partially because many discussions continue to ignore evidence of pre-Columbian anthropogenic landscape transformations. This paper presents the results of recent geoarchaeological research on Amazonian anthropogenic soils. It advances the argument that properties of two different types of soils, terras pretas and terras mulatas, support their interpretation as correlates of, respectively, past settlement areas and fields where spatially-intensive, organic amendment-reliant cultivation took place. This assessment identifies anthropogenic soil formation as a hallmark of the Amazonian Formative and prompts questions about when similar forms of enrichment first appear in the Amazon basin. The paper reviews evidence for embryonic anthrosol formation to highlight its significance for understanding the domestication of a key Amazonian crop: manioc (Manihot esculenta ssp. esculenta). A model for manioc domestication that incorporates anthropogenic soils outlines some scenarios which link the distribution of its two broader varieties-sweet and bitter manioc-with the widespread appearance of Amazonian anthropogenic dark earths during the first millennium AD. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Palm plants provide important benefits for rural communities around the world. Of the 95 native palm species in Mexico, Brahea dulcis (Soyate palm) has been tagged as an important resource for many Mesoamerican ethnical groups. Scientific and empirical knowledge concerning Soyate is thematically fragmented and disassociated, meaning that sound sustainable management is far from established. Research of over 20 years has permitted us to document ecological, cultural and geographical outcomes of B. dulcis; thus, the present paper aims at compiling all knowledge on Soyate to eventually guide its long-term management. It was conducted in two stages: firstly, it comprised a thorough review of previous studies on the management of B. dulcis in Mexico; secondly, we integrated unpublished outcomes obtained from fieldwork, including participatory ground-truth validation and semi-structured interviews obtained from local ethnic groups. Five factors guided our compilation effort: (i) biological and ecological information, (ii) cultural importance, (iii) economic triggers, (iv) traditional management, and (v) ecological and ecogeographical implications of Soyate palm management. The present paper confirms that B. dulcis is an important cultural resource whose utilization can be traced back over 10,000 years. The leaves of Soyate are the most useful part of the palm and were profusely used in the past for thatching roofs and weaving domestic and agricultural objects. Currently, however, palm-leaf weaving is primarily oriented toward satisfying economic needs. We depicted ten management practices aimed at favoring palm availability. Most of these management practices have enhanced sustainable palm leaf harvesting; however, these practices harbor spatial trends that turn highly diverse habitats into Soyate-dominated spaces. To conclude, we propose a framework to describe sound and sustainable Soyate management in the light of the current long-term Soyate–human relationship. It is here acknowledged that Soyate has played and continues to play a critical socioeconomic and cultural role for many ethnical groups in Central Mexico. Nonetheless, emerging challenges concerning the sustainability of the whole socioecological system at a landscape level are yet to be overcome. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

During the twentieth century, Amazonia was widely regarded as relatively pristine nature, little impacted by human history. This view remains popular despite mounting evidence of substantial human influence over millennial scales across the region. Here, we review the evidence of an anthropogenic Amazonia in response to claims of sparse populations across broad portions of the region. Amazonia was a major centre of crop domestication, with at least 83 native species containing populations domesticated to some degree. Plant domestication occurs in domesticated landscapes, including highly modified Amazonian dark earths (ADEs) associated with large settled populations and that may cover greater than 0.1% of the region. Populations and food production expanded rapidly within land management systems in the mid-Holocene, and complex societies expanded in resource-rich areas creating domesticated landscapes with profound impacts on local and regional ecology. ADE food production projections support estimates of at least eight million people in 1492. By this time, highly diverse regional systems had developed across Amazonia where subsistence resources were created with plant and landscape domestication, including earthworks. This review argues that the Amazonian anthrome was no less socio-culturally diverse or populous than other tropical forested areas of the world prior to European conquest. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]